ALTHOUGH I cannot write with approval of Turkish rule and its effect on the European provinces conquered by the now blunted sword of Othman, yet I feel a certain sympathy for the Turk, as individual, in this day of his trial. Sympathy is due to a variety of influences, and I feel that in the present instance my lingering liking3 for the Turk is based on several grounds. First of all, perhaps, comes the fondness you cannot but feel for a wayward child and its picturesque4 moods, more especially as I myself was quite the “wandering sheep,” as the hymn6 says, when young, and am not disinclined towards an excursion off the narrow way even now. Hence a fellow feeling with the nomad7 Turk, who, though generally placid8, is capable of being roused to fury by unseen, unknown influences; in that state, like the wayward child, he is an unmitigated nuisance. In his everyday mood the Turk is gentle and extremely courteous9, the courtesy of a strong man, scion10 of a race of conquerors11. This dignified12 politeness is to be met in certain parts of Spain, where conquering{156} Moors13 made their impress on native Iberians and valiant14 Goths. Again, the nomad virtue15, hospitality, is strong among the sons of Othman. I have also met fine intellects among the Turks, for instance, in one of the Princes of the Blood, a man of a refined mind, deeply read in Nietzsche, and of no mean skill with the brush. But he was only a painter; his studies from life were excellent, and some have gained admission to the Paris Salon16, but creative artist he certainly was not, and the subject pictures evolved out of his inner consciousness treated of matters considered peculiarly French in tone, subconsciously17 erotic, and generally unhappy in treatment. But then the Turk has little, if any, constructive18 power, and even the finer intellects among them are apt to waste their treasures on abstract speculations19, leading to no practical result; their course may be likened to that of a slender stream of water poured forth20 on some endless desert waste.
Another bond of sympathy is the history of the Turkish race, which should appeal strongly to every Briton, for in a manner there is much similarity between the rise of Turkish power and that of the British Empire. Wild men from the northern seas, Angles and Saxons, Danes, Vikings, Berserks, seethed21 into the British Isles22, and, mixing with the Romanized native population, rose to greatness through much tribulation23. The narrow confines of Britain forced this amalgam24 to conquests overseas, and thus arose the British Empire. Is there not some analogy between our rule in India and that of the Osmanli in Europe? We, in India, form a separate ruling caste, placed in power by the sword; we do not mix with the many native tribes and nations under the British Raj, many whose duty takes them to India cannot give an accurate account of these various tribes and nations; they know not their languages, their customs are strange to them, and{157} when their work is done they return to enjoy the fruits of their labour with but an imperfect knowledge of the land that gave them what they hold and of the people who lived their mysterious life outside the compound and the courthouse. So it is with the Turk in Europe. His people overflowed25 from Asia on successive waves of conquest, and made subject many nations with which they have nothing, absolutely nothing, in common, and with whom, unlike the Briton, the Turk does not desire any closer acquaintanceship.
To me, as Briton, the present situation, the happenings of the last few weeks, “give furiously to think.” Here is a powerful Empire, carved out of Europe by the sword, and held by conquerors who despised their alien subjects, and failed to understand their feelings or realize their ambitions, closed their eyes in smug contentment to the portents26 of the time. Then came the avalanche27, and young nations, hitherto disregarded as serious opponents, rose in their strength, tore themselves free, rent province after province from the weak hands of an unprepared overlord, and are now threatening the capital of the Turkish Empire. From the courtyard of the Sublime28 Porte, where Turkey’s devious29 policy has been fashioned for so long, from the square in front of the War Office, which suddenly awakened30, hurried untrained troops under untrained leaders, without a definite plan, to death by shot and shell, by starvation and disease; you could hear the sound of guns carried on the westerly wind from the lines of Chatalja, the last defences of the capital, where the remnants of the Sultan’s army are standing31 at bay against the organized forces of young Western nations.
It is a stirring history, full of ups and downs, that of the Turkish people. As we have seen, they emerged from a seething32 mass of nomadic33 humanity which infested34 Central{158} Asia, and threatened those Empires which had settled and acquired civilization, such as China, whence, by the way, come some of the earliest records of the Turks. These nomads35 had no other use for civilization than to acquire unearned riches; whatever seemed to them undesirable36 was destroyed, and to this day the Turk has not advanced much further; he frequently changes his abode37, and the change is easily effected, as he has few belongings—some rugs, a text or two from the Koran, his cooking utensils38. Even in his home he seems to have only dropped in for a week or so, and the curtains instead of doors to separate one apartment from another still further recall his old nomadic habits. So his ancestors roamed about in hordes39 over the plains of Asia. Where they met with little resistance they abode awhile, moving on when the locality had nothing more to offer, retiring elsewhere when met with determined41 opposition42. As the tribes increased in numbers they went separate ways, some to extinction43, others to form ephemeral empires such as that of the Ghaznevids in Eastern Afghanistan, in the latter days of the tenth century.
The influence of the Turks on Western Europe did not make itself felt until after the Crusades, because they had much ado to make and keep their position in Asia Minor44. A short time after the Prophet’s death, his general, Khaled, “The Sword of God,” subdued45 the Persian Army, and gained it for his master, Caliph Abu Bekr, in whose reign Syria was conquered from the Eastern Emperor Heraclius, and Ecbatana and Damascus became Moslem46 towns like Mecca and Medina. Then followed a noble line of Caliphs, under whose sway Islam extended its frontiers and rolled in threatening waves towards the West. Omar’s general, Amron, added Egypt to the Empire of the Caliphs, who made Damascus their capital. Legend and history tell of{159} those days of the Caliphs, when Arab art, literature, and science flourished under such sovereigns as Haroun-al-Raschid, the contemporary of Charlemagne, Al Mamun, in whose days Western Christianity gave birth to the Order of Benedictines when Gregory IV was Pope in the beginning and middle of the ninth century.
We have seen how the Turks came into contact with the Arabs, and were subdued by them and converted to Islam in the eighth century, and how by degrees they recovered their strength and were able to assist the Caliphate in the troubles that crowded in upon it, how fifty thousand Turkish mercenaries were taken into the service of the Caliph, and occupied much the same position as that held by the Pr?torian Guard of Rome, the Janissaries of the Ottoman Empire, and the Mamelukes in Egypt. Turkish influence thus increased steadily48, and was first marked more definitely by a dynasty called the Samanids, who seem to have considered themselves vassals50 of the Abbasid Caliphs. In the interests of the Caliphate the roaming Samanids pushed forward into India, conquering Delhi, Multan, and Lahore towards the end of the tenth century. Their victorious51 course was not checked till they reached the Ganges, and Mahmud, their chief, styled himself Sultan. It appears that he still acknowledged allegiance to the Caliphs, but his successors assumed greater independence as the power of the Caliphate waned52. In the meantime another Turkish dynasty rose to notice—the Seljuks, who appeared under their leaders Thogrul and Chakir.
This bearer of a name famous in history and romance, Thogrul, son of Suleiman, accidentally drowned in the Euphrates, was, it seems, wandering about like a true nomad, accompanied by his tribesmen. He was on his way to Iconium, Konia, probably with the idea of interfering{160} in any fight that might be in progress, when he found the troops of Kaim the Caliph flying before the hosts of Masud, the son of Mahmud of Ghazin. Thogrul espoused53 the losing cause, and his timely assistance turned defeat into victory, for which the Caliph was so grateful that his new ally was rewarded with the Principality of Sultan Oeni, or the Sultan’s Front, and appointed, as it were, Warden54 of the Marches. This happened towards the middle of the eleventh century, when the Christian47 world was very busy with religious differences. The Greek Church decided55 to break with Rome after the Council of Sutri in 1042, and was too much occupied with vexed56 questions of dogma to pay attention to the rise of a young race of nomads in a former province of the Roman Empire. Nevertheless, these wanderers had given their first proof of prowess, and endorsement57 followed when the Caliph, with solemn ceremony, handed over the temporal power to Thogrul, at Bagdad, in 1055.
Thogrul did not live long after this honour was conferred upon him, but his son Arslan followed in his footsteps, and served his spiritual master, the Caliph, with all his might. To good purpose, for he fought and subdued the Fammiti Caliphs of Egypt, schismatics who had broken from the only Caliph’s spiritual sway over a century before; he further annexed58 Georgia and Armenia, and defeated the Emperor of the East, Romanus IV, towards the end of the eleventh century.
The Western world was very young when these things happened; Henry IV, a Frank, ruled over Germany, William of Normandy had not long conquered England, while Malcolm III was King of Scotland; Spain was still divided into small kingdoms and Moorish59 provinces under the Almoravids, and the Magyars, distant relations of the Turks, were settling down in Hungary under Bela I.{161}
Western Christianity was becoming dimly conscious of a growing power in the East, which Byzantium had felt distinctly since practically all the Asiatic provinces had been lost to the Turk, and so Western chivalry60 buckled61 on its armour62, stitched a Cross on to its coat, and moved Eastward63 in swarms64, composed of enterprising knights65, mostly unacquainted with discipline, and their more or less reluctant followers66; the Crusades had begun, and were chiefly directed towards the Holy Land and against the Arabs who had conquered there under the waning67 ?gis of the Caliphs.
Contemporary accounts, legends, and songs of troubadours tell of the Saracens and their deeds, but little mention is made of the Turks, destined68 to be Christianity’s most formidable foe69, who, under the Seljuks, were growing to great importance, and under Melik Shah, the son of Arslan, ruled from Transoxania to Egypt and eastward as far as Khiva. Melik Shah’s kingdom fell to pieces after his death, and the power of the Turks was obscured for a time, while the former provinces of the Caliphs broke off into separate states.
Crusaders came from the West and added glamour70 to the pages of history without effecting any lasting71 results; great names shine out for a moment from the haze72, names like Frederick Barbarossa, Saladin, Richard C?ur-de-Lion, but nothing definite need be mentioned about the Turks till the crusading spirit had subsided73 and the nations of Europe began to settle down into much the same political entities74 as we find to-day.
Another race of kinsmen75 to the Turks came like a whirlwind out of Asia, under a famous leader, Jenghiz Khan, or rather a mixture of several Mongol races. Their passage did not affect Asia Minor immediately, for they swept from China over Southern Russia towards Moravia,{162} penetrating76 as far as the Adriatic; they went as swiftly as they came, but stopped short of their old hunting-grounds, and squatted77 by the banks of the Volga, where, known as the Golden Horde40, they stayed some one and a half centuries. Sections of this horde made inroads into neighbouring countries, and one of these invaded Persia and Syria, massacred the inhabitants of Bagdad, killed the Caliph, the last of the dynasty founded by Abul Abbas in 750 A.D. The Seljuks, who held the temporal power in the Caliphate, were likewise badly defeated, and might have gone under completely had not another force appeared most opportunely78, one of those wandering Turkish tribes which had a habit of turning up where fighting was going on. Their leader was another Erthogrul, and he traced his descent back to Suleiman. Legend has been busy where history is silent, and assigns to this Erthogrul the same r?le, a Deus ex machina, as to the former bearer of that name. Authorities differ on the subject, and I fancy that the whole story is still somewhat obscure. However, Erthogrul had a son Osman, or Othman, from whom are descended79 the Osmanli of to-day; Othman’s long and prosperous reign laid the foundations of the Turkish Empire. His campaigns were crowned with victory, the territory of neighbouring Turkish states were incorporated in his dominions80, and the Empire of the East was forced to contribute to the aggrandizement81 of his realm.
It appears that Othman did not declare himself independent until after the death of the last Seljuk Sultan; in the meantime, during an interval82 of peace—from 1291-1298—he devoted83 his energies to the internal government of his dominions, and became famous for the toleration which he exercised towards his Christian subjects. It will be remembered that Georgia and Armenia, both Christian countries, had been absorbed by the Caliphate, but at{163} least under the first of the House of Othman these Christians84 were free from persecution85.
After several years of peace, during which he consolidated86 the resources of his country, Othman went to war. In order to give his followers greater zest87, and to inflame88 the fighting spirit of Islam, Othman declared himself the chosen defender89 of the Faith, and proclaimed that he had a direct mission from heaven. This roused in his warrior90 subjects a fanaticism91 as fierce and effective as that which had inspired Mohammed’s fiery92 followers on their career of conquest. His private life was not without an occasional exhibition of those barbarous instincts which have never left the Turk during all the centuries of his contact with the West and its ideas and methods. Thus one day Othman discovered that his venerable uncle, Dundar, was in agreement with several other officers attempting to dissuade93 him from an attempt on the Greek fortress94 of Koepri Hissar. Dundar had been one of those four hundred and forty-four horsemen of legend who rode under the banner of Erthogrul. Othman, annoyed at Dundar’s interference, drew his bow and shot his uncle dead. So murder of a kinsman96 marked the first days of the Othman dynasty.
The attempt on Koepri Hissar proved successful, and Othman went on from victory to victory. In the beginning of the fourteenth century he fought his way to the Black Sea, leaving Broussa and several other towns to be taken at leisure. But failing health was against him, and he had to leave the conquest of Broussa to Orkhan, his son, who had returned from an expedition against a Mongolian army which the Greek Emperor, unable to stem the tide of Turkish conquest, had bribed97 to attack the southern frontier of the Ottoman Empire. Othman was dying when the news of the capture of Broussa was brought to him. Bestowing98 blessings99 on his son, he said: “My son,{164} I am dying, and I die without regret, because I leave such a good successor as thou. Be just, love goodness, and show mercy. Give the same protection to all thy subjects, and extend the Faith of the Prophet.” Orkhan, it seems, followed his father’s advice and carried out his instructions; subsequent Osmanli have failed to do so, and are now paying the penalty.
A splendid mausoleum built by Orkhan holds the remains100 of Othman, the founder101 of the Ottoman dynasty, at Broussa, which became the capital of Turkey until the conquest of Constantinople. The standard and scimitar of Othman are preserved as objects of veneration102 in the Mosque103 of Eyub on the Golden Horn. Here each succeeding Sultan is girt with the sword of Othman, the coronation rite2, amidst the prayers of his people: “May he be as good as Othman.”
The Mosque of Eyub Here each succeeding Sultan is girded with the sword of Othman, a rite equivalent to a Christian monarch’s coronation.
The Mosque of Eyub
Here each succeeding Sultan is girded with the sword of Othman, a rite equivalent to a Christian monarch’s coronation.
Orkhan succeeded his father and continued the work of conquest, gathering104 in the outlying fragments of the broken Seljuk Empire. He was ably assisted by his brother, Ala-ed-din, whom he had urged to share his throne. Ala-ed-din declined, asking only the revenues of a single village for his maintenance. Then Orkhan said: “Since, brother, you will not accept the flocks and herds105 I offer you, be the shepherd of my people—be my Vizier.” So this high office was instituted. Ala-ed-din devoted himself to the internal politics of the nation, and using the military foundation already existent, fostered by a fighting creed106, he built up the military organization which acted so well during centuries when fighting was the only business to which the Osmanli had to bend their minds. The Turks who had followed Othman to victory were the same men who had fed their flocks on the banks of the Euphrates. They formed loose squadrons of irregular cavalry107, and after the war returned to their peaceful avocations108. Ala-eddin,{165} while still holding that the mass of the nation should be the source whence Ottoman troops should be drawn109 in time of war, saw the need of a standing army which should make war their sole business and profession, so he raised, first of all, a body of infantry110 called Jaza, or Piade. These were followed by a corps111 famous in history—the Janissaries. This corps was entirely112 composed of Christian children taken in battle or in sieges, and compelled to embrace the Moslem faith. A thousand recruits were added yearly to their numbers, and they were called Jeni Iskeri, or new troops, from which name derives113 the European corruption114, Janissaries. These troops were trained in all martial115 exercises from their earliest youth, and were subject to the strictest discipline. They were not allowed to form any territorial116 connection with the land that had adopted them, their prospects117 of advancement118 depended entirely on their skill in the profession of arms, and the highest posts in that profession only were open to them. Their isolated119 position, and the complete community of interests which united them, prevented the degeneracy and enervation120 which so speedily settled upon every Eastern Empire when once the fire of conquest had died down.
Other bodies of the military organization founded by Ala-ed-din were the Spahis (Sipahi, Sepoy), a “corps-d’élite” of specially5 chosen horsemen, Silihdars, or vassal49 cavalry, name revived in Silihdar horse of Mysore, a body of cavalry three squadrons strong, the men of which find their own horses and equipment; those raised by Ala-ed-din were drawn from vassal states, those of the Maharajah of Mysore from among the landed proprietors121, farmers, and smaller landowners of his principality.
Then the Oulou Fedji, or paid horsemen, Ghoureha, or foreign horse, Azab’s Light Infantry, and the Akindji, irregular light horse. The Akindji gathered together in{166} irregular companies, acted much as the Hussars of the eighteenth century did when first raised; they foraged122 for the regular troops, and swarmed123 round them to cover a retreat or harassed124 a retiring enemy. They received no pay like the Janissaries, nor lands like the Piade, and were entirely dependent on plunder125. This, doubtless, accounted for their unpopularity in countries through which marched the hosts of Othman. Hussars were paid soldiers, but none the less prone126 to plunder, in those days of the wars between Maria Theresa and Frederick the Great. This tendency was discouraged by the Prussian King, and I remember finding in some of the records an account of three Hussars—one officer and two troopers—being hanged for looting at Frankfurt a. O. Nowadays there are few people more respectable than a Hussar, I know, because I have been one myself, and thus speak from personal experience.
The story of a clever ruse127 is told of one of Orkhan’s campaigns against the Greeks. Othman had left Nic?a and Nicomedia untaken. Orkhan took the latter town and invested Nic?a. Andronicus, the Greek Emperor, crossed the Hellespont with a hastily raised levy128 to raise the siege of Nic?a, but Orkhan met and defeated him with a portion of his army. Now the garrison129 of Nic?a had been advised of the Emperor’s intention, and daily expected his arrival. So Orkhan disguised eight hundred of his men as Greek soldiers, and directed them against the fortress. These pseudo-Greeks, to give the ruse a yet greater semblance130 of reality, were harassed by mock encounters with Turkish regular horse. The disguised Turks appeared to have routed the enemy and headed for the City gate. The garrison had been watching the proceedings131, were thoroughly132 deceived, and threw open the gate. An assault by the besieging133 army, assisted by the force that had thus gained ingress, brought the city into Orkhan’s possession.
By 1336 all north-western Asia Minor was included in the Ottoman Empire, and Orkhan devoted the next twenty years of peace to the work of perfecting his military organization and consolidating134 the resources of his newly acquired territories, supported by his brother, Ala-ed-din. So the power that was to crush the life out of the failing Empire of the East stood armed and waiting for a favourable135 moment on the eastern shore of the Bosphorus. Turkish rule was predominant over all Asia Minor, and a young nation, strong and armed, watched for the moment to interfere95 with an old, effete136 Empire.
Beyond the lines of Chatalja, some fifty miles from this City, the capital of Turkey, young nations, Bulgars and Serbs, are waiting, watching, intent on hurling137 the Turk from Europe, as the Turk drove forth the Greeks in their day.
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1
reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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rite
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| n.典礼，惯例，习俗 | |
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liking
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| n.爱好；嗜好；喜欢 | |
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picturesque
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| adj.美丽如画的，（语言）生动的，绘声绘色的 | |
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5
specially
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| adv.特定地；特殊地；明确地 | |
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hymn
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| n.赞美诗，圣歌，颂歌 | |
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nomad
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| n.游牧部落的人，流浪者，游牧民 | |
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placid
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| adj.安静的，平和的 | |
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courteous
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| adj.彬彬有礼的，客气的 | |
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scion
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| n.嫩芽，子孙 | |
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conquerors
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| 征服者，占领者( conqueror的名词复数 ) | |
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dignified
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| a.可敬的，高贵的 | |
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moors
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| v.停泊，系泊（船只）( moor的第三人称单数 ) | |
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valiant
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| adj.勇敢的，英勇的；n.勇士，勇敢的人 | |
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virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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salon
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| n.[法]沙龙；客厅；营业性的高级服务室 | |
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subconsciously
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| ad.下意识地，潜意识地 | |
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constructive
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| adj.建设的，建设性的 | |
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speculations
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| n.投机买卖( speculation的名词复数 )；思考；投机活动；推断 | |
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forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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seethed
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| （液体）沸腾( seethe的过去式和过去分词 )； 激动，大怒； 强压怒火； 生闷气(~with sth|~ at sth) | |
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isles
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| 岛( isle的名词复数 ) | |
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tribulation
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| n.苦难，灾难 | |
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amalgam
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| n.混合物；汞合金 | |
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overflowed
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| 溢出的 | |
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portents
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| n.预兆( portent的名词复数 )；征兆；怪事；奇物 | |
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avalanche
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| n.雪崩，大量涌来 | |
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sublime
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| adj.崇高的，伟大的；极度的，不顾后果的 | |
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devious
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| adj.不坦率的，狡猾的；迂回的，曲折的 | |
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awakened
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| v.（使）醒( awaken的过去式和过去分词 )；（使）觉醒；弄醒；（使）意识到 | |
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standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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seething
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| 沸腾的，火热的 | |
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nomadic
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| adj.流浪的；游牧的 | |
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infested
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| adj.为患的，大批滋生的（常与with搭配）v.害虫、野兽大批出没于( infest的过去式和过去分词 )；遍布于 | |
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nomads
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| n.游牧部落的一员( nomad的名词复数 )；流浪者；游牧生活；流浪生活 | |
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undesirable
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| adj.不受欢迎的，不良的，不合意的，讨厌的；n.不受欢迎的人，不良分子 | |
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abode
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| n.住处，住所 | |
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utensils
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| 器具，用具，器皿( utensil的名词复数 )； 器物 | |
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hordes
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| n.移动着的一大群( horde的名词复数 )；部落 | |
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horde
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| n.群众，一大群 | |
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determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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extinction
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| n.熄灭，消亡，消灭，灭绝，绝种 | |
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minor
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| adj.较小(少)的，较次要的；n.辅修学科；vi.辅修 | |
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subdued
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| adj. 屈服的，柔和的，减弱的 动词subdue的过去式和过去分词 | |
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Moslem
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| n.回教徒，穆罕默德信徒；adj.回教徒的，回教的 | |
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Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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48
steadily
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| adv.稳定地；不变地；持续地 | |
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49
vassal
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| n.附庸的；属下；adj.奴仆的 | |
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50
vassals
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| n.奴仆( vassal的名词复数 )；（封建时代）诸侯；从属者；下属 | |
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51
victorious
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| adj.胜利的，得胜的 | |
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52
waned
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| v.衰落( wane的过去式和过去分词 )；（月）亏；变小；变暗淡 | |
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53
espoused
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| v.（决定）支持，拥护（目标、主张等）( espouse的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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54
warden
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| n.监察员，监狱长，看守人，监护人 | |
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55
decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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56
vexed
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| adj.争论不休的；（指问题等）棘手的；争论不休的问题；烦恼的v.使烦恼( vex的过去式和过去分词 )；使苦恼；使生气；详细讨论 | |
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57
endorsement
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| n.背书；赞成，认可，担保；签(注)，批注 | |
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58
annexed
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| [法] 附加的，附属的 | |
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59
moorish
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| adj.沼地的，荒野的，生[住]在沼地的 | |
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60
chivalry
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| n.骑士气概，侠义；（男人）对女人彬彬有礼，献殷勤 | |
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61
buckled
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| a. 有带扣的 | |
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62
armour
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| （=armor）n.盔甲；装甲部队 | |
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63
eastward
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| adv.向东；adj.向东的；n.东方，东部 | |
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64
swarms
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| 蜂群，一大群( swarm的名词复数 ) | |
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65
knights
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| 骑士； （中古时代的）武士( knight的名词复数 )； 骑士； 爵士； （国际象棋中）马 | |
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66
followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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67
waning
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| adj.（月亮）渐亏的，逐渐减弱或变小的n.月亏v.衰落( wane的现在分词 )；（月）亏；变小；变暗淡 | |
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68
destined
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| adj.命中注定的；(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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69
foe
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| n.敌人，仇敌 | |
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70
glamour
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| n.魔力，魅力；vt.迷住 | |
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71
lasting
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| adj.永久的，永恒的；vbl.持续，维持 | |
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72
haze
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| n.霾，烟雾；懵懂，迷糊；vi.(over)变模糊 | |
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73
subsided
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| v.（土地）下陷（因在地下采矿）( subside的过去式和过去分词 )；减弱；下降至较低或正常水平；一下子坐在椅子等上 | |
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74
entities
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| 实体对像； 实体，独立存在体，实际存在物( entity的名词复数 ) | |
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75
kinsmen
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| n.家属，亲属( kinsman的名词复数 ) | |
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76
penetrating
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| adj.（声音）响亮的，尖锐的adj.（气味）刺激的adj.（思想）敏锐的，有洞察力的 | |
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77
squatted
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| v.像动物一样蹲下( squat的过去式和过去分词 )；非法擅自占用（土地或房屋）；为获得其所有权；而占用某片公共用地。 | |
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78
opportunely
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| adv.恰好地，适时地 | |
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79
descended
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| a.为...后裔的，出身于...的 | |
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80
dominions
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| 统治权( dominion的名词复数 )； 领土； 疆土； 版图 | |
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81
aggrandizement
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| n.增大，强化，扩大 | |
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82
interval
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| n.间隔，间距；幕间休息，中场休息 | |
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83
devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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84
Christians
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| n.基督教徒( Christian的名词复数 ) | |
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85
persecution
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| n. 迫害,烦扰 | |
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86
consolidated
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| a.联合的 | |
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87
zest
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| n.乐趣；滋味，风味；兴趣 | |
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88
inflame
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| v.使燃烧；使极度激动；使发炎 | |
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89
defender
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| n.保卫者，拥护者，辩护人 | |
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90
warrior
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| n.勇士，武士，斗士 | |
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91
fanaticism
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| n.狂热，盲信 | |
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92
fiery
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| adj.燃烧着的，火红的；暴躁的；激烈的 | |
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93
dissuade
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| v.劝阻，阻止 | |
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94
fortress
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| n.堡垒，防御工事 | |
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95
interfere
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| v.(in)干涉，干预；(with)妨碍，打扰 | |
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96
kinsman
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| n.男亲属 | |
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97
bribed
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| v.贿赂( bribe的过去式和过去分词 )；向（某人）行贿，贿赂 | |
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98
bestowing
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| 砖窑中砖堆上层已烧透的砖 | |
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99
blessings
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| n.（上帝的）祝福( blessing的名词复数 )；好事；福分；因祸得福 | |
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100
remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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101
Founder
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| n.创始者，缔造者 | |
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102
veneration
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| n.尊敬，崇拜 | |
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103
mosque
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| n.清真寺 | |
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104
gathering
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| n.集会，聚会，聚集 | |
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105
herds
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| 兽群( herd的名词复数 )； 牧群； 人群； 群众 | |
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106
creed
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| n.信条；信念，纲领 | |
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107
cavalry
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| n.骑兵；轻装甲部队 | |
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108
avocations
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| n.业余爱好，嗜好( avocation的名词复数 )；职业 | |
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109
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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110
infantry
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| n.[总称]步兵(部队) | |
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111
corps
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| n.(通信等兵种的)部队；(同类作的)一组 | |
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112
entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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113
derives
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| v.得到( derive的第三人称单数 )；（从…中）得到获得；源于；（从…中）提取 | |
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114
corruption
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| n.腐败，堕落，贪污 | |
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115
martial
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| adj.战争的，军事的，尚武的，威武的 | |
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116
territorial
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| adj.领土的，领地的 | |
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117
prospects
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| n.希望，前途(恒为复数) | |
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118
advancement
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| n.前进，促进，提升 | |
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119
isolated
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| adj.与世隔绝的 | |
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120
enervation
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| n.无活力，衰弱 | |
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121
proprietors
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| n.所有人，业主( proprietor的名词复数 ) | |
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122
foraged
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| v.搜寻（食物），尤指动物觅（食）( forage的过去式和过去分词 )；（尤指用手）搜寻（东西） | |
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123
swarmed
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| 密集( swarm的过去式和过去分词 )； 云集； 成群地移动； 蜜蜂或其他飞行昆虫成群地飞来飞去 | |
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124
harassed
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| adj. 疲倦的，厌烦的 动词harass的过去式和过去分词 | |
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125
plunder
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| vt.劫掠财物，掠夺；n.劫掠物，赃物；劫掠 | |
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126
prone
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| adj.(to)易于…的，很可能…的；俯卧的 | |
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127
ruse
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| n.诡计，计策；诡计 | |
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128
levy
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| n.征收税或其他款项，征收额 | |
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129
garrison
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| n.卫戍部队；驻地，卫戍区；vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
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130
semblance
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| n.外貌，外表 | |
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131
proceedings
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| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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132
thoroughly
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| adv.完全地，彻底地，十足地 | |
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133
besieging
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| 包围，围困，围攻( besiege的现在分词 ) | |
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134
consolidating
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| v.（使）巩固， （使）加强( consolidate的现在分词 )；（使）合并 | |
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135
favourable
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| adj.赞成的，称赞的，有利的，良好的，顺利的 | |
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136
effete
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| adj.无生产力的，虚弱的 | |
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137
hurling
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| n.爱尔兰式曲棍球v.猛投，用力掷( hurl的现在分词 )；大声叫骂 | |
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