The first and most obvious thing to be said of the twelvemonth during which the Ship of State has sailed with no Bismarck at the helm, is that the course has been one of novel smoothness. Since the foundation of the Empire Germany has not known such another tranquil2 and comfortable period. Nothing has arisen calculated to make men regret the ex-Chancellor3’s retirement4. Almost every month has contributed some new warrant for the now practically unanimous sense of satisfaction in his being out of office. When astounded5 Germany first grasped the fact of his downfall, even those whose hatred6 of him was most implacable could not dissemble their nervousness lest Germany should be the sufferer in some way by it. He had so persistently7 kept before the mind of the nation that they were surrounded by vindictive8 armed enemies; he had year after year so industriously9 beaten the war drum and predicted the speedy breaking of the storm-clouds if his own way were denied him; he had so accustomed everybody to the idea that he was personally responsible for the continued existence from day to day of the German Empire, the peace of Europe, and almost every other desirable thing, that the mere11 thought of what would happen now he was actually gone dazed and terrified the public mind.
But lo! nothing whatever happened. The world continued its placid12 sweep through space without the sign of an interruption. The spring sun rose in the marshes13 of the Vistula and set behind the fir-clad ridges14 of the Vosges, just the same as ever. When Germany recovered her breath after the shock, it was to discover that respiration15 was an easier matter than it had formerly16 been. It was really a weight which had been lifted from the national breast. The sensation gradually took form as one of great relief, akin10 to that of filling the lungs to their utmost with the cool morning air after a night of confinement17, unrest, and a tainted19 atmosphere. It is too much to say that apprehension20 fled at once; the anxious habit of mind still exists in Germany, and, indeed, must continue to exist so long as France and Russia stand on the map where they do. But a very short space of time served to make clear that Germany was in adroit21 and capable hands, and that the old-time notion of the impossibility of supporting national life without Bismarck had been the most childish of chimeras22. Then little by little the new civility, freedom, and absence of friction23 which began to mark Parliamentary debates and official administration, attracted notice. The spectacle of a Chancellor who actually assumed the patriotism24 and personal honour of his political opponents in the Reichstag, who spoke25 to them like reasonable beings, and who said their views and criticisms would always receive his-respectful consideration, was not lost upon the German brain. People found themselves, before long, actively26 liking27 the new régime.
In reaching this attitude they were greatly helped by Bismarck’s own behaviour, after he retired28 to Friedrichsruh. It does not fall within the purpose of this work to dwell upon the unhappy way in which, during the year, this statesman who was so great has laboured to belittle29 himself in the eyes of the world. Allusion30 to it is made here only to append the note that the Kaiser, under extreme provocation31, has steadfastly32 declined to sanction the slightest movement toward reprisals33. Although Bismarck has permitted himself to affront35 authority much more openly and seriously than Count Harry36 von Arnim ever did, his threats, his revelations, and his incitements to schism37 have all been treated with serene38 indifference39. And so, too, we may pass them by, and push on to greater matters.
On May 6th the new Reichstag was opened by a speech from the throne, almost exclusively reflecting the Emperor’s absorption in schemes of social reform and progress, and the new Chancellor, Caprivi, laid before Parliament a Trades Law Amendment40 Act, as a first attempt at embodying41 these schemes. After a year of deliberation this measure has just been passed, and, unless the Federal Council interposes some wholly unlooked-for obstacles, will come into effect on April 1, 1892. By this law Sunday labour is absolutely forbidden in all industries, save a selected few connected with entertainment and travelling, and the integrity of the great Church festival holidays is also secured. The Federal Council is given the power to supervise and control the maximum hours of labour in such trades as endanger the health of workmen by overwork. Both journeymen and apprentices44 are to be able to bring suit against their employers for wrongful dismissal. Female labour is forbidden at night, and is given at all times a maximum of eleven hours. Careful restrictions45 are also placed upon juvenile46 labour, and after April of 1894 children under the age of thirteen are not to be employed at all in factories. These reforms, which practically embody42 the recommendations of the Labour Conference, do little more than bring Germany abreast47 of England and America. A more extended programme of social reform is promised when the Reichstag meets again next November.
But it is not on specific achievements that the tremendous popularity which William has won for himself during the past year is founded. We are by no means within view of the end of the game, but it is already apparent that his greatest strength lies in the certainty and sureness of touch with which he appeals to the inborn48 German liking for lofty and noble visions of actions. The possibility—probability if you like—that these visions will never get themselves materialized, is not so important as it seems. Socialism in Germany is far more a matter of imagination than of fact. Mr. Baring-Gould quotes an observer of the election phenomena49 of 1878, to show that “decorous people, dressed in an unexceptionable manner, and even to some extent wearing kid-gloves,” went to the polls as Socialists50 then. This has been still more true of later elections. The element of imaginative men who had themselves little or nothing to complain of, but who dreamed of a vague Social Democracy as an idealized refuge from the harsh, dry bureaucracy and brutal51 militarism of Bismarck’s government, played a large and larger part in each successive augmentation of the Socialists’ voting strength. For want of a better word we may say that William is a dreamer too. In place of their amorphous52 Utopia, he throws upon the canvas before the Socialists the splendid fantasy of a beneficent absolutism which shall be also a democracy, in which everybody shall be good to everybody else, and all shall sleep soundly every night, rocked in the consciousness that their Kaiser is looking out for them, to see justice done in every corner, and happiness the law of the land.
It is all fantastic, no doubt, but it is generous and elevated and inspiring. Granted the premises53 of government by dreams, it is a much better dream than any which flames in the weak brains of the miners at Fourmies or in the dwarfed54 skulls55 of the Berlin slums. And the Germany which, under the impulse of a chivalrous56 and ardent57 young leader, finds itself thrilled now by this apocalyptic58 picture of ideals realized, and of government by the best that is in men instead of the worst, is certainly a much pleasanter subject for contemplation than that recent Germany which, under Bismarck, sneered59 at every spiritualizing ambition or thought, and roughly thrust its visionaries into prison or exile.
The chronological60 record of what remained of 1890 is meagre enough. Caprivi’s first quarter in office was rendered brilliant by the bargain which gave Heligoland to Germany, and discussion over this notable piece of fortune was prolonged until the idleness of the summer solstice withdrew men’s minds from politics. William made visits to Scandinavia, first of all, and then to the south shore of England, to Russia, and to Austria. In November the excitement over Dr. Koch’s alleged61 specific for tuberculosis62 was promptly63 reflected by the Emperor’s interest. He gave personal audience to the eminent64 microscopist, saying that he felt it his duty to buy the wonderful invention and confer the benefit of it freely upon not only his own people but the world at large. A fortnight later he bestowed65 upon Dr. Koch the order of the Red Eagle of the first class—a novel innovation upon the rule that there must be regular progression in the inferior degrees of the order.
In the same month William accepted the resignation of Court Chaplain Stoecker, and met Dr. Windhorst in conversation for the first time. The two events are bracketed thus because they have an interesting bearing upon the altered state of the religious question in Germany.
The Kulturkampf had already, as we have seen, dwindled66 greatly under the parliamentary necessities of Bismarck’s last years in power. But there had been no reconciliation67, and the unjust old quarrel still drew a malignant68 gash69 of division through the political and social relations of the German people. Anti-Semitism in the same way lingered on, powerless for much overt70 mischief71, but serving to keep alive the miserable72 race dissensions which have wrought73 such harm in Germany, and lending the apparent sanction of the Court to Berlin’s, social ostracism74 of the Jews. William’s broadening perceptions grasped now the necessity of putting an end to both these survivals of intolerance. The blatant75 Stoecker was given the hint to resign and an enlightened clergyman was installed in his place. At a Parliamentary dinner, given by Caprivi on November 25th, to which, according to the new order of things, the leaders in opposition76 were invited quite as freely as supporters of the Ministry77, the Emperor met Dr. Windhorst, the venerable chief of the Ultramontane party. All present noted78 the exceptional courtesy and attention which William paid to “the Pearl of Meppen,” and construed79 it to signify that the days of anti-Catholic bias80 were dead and gone. This judgment81 has been so far justified82 by events that, when Dr. Windhorst died in the succeeding March, it was said of him that of all his aims he left only the readmission of the Jesuits unaccomplished.
William’s speeches during the year marked a distinct advance in the art of oratory83, and gave fewer evidences of loose and random84 thinking after he rose to his feet than were offered by his earlier harangues85. At the swearing-in of the recruits for the Berlin garrison86, on November 20th, he delivered a curiously87 theological address, saying that though the situation abroad was peaceful enough, the soldiers must bear their share with other honest Germans in combating an internal foe88, who was only to be overcome by the aid of Christianity. No one could be a good soldier without being a good Christian89, and therefore the recruits who took an oath of allegiance to their earthly master, should even more resolve to be true to their heavenly Lord and Saviour90.
Ten days later William made a speech of a notably91 different sort in front of the statue of the Great Elector, the 250th anniversary of whose accession to the throne of Brandenburg fell upon the 1st of December. Reference has heretofore been made to the powerful effect produced upon the young man’s mind by reading the story of this ancestor, in preparation for this speech. There was nothing at all in it about loyalty92 to celestial93 sovereignties, but it bristled95 with fervent96 eulogies97 of the fighting Hohenzollerns, and was filled with military similes98 and phraseology. It contained as well the veiled comparison between Schwarzenberg and Bismarck which has been spoken of elsewhere.
Within the week the Kaiser delivered another speech, much longer than the other, and of vastly closer human interest. It had evidently been thought out with great care, and may unquestionably be described as the most important public deliverance of his reign94. When he ascended99 the throne no one on earth would have hazarded the guess that, at the expiration100 of three years, William’s principal speech would remain one upon the subject of middle education!
The occasion was a special conference convened101 by him to discuss educational reform in Prussia, and the gathering102 included not only the most distinguished103 professors and specialists within the kingdom, but representative men from various other German states. A list of the members would present to the reader the names of half the living Germans who are illustrious in literature and the sciences. The session was opened by the Emperor as presiding officer at Berlin, on December 4th.
It was wholly characteristic of the young man that, having tabled a series of inquiries104 upon the subject, he should start off with a comprehensive and sustained attack upon the whole gymnasium, or higher public school, system of the country. The Conference, having been summoned to examine the possibility of any further improvement upon this system, heard with astonishment105 its imperial chairman open the proceedings106 by roundly assailing107 everything connected with, and typical of, the entire institution.
The importance of the speech can best be grasped by keeping in mind the unique reputation which the Prussian school system has for years enjoyed in the eyes of the world. Its praises have been the burden of whole libraries of books. The amazing succession of victories on the fields of 1870-71 which rendered the Franco-Prussian War so pitifully one-sided a conflict, have been over and over again ascribed to the superior education of the German gymnasia even more than to the needle-gun—and this too by French writers among the rest. The Germans are justifiably108 proud of their wonderful army, but it is probable that a year ago they had an even loftier pride in their schools. The teachers are in themselves an army, and have traditionally exerted an influence, and commanded a measure of public deference109, which the pedagogues110 of other lands know nothing about. It required, therefore, an abnormal degree of moral courage for even an Emperor to stand up in cold blood and make an attack upon the sacred institution of the gymnasium. It is even more remarkable111 that what the young man had to say was so fresh and strong and nervously112 to the point, that it carried conviction to the minds of a great majority of the scholastic113 greybeards who heard it.
He began by saying that the gymnasia (answering roughly to the Latin schools of England and the grammar-schools or academies of America) had in their time done good service, but no longer answered the requirements of the nation or the necessities of the time. They produced crammed114 minds, not virile115 men; wasting on musty Latin and general classical lore116 the time which should be devoted117 to inculcating a knowledge of German language and history—knowledge which was of infinitely118 more value to a German than all the chronicles of an alien antiquity119 combined. Had these schools done anything to combat the follies120 and chimeras of Social Democracy? Alas121! the answer must be something worse than a negative—and tell not alone of an urgent duty left undone122, but of evil wrought on the other side. He himself had sat on the various forms of a gymnasium at Cassel—a very fair sample of that whole class of schools—and he therefore knew all about their ways and methods, and the sooner these were mended the better it would be for every one.
It was undoubtedly123 true, William went on to admit, that in 1864, 1866, and 1870 the Prussian teachers’ work showed to advantage. They had in those past years done a good deal to inculcate, and thus help to fruition, the idea of national unity124—and it was safe to say that during that period every one who completed his gymnasium course went away after the final examination convinced that the German Empire should be reestablished, and crowned by the restoration of Alsace-Lorraine. But with 1871 this practical process of education came abruptly125 to an end, although as a matter of fact there was more than ever a need of teaching young Germans the importance of preserving their Empire and its political system intact. The consequence was that certain malignant forces had grown up and developed to a threatening degree, and for this the schools were clearly to blame.
Since 1870, he proceeded, there had been in German education a veritable reign of the philologists127. They had been sitting there enthroned in the gymnasia, devoting all their attention to stuffing their pupils’ skulls with mere book-learning, without even a thought of striving to form their characters aright, or training them for the real needs and trials of practical life. This evil had gone so far that it could go no farther. He knew that it was the custom to describe him as a fanatical foe to the gymnasium system. This was not true; only he had an open eye for its defects as well as its merits—of which, unfortunately, there seemed a heavy preponderance of the former.
Chief among these defects, to his mind, was a preposterous128 partiality for the classics. He submitted to his hearers, as patriots129 no less than professors, that the basis of this public school education should be German, and the aim kept always in view should be to turn out young Germans, not young Greeks and Romans. There must be an end to this folly130. They must courageously131 break away from the mediaeval and monkish132 habit of mumbling133 over much Latin and some Greek, and take to the German language as the basis of their teaching. This remark applied134 also to history. Thoroughness in German history, both authenticated135 and legendary136, and in its geographical137 and ethnological connections, should be first of all insisted upon. It was only when, they were wholly familiar with the ins and outs of their own house that they could afford the time to moon about in a museum.
“When I was at school at Cassel,” said William, “the Great Elector, for instance, was to me only a nebulous personage. As for the Seven Years’ War, it lay outside my region of study altogether, and for me history ended with the French Revolution at the close of the last century. The Liberation Wars, all-important as they are for the young German, were not even mentioned, and it was only, thank God! by means of supplementary138 and most valuable lectures from my private tutor, Dr. Hinzpeter, whom I rejoice now to see before me, that I got to know anything at all about modern history. How is it that so many of our young Germans are seduced139 from the path of political virtue140? How is it that we have so many muddleheaded would-be world-improvers amongst us?
“How is it that we all the time hear so much nagging141 at our own government and so much praise of every other government under the sun? The answer is very easy. It is due to the simple ignorance of all these professional reformers and renovators as to the genesis of modern Germany. They were not taught, the boys of to-day are not taught, to comprehend at all the transition period between the French Revolution and our own time, by the light of which alone can our present questions be understood!”
“Not only would the gymnasia have to mend their methods,” he continued, both as to matter taught and the method of teaching it, but they must also reduce the time burden under which they now crush their pupils. It was cruel and inhuman142 to compel boys to work so hard at their books that they had no leisure for healthful recreation, and the necessary physical training and development of the body. If he himself, while at Cassel, had not had special opportunities for riding to and fro, and looking about him a little, he would never have got to know at all what the outside world was like. It was this barbarous one-sided and eternal cramming143 which had already made the nation suffer from a plethora144 of learned and so-called educated people, the number of whom was now more than the people themselves could bear, or the Empire either. So true it was what Bismarck had once said about all this “proletariat of pass-men”—this army of what were called hunger candidates, and of journalists who were also for the most part unsuccessful graduates of the gymnasia, was here on their hands, forming a class truly dangerous to society!
The speech contained a great many practical and even technical references to bad ventilation, the curse of near-sightedness, and other details which need no mention here, but which indicated deep interest in, and a very comprehensive grasp of, the entire subject. At the close of the Conference, on December 17th, he made another address, from which we may cull145 a paragraph as a peroration146 to this whole curious imperial deliverance upon education. After an apology for having in his previous remarks neglected any reference to religion—upon which his profound belief that his duty as King was to foster religious sentiments and a Christian spirit was as clearly visible to the German people as the noonday light itself—he struck this true fin18 de siécle note as the key to his attitude on the entire subject:
“We find ourselves now, after marking step so long, upon the order of a general forward movement into the new century. My ancestors, with their fingers upon the pulse of time, have ever kept an alert and intelligent lookout147 upon the promises and threats of the future, and thus have throughout been able to maintain themselves at the head of whatever movement they resolved to embrace and direct. I believe that I have mastered the aims and impulses of this new spirit which thrills the expiring century. As on the question of social reform, so in this grave matter of the teaching of our young, I have decided148 to lead, rather than oppose, the working out of these new and progressive tendencies. The maxim43 of my family, ‘To every one his due,’ has for its true meaning ‘To each what is properly his,’ which is a very different thing from ‘The same to all.’ Thus interpreted the motto governs our position here, and the decisions we have arrived at. Hitherto our course in education has been from Thermopylae, by Cann?, up to Rossbach and Vionville. It is my desire to lead the youth of Germany from the starting-point of Sedan and Gravelotte, by Leuthen and Rossbach, back to Mantinea and Thermopylae, which I hold to be the more excellent way.”
The effect of this pronouncement upon the German public was electrical. For years there had been growing up in the popular mind a notion that something was wrong with the gymnasium, but no one had had the courage to define, much less proclaim, what the real trouble was. Parents had seen their sons condemned149 to thirty hours per week in the gymnasium (involving an even greater study time outside), and vaguely150 marvelled151 that of these thirty hours ten should be given to Latin and six to Greek, whereas mathematics claimed only four, geography and history combined got only three, German and French had but two each, natural science fluctuated between two and one, and English did not appear at all. * But though there was everywhere a nebulous suspicion and dislike of the system, it enjoyed the sacred immunity152 from attack of a fetich. So wonderful a thing was it held to be, in all printed and spoken speech, that people hardly dared harbour their own skeptical153 thoughts about it. But when the young Kaiser bluntly announced his conviction that it was all stupid and vicious and harmful, and pledged himself with boldness to sweep away the classical rubbish and put practical modern education in its place, the parents of Germany, to use Herr von Bunsen’s phrase, were simply enchanted154.
*See the interesting tabular statement in S. Baring-Gould’s
“Germany Past and Present,” p. 181. London, 1881.
During the five months which have elapsed no miracle has been wrought; the character of the gymnasia has not been changed by magic. But it is perfectly155 understood by everybody that the Kaiser intends having his own way, and being as good as his word. Important steps have already been taken to enforce his views upon the system—notably by a change in the Ministry of Instruction.
Dr. Gustav von Gossler had held the portfolio156 for ten years, and was so entrenched157 in the liking of the great body of professors and teachers that he assumed his position to be perfectly secure. When, in the summer of 1889, the young Emperor despatched to him a long memorandum158 on the reforms necessary in the higher schools of Prussia, he received it submissively, even sympathetically, put it in a pigeon-hole, and went on in the same old dry-as-dust classical rut. William said nothing more, but eighteen months later, when he summoned the Educational Conference, he simultaneously159 published the text of the memorandum of the previous year. Even then Gossler seems to have suspected no danger, and made an official speech at the opening of the session full of amiable160 and confident commonplaces. On the following New Year’s Day, however—January 1st, of the present year—a peremptory161 warning came to him in the form of a gift from the palace. It was a handsomely framed photograph of William II, and above the dashing signature were written the significant words, “Sic volo, sic jubeo.” It is not strange that shortly thereafter the retirement of von Gossler was announced.
His successor, Count Zedlitz-Trutschler, although beginning his career in the army, long ago revealed abilities which suggested his being drafted off into civil work. He has sat in the Reichstag as a Free Conservative, has been Governor of Silesia, and is both an excellent speaker and a man of great tact126 and resource. Among the reforms which he has already seen his way to enforce is one by which the students of the gymnasia report the number of hours out of school in which they are compelled to study to keep up with their lessons—these reports serving as a basis for the monthly rearrangement of tasks in such a way as to leave enough time for recreation. The study of German and other modern tongues has also largely displaced the classical curriculum in the three lower classes of the gymnasia. Count Zedlitz is the Minister, moreover, having to deal with ecclesiastical affairs, and his sympathies are all upon the side of toleration and of a good understanding with the Vatican.
On this same New Year’s Day William sent a photograph also to the venerable Postmaster-General, Herr von Stephan, bearing a written legend not less characteristic than the other. It ran thus: “Intercommunication is the sign under which the world stands at the close of the present century. The barriers separating nations are thereby162 overthrown163, and new relations established between them.” Upon the sentiment thus expressed much of great importance to Germany and to Europe depends.
Brief as has been the career of the present German Empire among nations, its history already covers one very remarkable and complete volte face on economic subjects, and the beginnings of what promises to be a second and almost as sweeping164 change. Up to 1876, with Delbrück as President of the Chancellery and Camphausen as Minister of Finance, Germany stood for as liberal a spirit of international trade relations as at least any other nation on the Continent. But in that year Bismarck, by a combination of the various Conservative factions165 which leaned toward high tariffs166, inaugurated a Protectionist policy which forced these Ministers out and ranged the German Empire definitely on the other side of the economic wall. To the end of Bismarck’s rule, Germany steadily168 drifted away from Free Trade and toward the ideals of Russia, Thibet, and the Republican party in the United States. But even before Bismarck’s fall it became apparent that the young Emperor took broader views on this subject than his Chancellor, and during the past year several important steps have been taken toward bringing Germany forward once more into line with modern conceptions of emancipated169 trade. A liberal Treaty of Commerce has been signed with Austro-Hungary—the precursor170, it is believed, of others with countries now committed to stupid and injurious tariff167 wars, while at home no secret is made of the ministerial intention to in time reduce duties on cereals, lumber171, and other necessaries, and generally pursue a tariff reform policy. The Reichstag has during the year passed a bill which, beginning in August of 1892, spreads over five years the extinction172 of the sugar bounties173, another great bulwark174 of the rich protectionist ring. An attack upon the spirit bounties is expected next, while the Upper House of the Prussian Diet has just passed the new Graded Income Tax Bill which is to pave the way to a return from tariff to direct taxation175.
The inspiring source of these reforms is Dr. Miquel, whose rise to imperial favour during the labour crisis has been noted, and who succeeded von Scholz as Minister of Finance in June of 1890. He furnishes still another illustration of the debt which German public life owes to the absorption, two centuries ago, of that leaven176 of Huguenot blood to which reference has heretofore been made—and which has long played in Prussia as disproportionately important a part as the remaining Protestant strain has in the politics of France. Herr Miquel looks like a Frenchman, and his manner, at once polished, genial177, and grave, is that of a statesman reared on the Seine rather than the Vecht.
In one sense he is scarcely a new man, since he sat in the Prussian Parliament before the days of the Empire, and was years ago regarded as dividing with Bennigsen the leadership of the National Liberal party. He is in his sixty-third year, and might long since have been a Minister had he not felt it incompatible178 with his self-respect to take a portfolio under Bismarck’s whimsical and arrogant179 mastership. In this present period of uncertainty180 in German politics, filled as it is with warring rumours181 of impending182 reconciliations183 and hints of even more deeply embittered184 quarrels, prophecy is forbidden, but no one on either side attempts a forecast of the future which does not assign to Miquel a predominant part.
His administrative185 abilities are of a very high order, and he combines with them much breadth of vision and great personal authority. The reliance placed upon him by the Emperor has been a subject of comment, almost from the first meeting of the two men, and German public opinion gives him no rival in influence over the imperial mind. It was at the dinner-table of this Minister last February that William is said to have replied to a long argument by Baron186 Kardorff in favour of bimetallism: “Personally I am a gold man, and for the rest I leave everything to Miquel.”
With the impending retirement of von Maybach, Minister of Public Works and Railways, von Boetticher will be the only remaining Minister of eleven who held portfolios187 when William I died in March, 1888. It seems probable that the present year will outlive even this exception. The change in governmental spirit and methods of which Berlin is more and more conscious, is not wholly a matter of new men. The weight of militarism is being lifted. Generals no longer play the part they did in purely188 civil affairs. Count Waldersee’s retirement from his great post as Chief of the General Staff is popularly ascribed to his having attempted to interfere189 with the amount and distribution of the military budget. Five years ago such an interference would have seemed to everybody the most natural thing in the world. The Emperor, too, grows less fond of obtruding190 the martial191 side of his training and temperament192. From a beginning in which he seemed to think that Germany existed principally for the purpose of supporting an army, he has grown to see the true proportion of things and to give military matters hardly more than their legitimate193 share of his attention. The death of Moltke has removed the last great soldier who could speak authoritatively194 for the army in the Reichstag. In that sense at least he has left no heir.
In the more troubled domain195 of foreign affairs, the year without Bismarck has been marked by fewer visible changes. We are well along into “a year without Crispi,” also, but the Triple Alliance, if less demonstrative in its professions of mutual196 affection and pride than formerly, seems no whit197 diminished in substantial unity. At the moment, peace appears to be as secure as it has been during any year since 1880—which is another way of saying that the weight of force and determination is still on the side of the Triple Alliance.
There has been during the twelvemonth only one sensational198 incident to mar1 the polite, business-like relations which Caprivi maintains with the nations of the earth. The unfortunate incidents attending the visit in February of the Empress Frederic to Paris, are too fresh in the public memory to call for recapitulation here. It seems fair to say that it is not easy to imagine so pacific and sensible an ending to such a stormy episode having been arrived at in the days of Bismarck. The young Kaiser, whom Europe thought of as a firebrand when he ascended the throne, kept his temper, or at least prevented its making a mark upon the policy of his government, in a striking manner. He had just gone out of his way to conciliate French feeling by writing a graceful199 message of condolence upon the death of Meissonier. The foolish insults to his mother, with which this act of courtesy was answered by the Parisian rabble200, failed to provoke any retort in kind. Indeed, when it was represented to him that the increased rigour of passport regulations in Alsace-Lorraine was being construed as a reprisal34, he issued orders to modify this rigour.
With this exhibition of judicious201 restraint, which rises to the full measure of the vast responsibilities and anxious necessities of his position, our chronological record of William’s three-years’ reign may be fittingly brought to a close. The added narrative202 which is held in store for us by the future may be tempestuous203 and discoloured by fire and blood; far better, it may be a gentle story of increasing wisdom, of good deeds done and peace made a natural state instead of an emergency in the minds of men. But whichever betides, we have seen enough to feel that it will be the chronicle of a real man, active, self-centred, eager to achieve and resolute204 to act, of high temper and great ambitions, and who has been given such a chance by the fates to help or hurt his fellow-mortals as perhaps no other young man ever had.
In a concluding chapter some notice may properly be taken of the personal attributes of William, and of his daily walk and talk as a human being as well as a Kaiser.
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chancellor
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retirement
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astounded
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mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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12
placid
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| adj.安静的，平和的 | |
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13
marshes
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| n.沼泽，湿地( marsh的名词复数 ) | |
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14
ridges
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| n.脊( ridge的名词复数 )；山脊；脊状突起；大气层的)高压脊 | |
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15
respiration
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| n.呼吸作用；一次呼吸；植物光合作用 | |
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16
formerly
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| adv.从前，以前 | |
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17
confinement
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| n.幽禁，拘留，监禁；分娩；限制，局限 | |
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18
fin
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| n.鳍；(飞机的)安定翼 | |
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19
tainted
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| adj.腐坏的；污染的；沾污的；感染的v.使变质( taint的过去式和过去分词 )；使污染；败坏；被污染，腐坏，败坏 | |
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20
apprehension
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| n.理解，领悟；逮捕，拘捕；忧虑 | |
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21
adroit
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| adj.熟练的，灵巧的 | |
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22
chimeras
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| n.（由几种动物的各部分构成的）假想的怪兽( chimera的名词复数 )；不可能实现的想法；幻想；妄想 | |
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23
friction
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| n.摩擦，摩擦力 | |
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24
patriotism
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| n.爱国精神，爱国心，爱国主义 | |
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25
spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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26
actively
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| adv.积极地，勤奋地 | |
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27
liking
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| n.爱好；嗜好；喜欢 | |
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28
retired
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| adj.隐退的，退休的，退役的 | |
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29
belittle
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| v.轻视，小看，贬低 | |
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30
allusion
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| n.暗示，间接提示 | |
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31
provocation
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| n.激怒，刺激，挑拨，挑衅的事物，激怒的原因 | |
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32
steadfastly
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| adv.踏实地，不变地；岿然；坚定不渝 | |
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33
reprisals
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| n.报复（行为）( reprisal的名词复数 ) | |
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34
reprisal
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| n.报复，报仇，报复性劫掠 | |
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35
affront
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| n./v.侮辱，触怒 | |
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36
harry
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|
| vt.掠夺，蹂躏，使苦恼 | |
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37
schism
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| n.分派，派系，分裂 | |
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38
serene
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|
| adj. 安详的，宁静的，平静的 | |
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39
indifference
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| n.不感兴趣，不关心，冷淡，不在乎 | |
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40
amendment
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|
| n.改正，修正，改善，修正案 | |
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41
embodying
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| v.表现( embody的现在分词 )；象征；包括；包含 | |
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42
embody
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| vt.具体表达，使具体化；包含，收录 | |
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43
maxim
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| n.格言，箴言 | |
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44
apprentices
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| 学徒，徒弟( apprentice的名词复数 ) | |
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45
restrictions
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|
| 约束( restriction的名词复数 )； 管制； 制约因素； 带限制性的条件（或规则） | |
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46
juvenile
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|
| n.青少年，少年读物；adj.青少年的，幼稚的 | |
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47
abreast
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| adv.并排地；跟上(时代)的步伐，与…并进地 | |
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48
inborn
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| adj.天生的，生来的，先天的 | |
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49
phenomena
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| n.现象 | |
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50
socialists
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| 社会主义者( socialist的名词复数 ) | |
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51
brutal
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|
| adj.残忍的，野蛮的，不讲理的 | |
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52
amorphous
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| adj.无定形的 | |
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53
premises
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| n.建筑物，房屋 | |
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54
dwarfed
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|
| vt.（使）显得矮小（dwarf的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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55
skulls
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| 颅骨( skull的名词复数 )； 脑袋； 脑子； 脑瓜 | |
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56
chivalrous
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|
| adj.武士精神的；对女人彬彬有礼的 | |
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57
ardent
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| adj.热情的，热烈的，强烈的，烈性的 | |
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58
apocalyptic
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| adj.预示灾祸的，启示的 | |
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59
sneered
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| 讥笑，冷笑( sneer的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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60
chronological
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|
| adj.按年月顺序排列的，年代学的 | |
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61
alleged
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| a.被指控的，嫌疑的 | |
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62
tuberculosis
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|
| n.结核病，肺结核 | |
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63
promptly
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| adv.及时地，敏捷地 | |
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64
eminent
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|
| adj.显赫的，杰出的，有名的，优良的 | |
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65
bestowed
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| 赠给，授予( bestow的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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66
dwindled
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|
| v.逐渐变少或变小( dwindle的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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67
reconciliation
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|
| n.和解，和谐，一致 | |
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68
malignant
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|
| adj.恶性的，致命的；恶意的，恶毒的 | |
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69
gash
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| v.深切，划开；n.(深长的)切(伤)口；裂缝 | |
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70
overt
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| adj.公开的，明显的，公然的 | |
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71
mischief
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|
| n.损害，伤害，危害；恶作剧，捣蛋，胡闹 | |
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72
miserable
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|
| adj.悲惨的，痛苦的；可怜的，糟糕的 | |
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73
wrought
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| v.引起；以…原料制作；运转；adj.制造的 | |
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74
ostracism
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| n.放逐；排斥 | |
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75
blatant
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|
| adj.厚颜无耻的；显眼的；炫耀的 | |
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76
opposition
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|
| n.反对，敌对 | |
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77
ministry
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| n.(政府的)部；牧师 | |
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78
noted
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|
| adj.著名的，知名的 | |
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79
construed
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|
| v.解释（陈述、行为等）( construe的过去式和过去分词 )；翻译，作句法分析 | |
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80
bias
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|
| n.偏见，偏心，偏袒；vt.使有偏见 | |
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81
judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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82
justified
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| a.正当的，有理的 | |
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83
oratory
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|
| n.演讲术；词藻华丽的言辞 | |
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84
random
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|
| adj.随机的；任意的；n.偶然的(或随便的)行动 | |
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85
harangues
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|
| n.高谈阔论的长篇演讲( harangue的名词复数 )v.高谈阔论( harangue的第三人称单数 ) | |
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86
garrison
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| n.卫戍部队；驻地，卫戍区；vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
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87
curiously
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|
| adv.有求知欲地；好问地；奇特地 | |
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88
foe
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|
| n.敌人，仇敌 | |
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89
Christian
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|
| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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90
saviour
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|
| n.拯救者，救星 | |
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91
notably
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|
| adv.值得注意地，显著地，尤其地，特别地 | |
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92
loyalty
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|
| n.忠诚，忠心 | |
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93
celestial
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|
| adj.天体的；天上的 | |
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94
reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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95
bristled
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|
| adj. 直立的，多刺毛的 动词bristle的过去式和过去分词 | |
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96
fervent
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|
| adj.热的，热烈的，热情的 | |
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97
eulogies
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| n.颂词，颂文( eulogy的名词复数 ) | |
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98
similes
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| （使用like或as等词语的）明喻( simile的名词复数 ) | |
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99
ascended
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| v.上升，攀登( ascend的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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100
expiration
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| n.终结，期满，呼气，呼出物 | |
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101
convened
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|
| 召开( convene的过去式 )； 召集； （为正式会议而）聚集； 集合 | |
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102
gathering
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| n.集会，聚会，聚集 | |
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103
distinguished
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|
| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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104
inquiries
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| n.调查( inquiry的名词复数 )；疑问；探究；打听 | |
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105
astonishment
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| n.惊奇，惊异 | |
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106
proceedings
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| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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107
assailing
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| v.攻击( assail的现在分词 )；困扰；质问；毅然应对 | |
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108
justifiably
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| adv.无可非议地 | |
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109
deference
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| n.尊重，顺从；敬意 | |
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110
pedagogues
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| n.教师，卖弄学问的教师( pedagogue的名词复数 ) | |
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111
remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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112
nervously
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| adv.神情激动地，不安地 | |
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113
scholastic
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| adj.学校的，学院的，学术上的 | |
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114
crammed
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|
| adj.塞满的，挤满的；大口地吃；快速贪婪地吃v.把…塞满；填入；临时抱佛脚( cram的过去式) | |
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115
virile
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| adj.男性的；有男性生殖力的；有男子气概的；强有力的 | |
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116
lore
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| n.传说；学问，经验，知识 | |
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117
devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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118
infinitely
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| adv.无限地，无穷地 | |
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119
antiquity
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| n.古老；高龄；古物，古迹 | |
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120
follies
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| 罪恶，时事讽刺剧； 愚蠢，蠢笨，愚蠢的行为、思想或做法( folly的名词复数 ) | |
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121
alas
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| int.唉(表示悲伤、忧愁、恐惧等) | |
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122
undone
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| a.未做完的，未完成的 | |
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123
undoubtedly
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| adv.确实地，无疑地 | |
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124
unity
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| n.团结，联合，统一；和睦，协调 | |
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125
abruptly
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| adv.突然地，出其不意地 | |
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126
tact
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| n.机敏，圆滑，得体 | |
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127
philologists
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| n.语文学( philology的名词复数 ) | |
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128
preposterous
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| adj.荒谬的，可笑的 | |
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129
patriots
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| 爱国者，爱国主义者( patriot的名词复数 ) | |
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130
folly
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| n.愚笨，愚蠢，蠢事，蠢行，傻话 | |
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131
courageously
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| ad.勇敢地，无畏地 | |
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132
monkish
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| adj.僧侣的，修道士的，禁欲的 | |
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133
mumbling
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| 含糊地说某事，叽咕，咕哝( mumble的现在分词 ) | |
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134
applied
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| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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135
authenticated
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| v.证明是真实的、可靠的或有效的( authenticate的过去式和过去分词 )；鉴定，使生效 | |
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136
legendary
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|
| adj.传奇（中）的，闻名遐迩的；n.传奇（文学） | |
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137
geographical
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|
| adj.地理的；地区(性)的 | |
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138
supplementary
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| adj.补充的，附加的 | |
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139
seduced
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| 诱奸( seduce的过去式和过去分词 )； 勾引； 诱使堕落； 使入迷 | |
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140
virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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141
nagging
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| adj.唠叨的，挑剔的；使人不得安宁的v.不断地挑剔或批评（某人）( nag的现在分词 )；不断地烦扰或伤害（某人）；无休止地抱怨；不断指责 | |
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142
inhuman
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| adj.残忍的，不人道的，无人性的 | |
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143
cramming
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| n.塞满，填鸭式的用功v.塞入( cram的现在分词 )；填塞；塞满；（为考试而）死记硬背功课 | |
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144
plethora
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| n.过量，过剩 | |
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cull
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| v.拣选；剔除；n.拣出的东西；剔除 | |
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peroration
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| n.（演说等之）结论 | |
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147
lookout
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| n.注意，前途，瞭望台 | |
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decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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condemned
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| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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150
vaguely
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| adv.含糊地，暖昧地 | |
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151
marvelled
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| v.惊奇，对…感到惊奇( marvel的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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152
immunity
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| n.优惠；免除；豁免，豁免权 | |
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153
skeptical
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| adj.怀疑的，多疑的 | |
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154
enchanted
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| adj. 被施魔法的，陶醉的，入迷的 动词enchant的过去式和过去分词 | |
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155
perfectly
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| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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156
portfolio
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| n.公事包；文件夹；大臣及部长职位 | |
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157
entrenched
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| adj.确立的，不容易改的(风俗习惯) | |
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158
memorandum
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| n.备忘录，便笺 | |
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simultaneously
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| adv.同时发生地，同时进行地 | |
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amiable
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| adj.和蔼可亲的，友善的，亲切的 | |
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peremptory
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| adj.紧急的，专横的，断然的 | |
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thereby
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| adv.因此，从而 | |
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overthrown
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| adj. 打翻的，推倒的，倾覆的 动词overthrow的过去分词 | |
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sweeping
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| adj.范围广大的，一扫无遗的 | |
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factions
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| 组织中的小派别，派系( faction的名词复数 ) | |
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tariffs
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| 关税制度； 关税( tariff的名词复数 )； 关税表； （旅馆或饭店等的）收费表； 量刑标准 | |
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167
tariff
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| n.关税，税率；(旅馆、饭店等)价目表，收费表 | |
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steadily
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| adv.稳定地；不变地；持续地 | |
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emancipated
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| adj.被解放的，不受约束的v.解放某人（尤指摆脱政治、法律或社会的束缚）( emancipate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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170
precursor
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| n.先驱者；前辈；前任；预兆；先兆 | |
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171
lumber
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| n.木材，木料；v.以破旧东西堆满；伐木；笨重移动 | |
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172
extinction
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| n.熄灭，消亡，消灭，灭绝，绝种 | |
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bounties
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| （由政府提供的）奖金( bounty的名词复数 )； 赏金； 慷慨； 大方 | |
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174
bulwark
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| n.堡垒，保障，防御 | |
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175
taxation
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| n.征税，税收，税金 | |
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176
leaven
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| v.使发酵；n.酵母；影响 | |
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genial
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| adj.亲切的，和蔼的，愉快的，脾气好的 | |
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incompatible
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| adj.不相容的，不协调的，不相配的 | |
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arrogant
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| adj.傲慢的，自大的 | |
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180
uncertainty
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| n.易变，靠不住，不确知，不确定的事物 | |
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181
rumours
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| n.传闻( rumour的名词复数 )；风闻；谣言；谣传 | |
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182
impending
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| a.imminent, about to come or happen | |
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183
reconciliations
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| 和解( reconciliation的名词复数 )； 一致； 勉强接受； （争吵等的）止息 | |
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184
embittered
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| v.使怨恨，激怒( embitter的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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185
administrative
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| adj.行政的，管理的 | |
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186
baron
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| n.男爵；(商业界等)巨头，大王 | |
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187
portfolios
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| n.投资组合( portfolio的名词复数 )；（保险）业务量；（公司或机构提供的）系列产品；纸夹 | |
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188
purely
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| adv.纯粹地，完全地 | |
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189
interfere
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| v.(in)干涉，干预；(with)妨碍，打扰 | |
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190
obtruding
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| v.强行向前，强行，强迫( obtrude的现在分词 ) | |
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191
martial
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| adj.战争的，军事的，尚武的，威武的 | |
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192
temperament
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| n.气质，性格，性情 | |
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193
legitimate
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| adj.合法的，合理的，合乎逻辑的；v.使合法 | |
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194
authoritatively
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| 命令式地，有权威地，可信地 | |
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195
domain
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| n.(活动等)领域，范围；领地，势力范围 | |
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196
mutual
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| adj.相互的，彼此的；共同的，共有的 | |
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197
whit
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| n.一点，丝毫 | |
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198
sensational
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| adj.使人感动的，非常好的，轰动的，耸人听闻的 | |
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199
graceful
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| adj.优美的，优雅的；得体的 | |
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200
rabble
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| n.乌合之众，暴民；下等人 | |
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201
judicious
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| adj.明智的，明断的，能作出明智决定的 | |
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202
narrative
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| n.叙述，故事；adj.叙事的，故事体的 | |
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203
tempestuous
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| adj.狂暴的 | |
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204
resolute
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| adj.坚决的，果敢的 | |
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