AT the outbreak of hostilities5 in the Balkan Peninsula we had it from the lips of a king that this is a crusade, a holy war, a war against the Pagan intruder into Europe, which must end in his subjection and eviction6 from our Christian1 continent.
Such sentiments from a monarch7 who, brought up in one Christian dogma, has chosen another variant8 of our Faith for his children, can have no other effect than to raise the present war to a much higher level than the wars of former days, which were waged unblushingly to gain some national advantage, to acquire territory, or even merely to flatter national vanity. No, this is a very different war, and informed of the same spirit, so we are told, which moved the Crusaders in their thousands down the Danube to the Holy Land. Those pious9 warriors10 passed through Constantinople, honoured the place with a lengthy12 stay, and, I regret to say, were not sufficiently13 appreciated by the Eastern Emperors and their people. The same spirit, called forth14 by Johann Capistran, led noble Hungarians, the chivalry15 of Servia, and hosts of Bulgarians to meet the Crescent on the Amselfeld at Kossovo, and{79} Eastern Europe went under in a sea of blood. Now this latest crusade is drawing to a close, and the rejuvenated16 nations of the Balkans have in their turn humbled17 the Crescent and brought the Cross back to before the walls of Constantinople. What matter that there are numbers of Christians in the ranks of the Ottoman Army? The war is a crusade—we have it on the best authority.
Those Christians in the ranks of the Ottoman Army have also suffered for their faith, for invidious Moslems have been inclined to attribute the disaster which overtook the Sultan’s Army to the fact that he had been induced to make soldiers of them, whereas, as every true follower19 of the Prophet knows, Islam is the only creed for a warrior11. Again and again those Christian soldiers of the Sultan have been accused of cowardice20, of deserting to the enemy in great numbers; no ingenious calumny21 has been spared to prove that they gave the reason for the debacle, and that but for their presence the Crescent would be gleaming over Sofia again, and again facing Austria-Hungary across Danube and Save. As a matter of fact, reliable informants have told me, the Christian soldiers of the Sultan did uncommonly22 well, and were even from time to time deserted23 by their Moslem18 comrades. If religious matters had to do with the defeats sustained by the Turkish Army, it is more probably the case that pious Moslems felt the authority of the Sultan, the head of their faith, undermined by recent changes, by the admission of non-believers into offices of state, and this led to a despondency which from time to time broke out in panic. One night, it was told me, a Turkish soldier awoke from a nightmare and fled, crying, “The Bulgars are on us!” though there were none in the immediate24 neighbourhood. The men of his section took alarm and followed him; the company followed—the battalion—brigade, till the whole division{80} was running away in nameless terror before a purely25 imaginary enemy.
Religion has ever played a leading part in the history of Constantinople, may even be said to have been responsible for its existence, for Byzas, in carrying out the Oracle’s dark instructions, merely followed his religious instincts. Of Constantine the Great it is not necessary to say much; the beautiful story of his conversion26 to Christianity is one of the earliest of such apocryphal27 addenda28 to the story of the Church of Christ as taught us in our infancy29.
The Aqueduct of Valens Valens the Emperor was killed in battle by the Goths at Adrianople. His aqueduct stands out strangely among wooden houses, connecting the seven hills on which stands Stamboul.
The Aqueduct of Valens
Valens the Emperor was killed in battle by the Goths at Adrianople. His aqueduct stands out strangely among wooden houses, connecting the seven hills on which stands Stamboul.
Constantine was the first Augustus to be baptized, and he was followed by Valens, who, as far as is known, worshipped the fast-fading deities30 of ancient Rome. We shall meet Valens again at Adrianople—there are few traces left of him here in Constantinople, only the aqueduct he built. It stands out strangely among wooden houses, connecting the seven hills on which stands Stamboul. Valens was followed by another great Emperor, Theodosius I. Theodosius, though born of Christian parents, did not embrace Christianity until towards the end of the first year of his reign31, when a severe illness carried conviction to the Imperial mind. Before he took the field against the Goths, Acholius, Bishop32 of Thessalonica, baptized him, and so Theodosius became a Christian—a stout33, full-blooded one at that. Once convinced of the beauty of the faith, and sure of the unfailing aid the Church afforded, Theodosius acted as a soldier and a convert would. He had found the sure haven34 of his soul, and all his people must also be led into the right way. There was no room for “saucy doubts and fears” in the breast of Emperor Theodosius. On ascending35 from the font he issued an edict to his people which is worth giving word for word: “It is our pleasure that all the nations which are governed{82}{81} by our clemency36 and moderation should steadfastly37 adhere to the religion which was taught by St. Peter to the Romans, which faithful tradition has preserved, and which is now professed38 by the Pontiff of Damascus, and by Peter, Bishop of Alexandria, a man of apostolic holiness. According to the discipline of the Apostles and the doctrine39 of the Gospel, let us believe the sole Deity40 of the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost, under an equal Majesty41 and a pious Trinity. We authorize42 the followers43 of this doctrine to assume the title of Catholic Christians, and as we judge that all others are extravagant44 madmen, we brand them with the infamous45 name of heretics, and declare that their conventicles shall no longer usurp46 the respectable appellation47 of churches. Besides the condemnation48 of Divine Justice, they must expect to suffer the severe penalties which our authority, guided by heavenly wisdom, shall think proper to inflict49 upon them.” So we find little encouragement in Constantinople of those days of any kind of nonconformity, or any doxy save that of the Emperor himself.
Nevertheless, in matters of religion, Constantinople may be said to have done more than any other centre of national life. For forty years, from 340-380, this was the centre of Arianism, and was also open to all manner of strange doctrines50, coming from every province of the Empire, and this worried Theodosius very much. The polemics51 that raged round the name and nature of Holy Trinity exasperated52 the soldier Theodosius, so he determined53 to settle the matter once and for all. He convened54 a synod of one hundred and fifty bishops55 to complete the theological system established in the Council of Nic?a. The council managed, wisely, to arrive at a conclusion satisfactory to the Emperor, so at least his mind was set at rest on a vexed56 question.{84}
Peace was not, for with a people like the Greeks and others who lived in Constantinople, fond of all manner of disputations, any idea of uniformity was hopeless; nevertheless there were endless councils, conferences, synods, which probably only served to aggravate57 the many controversies58. Out of the chaos59 of ideas and ideals one form or another would rise and stand out above his fellows; of these, perhaps, no one is better known than John, called by the people “Golden Mouth,” Chrysostom. He came from Antioch with a great reputation as a preacher, and that under somewhat unusual circumstances. Eutropius, Prime Minister of Arcadius, the young Emperor, had heard and admired the sermons of John Chrysostom when on a journey in the East. Fearful lest the flock at Antioch might be unwilling60 to resign their favourite preacher, the minister sent a private order to the Governor of Syria, and the divine was transported with great speed and secrecy61 to Constantinople.
The new Archbishop made his influence felt at once, and his teachings gave rise to several factions62, some in his favour, others against him, all delighted at new food for controversy63. Chrysostom was hot-tempered, which led him to express disapproval64 of wrong-doing in unmeasured terms, unsociable, in consequence of which he lost touch with his surroundings. So it came about that he was surprised by an ecclesiastical conspiracy65. Theophilus, Archbishop of Alexandria, had arrived by invitation of the Empress Eudoxia, and had brought with him a number of independent bishops sufficient to secure him a majority in the synod. Theophilus had taken the further precaution of bringing with him a strong escort of Egyptian sailors to keep the refractory66 populace in order. The synod brought various charges against Chrysostom, who declined to attend the meeting, and was therefore condemned{85} in default for contumacious67 disobedience and sentenced to be deposed68 by this august body. Chrysostom was hurriedly conveyed into exile at the entrance of the Black Sea, but was recalled before many days had passed, for his faithful flock had risen, slain69 without mercy the crowd of monks70 and Egyptian mariners71 in the streets of the City, roared and rioted round the palace gates in waves of sedition72, that Chrysostom had to be recalled to restore order. He returned in triumph; but he was no courtier, and his zeal73 outran discretion74, so the Empress had him banished75 again, this time to Mount Taurus, and then further away to the desert of Pityas, but he died on his way thither76 in his sixtieth year. Thirty years later, in 438, Theodosius II went over to Chalcedon to meet the remains77 of John Chrysostom, which were being brought from the first obscure burial-place to Constantinople. Falling prostrate78 on the coffin79, the Emperor implored80 forgiveness for his guilty parents, Arcadius and Eudoxia.
Of the many sects81 thrown up by religious controversy few have survived to this day, but of these one is remarkable82 in many ways—the Armenian Church. The Armenians are an Indo-European people, living in Great and Little Armenia, an elevated plateau, from which the principal mountains, rivers, and valleys of Western Asia diverge83, a plateau some 7000 feet above the sea in places, and rising to its greatest height of 17,260 feet in Mount Ararat, now in Russian territory.
No doubt it is a great satisfaction to the Armenians to have that holy mountain in their native land, though I do not think that undue84 pride over this interesting feature has kept them apart from others of the Christian faith. They took to it very readily during the reign of Constantius, and during the years when the Eastern Empire was still mighty85 in Asia maintained their connection with the See{86} at Constantinople. But their country was peculiarly liable to be swamped by alien races, and constant disorders87 during the many centuries when the Eastern Empire was falling to pieces alienated88 them from the original fold. Again, their clergy89 were generally ignorant of the Greek tongue, so they ceased attending synods, and thus widened the rift90, so that, as they did not attend the Council of Chalcedon, they came to be considered as schismatics, and have long had a Patriarch in Constantinople, who watches over the interests of his flock. His is a very difficult position, for ever since there has been an Armenian problem no other means of solving it has ever suggested itself to the Porte than that of wholesale92 massacre—there is an Armenian problem, therefore kill the Armenians; simple, thoroughly93 Oriental, and not to the taste of Europe, whose protests, however, have never been as loud over Armenian outrages94 as when some national trade interest is affected95. Nevertheless Armenians have stayed on as useful citizens and subjects of Sultans who showed to them less consideration than to any others of the numerous races which live under the Porte’s peculiar86 jurisdiction96; they are advancing in wealth, education, and political importance, and are likely to play an important part in the future of Asia Minor97. It is said that the Armenians might have made common cause with the Greeks, and thus assisted towards the deliverance from Turkish yoke98 which seems to have been brought at last by the arms of the twentieth-century crusaders, who swarmed99 over the passes of the Balkans and down the Valley of the Maritza only a month or so ago. The Armenians, instead of accomplishing unity100 by means of their synod, seem to have frittered away their strength in small committees, probably discussing side issues with great earnestness and leaving great questions unsolved, as{88}{87} is frequently the case in the deliberations of such bodies.
On the way to the Phanar A picturesque101 street thronged102 with the usual crowd of leisurely103 wayfarers104.
On the way to the Phanar
A picturesque street thronged with the usual crowd of leisurely wayfarers.
Ever since the earliest days of Christianity Constantinople has been the seat of a Father of the Church. His importance increased as the Empire flourished, and he soon was styled Patriarch, a title which has never been relinquished105, an office which has never been in abeyance106 but for those few days between the triumphal entry of Mohammed the Conqueror107 and the Patriarch’s reinstatement by that monarch.
The buildings which serve as head-quarters for the Patriarch of Greek Orthodoxy in Constantinople stand overlooking the upper reaches of the Golden Horn at the Phanar, and have no great beauty to distinguish them from their surroundings. The cathedral church is small, and the only thing which impressed me in it is the cathedra itself. Not long ago I had the honour of being presented to His Holiness the late Patriarch. A friend and I made our way to the Phanar, through picturesque streets, thronged with the usual crowd of leisurely wayfarers; vines festooned from one side to the other, and in places affording shade from the searching rays of the sun, but at the same time condensing the mingled109, varied110 odours inseparable from life in the East, and which, no doubt, contribute to its indefinable charm. The Phanar is a quarter formerly111 occupied by those Greeks whose duties brought them in closer contact with the Imperial Court of Byzant; they lived in stone houses that clustered round the Phanar, the lighthouse, at the foot of the heights, where stood palaces of princes, churches, and barracks of the Imperial Guards, and whence the walls defending the City from attack by land draw their rugged112 lines down to the Golden Horn. We were shown into a long room, hung round with indifferent portraits of former Patriarchs,{90} and introduced by one of the most prominent lay members of the Holy Synod, a gentleman to whom, I fancy, the Greeks of Turkey in Europe owe a debt of gratitude113. His Holiness received us most graciously, conversed114 amiably115 on many questions, and all went very well till he had a look at the sketch116 I had taken of him. “As it has not succeeded I will give you a photograph of myself,” said His Holiness, and I am the proud possessor of a signed photograph of this the latest successor of a long line of ecclesiastical potentates117. Nevertheless, I consider my sketch a good likeness118, and my opinion is not based on conceit119 alone, but is endorsed120 by others qualified121 to judge.
His Holiness Joachim III Patriarch of the Orthodox Church at Constantinople.
His Holiness Joachim III
Patriarch of the Orthodox Church at Constantinople.
It is sad to reflect that Christianity, even from the earliest days, has strayed so far from the leading precept122 of its Founder123. The Church in all ages, among all nations, proclaimed Him “Prince of Peace,” then incited124 her followers to take up arms in defence of dogma, ritual, never dreamt of by the Christ. The different peoples which were enabled to divide into groups in accord with racial ambition were used as tools by prelates of the East and West to add to their own importance, to enhance their own prestige. The West drew to it strong Germanic races who, sword in hand, helped to gather the broken remnants of the Latin races into the fold of the Western See; these subtler Latin races, never quite freed from the worship of their forebears, never entirely125 abandoning the worship of the gods of old, of Isis and Osiris, gained for a space ascendancy126 over the simpler, purer Teutons, and made the power of the Roman Pontiff possible. Revolts there were many, when the strong, persistent127 Germanic intellect developed, and tried to free itself from spiritual thraldom128. Until the days of Luther, such stirrings were countered by a short shrift and a blazing pyre for the offender129.{91} Luther’s theses, nailed to the door of Wittenberg Cathedral, marked the straining of the cords that bound northern races to the Southern See, and led nations to give rein108 to their ambitions, striving to attain130 them throughout a war of thirty years. Even then the fight was indecisive, and the “Kultur Kampf,” against which Bismarck, the Iron Chancellor131, battled with but qualified success, occupies the mind and tends to check the spiritual development of modern Germany.
The people of the Eastern Empire centred in Constantinople in those days, far beyond the intellectual limitations of the West, could not be expected to submit to the spiritual authority of a Roman Pontiff, especially as the Roman Empire of the West had gone under before its barbarian132 foes133, whereas the Roman Empire of the East yet held sway over many distant provinces conquered by Roman arms. The Eastern and the Western world were seldom in complete accord; the bonds that united them in earliest days were frail134, and could only be made to hold when in the hands of a strong man like Constantine the Great. The Western Empire’s fall enhanced the greatness of the Eastern Empire, and thus was paved the way to separation in matters of religion. The intellectual pride of the Greeks would not submit to any dictation on the subject of Christian doctrine from the West, and Roman ambition would not allow outlying communities to formulate135 new doctrines nor to revise old ones. It needed a small pretext136 to bring about schism91, and that pretext was not long wanting. About the middle of the ninth century Photius, a layman137, Captain of the Guards, was promoted by merit and favour to the office of Patriarch of Constantinople. In ecclesiastical knowledge and purity of morals he was equally well qualified for this high office. But Ignatius, his predecessor138, who had abdicated139, still had{92} many supporters, and these appealed to Pope Nicholas I, one of the proudest, most ambitious of the Roman Pontiffs, who welcomed an opportunity of judging and condemning140 his rival of the East. But the Greeks resented the interference, and after many intrigues141 Photius emerged triumphant142, and reconciliation143 between the two Churches was made more difficult than ever. After about two centuries of unseemly wrangling144 and bitter recriminations, Papal legates came to Constantinople in 1054 and laid a bull of excommunication against the Patriarch upon the altar of St. Sophia.
It will be readily understood that the Crusades, organized under the auspices145 of the Church of Rome, were not looked upon with favour by the Eastern Emperors and Patriarchs who, however much they bickered146 between themselves, showed a united front to outsiders. It is therefore not surprising that the Eastern Empire lent but half-hearted support to the crusading Western nations, and that, when that Empire was in turn threatened from the East, its appeals to Western Christianity fell on deaf ears. This made the path of Osmanli conquerors147 all the smoother. To-day we are faced with a new crusade, Eastern Christians, members of the Orthodox Church, carrying the Cross against the Crescent. They have met with hardly any but that somewhat overrated “moral” support from Western Christians. Montenegrins came down from their Black Mountains, all available fighting men of a population of some 250,000, and fiercely fought for an ideal. Servia, out of a population of about 3,000,000, sent an army as strong and as well-found as the much-vaunted expeditionary force of Great Britain over the mountain-passes into Macedonia. Meeting with stubborn resistance, suffering checks, they pressed on, and now hold lands which once formed part of Servia when, for a{93} short time, it was a great Empire, and had its capital at üsküb, which King Peter’s army entered in triumph some short time ago. Then the Hellenes, under the Crown Prince Constantinos, name borne by several Greek Emperors, came up from the south, and smarting under the memory of former reverses, fought their way over the mountains into Macedonia, and have occupied Saloniki. Here, again, is a small nation of barely 3,000,000 sending an army of near 100,000 into the field. Then from the north, in irresistible148 force, came the hosts of Ferdinand, Tsar of all the Bulgarians. His forces were reckoned at 300,000 when they crossed over the border, and this number was taken from an industrious149, thriving population of little more than 4,000,000 souls. Numbers as yet untold150 have fallen in battle, others have succumbed151 to disease and the hardships of war, but what remains are loudly clamouring for admission to Tsarigrad, the Castle of C?sar, where all these sons of the Greek Orthodoxy, though of different nations, hope to reunite in worship at Santa Sophia.
And while these deeds have been doing, Eastern and Western Christianity have been gazing unfriendly at each other. A great Power which adheres to the Church of Rome is looking with disfavour upon the successes gained by these young nations, and diplomacy152, which has hitherto failed woefully in its endeavours to maintain peace, is now put to it to prevent another appeal to the arbitrament of arms, and this time of a nature that will make the present war seem but an advanced-guard action. In the meanwhile, with this danger threatening, the part played by Turkey in Europe seems almost incidental only, albeit153 this great Power is passing from Europe to its native Asia, shorn by a sudden, violent storm of all its old possessions but that narrow corner, fenced off from the onslaught by the lines of Chatalja.
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1 Christian | |
adj.基督教徒的;n.基督教徒 | |
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2 Christians | |
n.基督教徒( Christian的名词复数 ) | |
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3 creed | |
n.信条;信念,纲领 | |
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4 piety | |
n.虔诚,虔敬 | |
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5 hostilities | |
n.战争;敌意(hostility的复数);敌对状态;战事 | |
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6 eviction | |
n.租地等的收回 | |
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7 monarch | |
n.帝王,君主,最高统治者 | |
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8 variant | |
adj.不同的,变异的;n.变体,异体 | |
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9 pious | |
adj.虔诚的;道貌岸然的 | |
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10 warriors | |
武士,勇士,战士( warrior的名词复数 ) | |
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11 warrior | |
n.勇士,武士,斗士 | |
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12 lengthy | |
adj.漫长的,冗长的 | |
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13 sufficiently | |
adv.足够地,充分地 | |
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14 forth | |
adv.向前;向外,往外 | |
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15 chivalry | |
n.骑士气概,侠义;(男人)对女人彬彬有礼,献殷勤 | |
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16 rejuvenated | |
更生的 | |
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17 humbled | |
adj. 卑下的,谦逊的,粗陋的 vt. 使 ... 卑下,贬低 | |
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18 Moslem | |
n.回教徒,穆罕默德信徒;adj.回教徒的,回教的 | |
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19 follower | |
n.跟随者;随员;门徒;信徒 | |
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20 cowardice | |
n.胆小,怯懦 | |
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21 calumny | |
n.诽谤,污蔑,中伤 | |
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22 uncommonly | |
adv. 稀罕(极,非常) | |
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23 deserted | |
adj.荒芜的,荒废的,无人的,被遗弃的 | |
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24 immediate | |
adj.立即的;直接的,最接近的;紧靠的 | |
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25 purely | |
adv.纯粹地,完全地 | |
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26 conversion | |
n.转化,转换,转变 | |
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27 apocryphal | |
adj.假冒的,虚假的 | |
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28 addenda | |
n.附录,附加物;附加物( addendum的名词复数 );补遗;附录;(齿轮的)齿顶(高) | |
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29 infancy | |
n.婴儿期;幼年期;初期 | |
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30 deities | |
n.神,女神( deity的名词复数 );神祗;神灵;神明 | |
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31 reign | |
n.统治时期,统治,支配,盛行;v.占优势 | |
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32 bishop | |
n.主教,(国际象棋)象 | |
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34 haven | |
n.安全的地方,避难所,庇护所 | |
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35 ascending | |
adj.上升的,向上的 | |
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36 clemency | |
n.温和,仁慈,宽厚 | |
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37 steadfastly | |
adv.踏实地,不变地;岿然;坚定不渝 | |
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38 professed | |
公开声称的,伪称的,已立誓信教的 | |
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39 doctrine | |
n.教义;主义;学说 | |
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40 deity | |
n.神,神性;被奉若神明的人(或物) | |
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41 majesty | |
n.雄伟,壮丽,庄严,威严;最高权威,王权 | |
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42 authorize | |
v.授权,委任;批准,认可 | |
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43 followers | |
追随者( follower的名词复数 ); 用户; 契据的附面; 从动件 | |
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44 extravagant | |
adj.奢侈的;过分的;(言行等)放肆的 | |
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45 infamous | |
adj.声名狼藉的,臭名昭著的,邪恶的 | |
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46 usurp | |
vt.篡夺,霸占;vi.篡位 | |
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47 appellation | |
n.名称,称呼 | |
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48 condemnation | |
n.谴责; 定罪 | |
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49 inflict | |
vt.(on)把…强加给,使遭受,使承担 | |
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50 doctrines | |
n.教条( doctrine的名词复数 );教义;学说;(政府政策的)正式声明 | |
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51 polemics | |
n.辩论术,辩论法;争论( polemic的名词复数 );辩论;辩论术;辩论法 | |
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52 exasperated | |
adj.恼怒的 | |
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53 determined | |
adj.坚定的;有决心的 | |
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54 convened | |
召开( convene的过去式 ); 召集; (为正式会议而)聚集; 集合 | |
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55 bishops | |
(基督教某些教派管辖大教区的)主教( bishop的名词复数 ); (国际象棋的)象 | |
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56 vexed | |
adj.争论不休的;(指问题等)棘手的;争论不休的问题;烦恼的v.使烦恼( vex的过去式和过去分词 );使苦恼;使生气;详细讨论 | |
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57 aggravate | |
vt.加重(剧),使恶化;激怒,使恼火 | |
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58 controversies | |
争论 | |
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59 chaos | |
n.混乱,无秩序 | |
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60 unwilling | |
adj.不情愿的 | |
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61 secrecy | |
n.秘密,保密,隐蔽 | |
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62 factions | |
组织中的小派别,派系( faction的名词复数 ) | |
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63 controversy | |
n.争论,辩论,争吵 | |
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64 disapproval | |
n.反对,不赞成 | |
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65 conspiracy | |
n.阴谋,密谋,共谋 | |
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66 refractory | |
adj.倔强的,难驾驭的 | |
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67 contumacious | |
adj.拒不服从的,违抗的 | |
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68 deposed | |
v.罢免( depose的过去式和过去分词 );(在法庭上)宣誓作证 | |
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69 slain | |
杀死,宰杀,杀戮( slay的过去分词 ); (slay的过去分词) | |
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70 monks | |
n.修道士,僧侣( monk的名词复数 ) | |
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71 mariners | |
海员,水手(mariner的复数形式) | |
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72 sedition | |
n.煽动叛乱 | |
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73 zeal | |
n.热心,热情,热忱 | |
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74 discretion | |
n.谨慎;随意处理 | |
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75 banished | |
v.放逐,驱逐( banish的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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76 thither | |
adv.向那里;adj.在那边的,对岸的 | |
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77 remains | |
n.剩余物,残留物;遗体,遗迹 | |
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78 prostrate | |
v.拜倒,平卧,衰竭;adj.拜倒的,平卧的,衰竭的 | |
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79 coffin | |
n.棺材,灵柩 | |
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80 implored | |
恳求或乞求(某人)( implore的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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81 sects | |
n.宗派,教派( sect的名词复数 ) | |
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82 remarkable | |
adj.显著的,异常的,非凡的,值得注意的 | |
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83 diverge | |
v.分叉,分歧,离题,使...岔开,使转向 | |
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84 undue | |
adj.过分的;不适当的;未到期的 | |
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85 mighty | |
adj.强有力的;巨大的 | |
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86 peculiar | |
adj.古怪的,异常的;特殊的,特有的 | |
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87 disorders | |
n.混乱( disorder的名词复数 );凌乱;骚乱;(身心、机能)失调 | |
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88 alienated | |
adj.感到孤独的,不合群的v.使疏远( alienate的过去式和过去分词 );使不友好;转让;让渡(财产等) | |
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89 clergy | |
n.[总称]牧师,神职人员 | |
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90 rift | |
n.裂口,隙缝,切口;v.裂开,割开,渗入 | |
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91 schism | |
n.分派,派系,分裂 | |
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92 wholesale | |
n.批发;adv.以批发方式;vt.批发,成批出售 | |
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93 thoroughly | |
adv.完全地,彻底地,十足地 | |
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94 outrages | |
引起…的义愤,激怒( outrage的第三人称单数 ) | |
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95 affected | |
adj.不自然的,假装的 | |
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96 jurisdiction | |
n.司法权,审判权,管辖权,控制权 | |
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97 minor | |
adj.较小(少)的,较次要的;n.辅修学科;vi.辅修 | |
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98 yoke | |
n.轭;支配;v.给...上轭,连接,使成配偶 | |
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99 swarmed | |
密集( swarm的过去式和过去分词 ); 云集; 成群地移动; 蜜蜂或其他飞行昆虫成群地飞来飞去 | |
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100 unity | |
n.团结,联合,统一;和睦,协调 | |
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101 picturesque | |
adj.美丽如画的,(语言)生动的,绘声绘色的 | |
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102 thronged | |
v.成群,挤满( throng的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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103 leisurely | |
adj.悠闲的;从容的,慢慢的 | |
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104 wayfarers | |
n.旅人,(尤指)徒步旅行者( wayfarer的名词复数 ) | |
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105 relinquished | |
交出,让给( relinquish的过去式和过去分词 ); 放弃 | |
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106 abeyance | |
n.搁置,缓办,中止,产权未定 | |
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107 conqueror | |
n.征服者,胜利者 | |
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108 rein | |
n.疆绳,统治,支配;vt.以僵绳控制,统治 | |
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109 mingled | |
混合,混入( mingle的过去式和过去分词 ); 混进,与…交往[联系] | |
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110 varied | |
adj.多样的,多变化的 | |
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111 formerly | |
adv.从前,以前 | |
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112 rugged | |
adj.高低不平的,粗糙的,粗壮的,强健的 | |
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113 gratitude | |
adj.感激,感谢 | |
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114 conversed | |
v.交谈,谈话( converse的过去式 ) | |
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115 amiably | |
adv.和蔼可亲地,亲切地 | |
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116 sketch | |
n.草图;梗概;素描;v.素描;概述 | |
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117 potentates | |
n.君主,统治者( potentate的名词复数 );有权势的人 | |
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118 likeness | |
n.相像,相似(之处) | |
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119 conceit | |
n.自负,自高自大 | |
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120 endorsed | |
vt.& vi.endorse的过去式或过去分词形式v.赞同( endorse的过去式和过去分词 );在(尤指支票的)背面签字;在(文件的)背面写评论;在广告上说本人使用并赞同某产品 | |
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121 qualified | |
adj.合格的,有资格的,胜任的,有限制的 | |
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122 precept | |
n.戒律;格言 | |
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123 Founder | |
n.创始者,缔造者 | |
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124 incited | |
刺激,激励,煽动( incite的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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125 entirely | |
ad.全部地,完整地;完全地,彻底地 | |
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126 ascendancy | |
n.统治权,支配力量 | |
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127 persistent | |
adj.坚持不懈的,执意的;持续的 | |
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128 thraldom | |
n.奴隶的身份,奴役,束缚 | |
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129 offender | |
n.冒犯者,违反者,犯罪者 | |
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130 attain | |
vt.达到,获得,完成 | |
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131 chancellor | |
n.(英)大臣;法官;(德、奥)总理;大学校长 | |
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132 barbarian | |
n.野蛮人;adj.野蛮(人)的;未开化的 | |
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133 foes | |
敌人,仇敌( foe的名词复数 ) | |
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134 frail | |
adj.身体虚弱的;易损坏的 | |
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135 formulate | |
v.用公式表示;规划;设计;系统地阐述 | |
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136 pretext | |
n.借口,托词 | |
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137 layman | |
n.俗人,门外汉,凡人 | |
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138 predecessor | |
n.前辈,前任 | |
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139 abdicated | |
放弃(职责、权力等)( abdicate的过去式和过去分词 ); 退位,逊位 | |
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140 condemning | |
v.(通常因道义上的原因而)谴责( condemn的现在分词 );宣判;宣布…不能使用;迫使…陷于不幸的境地 | |
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141 intrigues | |
n.密谋策划( intrigue的名词复数 );神秘气氛;引人入胜的复杂情节v.搞阴谋诡计( intrigue的第三人称单数 );激起…的好奇心 | |
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142 triumphant | |
adj.胜利的,成功的;狂欢的,喜悦的 | |
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143 reconciliation | |
n.和解,和谐,一致 | |
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144 wrangling | |
v.争吵,争论,口角( wrangle的现在分词 ) | |
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145 auspices | |
n.资助,赞助 | |
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146 bickered | |
v.争吵( bicker的过去式和过去分词 );口角;(水等)作潺潺声;闪烁 | |
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147 conquerors | |
征服者,占领者( conqueror的名词复数 ) | |
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148 irresistible | |
adj.非常诱人的,无法拒绝的,无法抗拒的 | |
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149 industrious | |
adj.勤劳的,刻苦的,奋发的 | |
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150 untold | |
adj.数不清的,无数的 | |
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151 succumbed | |
不再抵抗(诱惑、疾病、攻击等)( succumb的过去式和过去分词 ); 屈从; 被压垮; 死 | |
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152 diplomacy | |
n.外交;外交手腕,交际手腕 | |
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153 albeit | |
conj.即使;纵使;虽然 | |
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