THE history of the Turks has formed the subject of much scientific research, hampered3 considerably4 by a want of material, by a lack of information on the subject, handed down from earlier days. The Turks themselves have no liking5 for literature, have no bent6 in that direction, and all they have ever produced in that line are a series of stories relating the doings and sayings of Nasreddin Hodja, whose r?le is much like that of Till Eulenspiegel in Germany. These stories of Nasreddin Effendi are humorous in their way, but are to a great extent too indecent for the fastidious Western mind. The humour, too, is of the obvious order, from which the West is gradually, painfully emerging. I will give only one sample of Nasreddin’s wit. This worthy7 was awakened8 one night by a noise in his garden. He went to the open window, looked out, and saw something large and white moving about below. Nasreddin took down his bow, his quiver full of arrows, and sent one in the direction of the white object, then returned to bed and to sleep. The next morning he went out into his garden to ascertain9 the cause of the nocturnal disturbance10, and discovered his shirt, hung out to dry, transfixed by the arrow. “How fortunate{142} it is that I was not inside that shirt last night,” quoth Nasreddin.
Proverbs give some idea of the working of a people’s soul, but in this respect too the Turk is not very prolific11, certainly not original. Herewith a few samples:
Ei abdal! Ei dervish! Aktché ilé biter beriche.
Freely translated: Oh, monk12! Oh, dervish! money will take you anywhere!
The sentiment has nothing to recommend it, and is certainly better expressed by La Fontaine:
Quelles affaires ne fait point
Ce malheureux métal, l’argent ma?tre du monde.
Or again:
Abdel Sekkédé, hadji Mekkédé.
(The monk to the convent, the pilgrim to Mecca.)
Also to be found in other languages:
Chasseur dans les bois, voyageur sur la route,
Les hommes, commes les mots n’out de prix qu’à leur place.
(Pariset.)
Or the simpler German:
Schuster bleib’ bei deiner Leiste.
There are no epics14 in the Turkish language, yet their wanderings should have called forth15 some such ebullition had they ever had some slight tendency to rise out of their primordial16 inarticulateness. They have little songs which the Anatolian peasants sing when the day’s work is done, which sound through the latticed windows of the women’s secluded17 chambers18. But these songs are generally of love or homely19 matter, and do not tend to inspire the listener with ambition to emulate20 the deeds of his fathers for the honour and glory of his race and country. Other races emerging from barbarism to this day sing of their national heroes. What traveller along the lower reaches of the Danube has not listened to those bands of wandering Tsigani?
Then again, the Highlands of Scotland ring still with the recital21 of some great clan22 leader’s doughty23 deeds. True, they are mostly tales of strife24 and bloodshed, but they hold the germs of history and record it in the manner{143} most likely to lead others to higher aims. Of all this the Turk knows nothing. No epic13 tells of those days when his wild forebears left the congeries of nomad25 tribes which haunted the hunting-grounds north of the Hwang-Ho, of Tibet, and the rolling plains beyond the Hindu-Kush. Mongol and Manchu, Tartar and Magyar, forming groups of nomad tribes, akin26 and possibly speaking the same primitive27 language, which, when history became articulate, only differed in vocabulary, hardly at all in structure, as it does so widely from Aryan and Chinese. Of these races Manchu and Tartar have risen to greatness; Manchu till recently reigned29 over China from Peking, while one Osmanli, descendant of a wandering Tartar tribe, sits in the seat of former Roman Emperors of the East. The Finns, belonging to the same race, have in the course of centuries developed a literature of a high order, and are among the most enlightened of the children of the Tsar of all the Russias; Hungary’s history lives in glowing epics and passionate30 song; and both these scions31 of the same stock are valuable factors in the ?sthetic life of Europe. But the Manchus have fled from Peking after centuries of dark incompetence32, and the Sultan, whose palace stands on the European banks of the Bosphorus, has during his short reign28 seen the provinces won by the sword of Othman torn from him by younger nations, whose soul has been nourished by stirring recital of their former greatness, whose heroes live in song and epic, which by these puts heart into the warrior33 and leads him on to victory.
Now those young nations are without the gates of Constantinople; they have reduced the Turkish Empire in Europe to a narrow strip of land between the Bosphorus and a line of defences, stretching from the Sea of Marmora to the Black Sea, the lines of Chatalja.
The Turks themselves claim descent from Japheth, the{144} son of Noah, as do the Armenians, by the way, and there is no reason to dispute with them about their traditional ancestor, who, by all accounts, was a most respectable person, and will serve as well as any other for genealogical mystification. Undoubtedly34 the Turks and their origin began to attract attention comparatively early in the history of Europe, and an English historian (Knolles) of the seventeenth century writes of them as follows: “The glorious empire of the Turks, the present terrour of the world, hath amongst other things nothing in it more wonderful or strange than the poor beginning of itself, so small and obscure as that it is not well knowne unto themselves, or agreed upon even among the best writers of their histories; from whence this barbarous nation that now so triumpheth over the best part of the world, first crept out and took their beginning. Some (after the manner of most nations) derive35 them from the Trojans, led thereunto by the affinity36 of the word Turci and Teucri; supposing (but with what probability I know not) the word Turci, or Turks, to have been made of the corruption38 of the word Teucri, the common name of the Trojans.”
Others have ingeniously endeavoured to identify the Turks with the lost “Ten Tribes”; these mysterious people have frequently been called upon to act as ancestors to modern nations. I remember well an English matron, mother of a promising39 family, who tried to foist40 this ancestry41 upon the people of Great Britain. However, she was advised to look at her domestic treasures, and the sight of her snub-nosed offspring seriously shook her strange belief.
Perhaps, though it seems no adequate reason, the constant infusion43 of fresh blood, the mixing by marriage with the women of conquered or conquerors44, has prevented a national expression of sentiment based on historic facts, and the Turks, even before they emerged from distant{145} Asia, had absorbed several other races not akin to them, or had been absorbed by some temporarily more powerful nation. There is sufficient reason to suppose that the Iranians, the original inhabitants of Bokhara, were the foundation and predominant note in the tribes which after a while became defined as Turks. The Chinese seem to have been the first to become acquainted with the Turks, and that so long ago as 1300 B.C. Chinese records of 300 B.C. mention a warlike race called Hiung-nu. Vigorous, active, restless, always on horseback, these savages45 hovered46 round the frontiers of the Celestial47 Empire. They were, it seems, divided into tribes, which when not acting48 in concert on some greater raid, probably behaved much as Scottish clans49 did not so long ago, and quarrelled and fought amongst each other. So it appears that a clan called the Asena sought the protection of a stronger one, which Gibbon called the Giougen, or Jwen-jwen. The Asena settled for a while in the district where now stands Shan-tan, in which district a hill called Dürk? (helmet), from its shape, is said to have originated the name “Turk.”
In course of time, about a century, the Asena began to feel their strength and tried it on their hosts, the result a massacre50 of Giougen and their disappearance51 from the pages of history. Again no epic tells us the stirring story of those days, and what is known is due to the researches of men like Chavannes and E. H. Parker. But the Turks from this time came into the field of history and into the purview52 of the West; they had gained in strength and importance with astounding53 rapidity, and were making their presence felt on the nations to westward54 of their former haunts. They still clung to their habits of nomadic55 hunters, but, it seems, engaged in trade as well, carrying goods for others in their caravans56, connecting East and West with links of doubtful trustiness.{146}
It was through this trading that they first came into contact with the Western world. Persia stood in the way of this young Turkey’s commercial development, and would insist on Turkish silks finding their outlet57 to the Persian Gulf58 rather than by the roads of the old Roman Empire of the East. Thus it came that Turkish envoys59 sought out Emperor Justin at Constantinople. The Emperor was somewhat chary60 of dealing61 with these strangers, but little more than half a century later Turkish warriors62 were assisting Heraclius against the Persians. As the Turks increased in number they felt the need of further expansion, so a section of them made its way north towards Lake Baikal and menaced China, but were subdued63 in 630. China then set about creating ill-feeling between the two sections of the Turkish people, the northern and the western tribes, and brought about a division which seems to have been final. In the meantime another force had arisen in Asia Minor64 which was destined65 to overrun that district, surge into Syria, conquer Egypt and the African countries washed by the Mediterranean66 Sea, and send its tide up against the barriers of the Pyrenees.
The Arabs had come from out of the desert and, fired by the teachings of the Prophet Mohammed, had carried their green banner victorious67 over the ruins of former Empires. The Caliphate, the Arab Empire, grew as rapidly under the immediate68 successors of the Prophet as the Turkish State, if it could be so called, had done a century before. Persia went under before the furious onslaught of the Arabs in 639, and the conquerors overflowing69 into Transoxania had subjected the peoples living there by 714. The Arabs spread westward as well, and only forty-six years after the flight of Mohammed from Mecca to Medina, in the seventh century the Sea of Marmora was alive with the lateen sails of the swarthy marauders.{147} They dashed out their souls against the strong defences of Constantinople, the Walls of Theodosius, in successive attempts to capture the City of fabulous70 wealth, but were forced to retire defeated. However, the Turks, who nearly ten centuries later broke down those stout71 defences, became subject to the Caliphate.
This applies to the Western Turks only; they vanished as a political entity72 and gradually became converted to a creed73 well suited to bring out the qualities of a high-spirited, martial74 race of nomads75. It sanctified their lust76 of blood and conquest, and gave fuller force to this people’s fighting spirit by imposing78 the strict discipline of Islam, “obedience,” but made no mention of that broad tolerance79 breathed by the Founder80 of Christianity to which the West owes so much of its civilization. It is doubtful though whether those early Turkish tribes, if they had come under the influence of Christianity instead of Islam, would have advanced any further on the path of culture than they have arrived to-day. Though they have been in contact with the West since the seventh century, though they conquered the Empire of the East and made its Christian81 peoples their subjects, and from the City of Constantine overflowed82 Eastern Europe up to the gates of Vienna, yet the Turk has learnt nothing. This people, still nomad, has taken nothing from the West but a misunderstood, misapplied idea of representative Government which failed at its inception84 and has hastened the downfall of the Ottoman Empire in Europe. It has absorbed nothing but a dim idea of a military organization which when applied83 to a civilized85, cultured nation makes for military perfection, when attempted on nomads leads to such debacles as the plains of Thessaly, the mountainous districts of Macedonia, and the stricken fields of Thrace have recently witnessed.{148}
British naval86 officers have for years been acting as instructors87 to the Turkish Navy, which from a collection of obsolete88 iron tanks has to outward appearance assumed the semblance89 of a war fleet; left to themselves, what has that fleet done to help Turkey in her present straits? The Greek Navy is afloat and preventing transhipment of Turkish troops from Asia Minor—but the Sultan’s fleet did not move out to help! Only some mines were laid and allowed to float about the southern entrance to the Dardanelles, endangering foreign commerce from which Turkish officials indirectly90 draw their means of livelihood91. The “Hamidieh,” her officers warned time and again to take precautions against torpedo92 attack, was laid up in dock with a gaping93 rent in her bows caused by a Bulgarian torpedo, and only the “Khairreddin Barbarossa,” named after Turkey’s greatest sailor, lying at the southern end of the lines of Chatalja, has taken any part in a war in which naval power, properly applied, could have turned the fortunes of the day.[5]
[5] Since this was written the Turkish fleet has emerged from hiding once or twice, and shown some signs of activity. Both Turks and Greeks have laid claim to victories at sea.
The sea-coast of Bulgaria lay exposed; a strong naval force to escort transport would have made practicable a landing of Turkish troops behind the enemy’s lines and threatened his communications, thus checking his advance on Adrianople. But the Turkish Navy was content to throw a few shells into a harmless convent, or monastery94, at Varna. Possibly there were no transports, probably there was no definite scheme, but certainly there was no navy commensurate with the power assumed by the Osmanli in the comity95 of European nations.
Money was spent on the Sultan’s navy, and it failed. Money, much money, was given for the Sultan’s army. The highly trained officers, carefully selected from Europe{149}’s most efficient military organization, were acquired as instructors, and worked hard at what must have seemed the labours of Sisyphus. The Sultan’s army took the field, and all the work of years seemed as if thrown away. Instead of military organization there was chaos96. Nominal97 army corps98 with staff and commanders figured on paper. In reality commanders of army corps, divisions, brigades waited for the troop trains at wayside stations, and as each tactical unit detrained and fell in on the platforms, these commanders without commands gathered together such units as they thus found and extemporized99 commands. Transport failed completely, and at Rodosto men landing from Asia Minor cried for bread, hundreds strayed starving in search of food for five and six days on end, and then were driven back by cavalry100 into the firing line—to fight!
Of all the costly101 engines of war ordered and paid for, field telegraphs, field telephones, not one was in evidence. Thousands of Anatolian peasants, greybeards and youths, swelled102 the ranks, untrained many of them, some only used to muzzle-loading rifles. Some two hundred thousand of these men, Turkish soldiers, clung on to the lines of Chatalja; others, in thousands, stragglers from the battlefield, collected from day to day in the purlieus of Stamboul and returned unwilling103 to the front. Among these were even officers—an official announcement ordered the imams, the priests, to render to the military police authorities lists of all officers living in the streets of their respective districts—officers here in the capital of an Empire, the existence of which in Europe is threatened as gravely as was ever any Empire of the world, and out in the West, but fifty miles away, is the front, the line of Chatalja’s defences, result of Valentine Baker104 Pasha’s military skill. Impregnable, they say, are those lines, and that they would be, and will remain, if all available sons of Othman put their backs{150} into the work. Yet there were officers and men of the Sultan’s army frittering away their time and wasting opportunities of at last doing something for the country they profess105 to love, here in the capital with the enemy hammering at the outer defences. And would it be believed, those lines of Chatalja, just before the debacle of Lüle Burgas, were left in charge of two men, whose function was to see that no thief removed doors, shutters106, or any other portable trifles from the many Government buildings on the lines!
It is no wonder that the example set by many officers of the Sultan’s army had discouraged the troops, who, seeing everything going against them, starving, diseased, turned their weary eyes homeward to the East, to Asia, the Turk’s real home, and dragged their tired, wounded limbs over the incredibly bad roads till the soaring minarets108 and their rivals the cypresses110, the domes42 of mosques111 built to commemorate112 the conquests of former warrior Osmanli, gladdened their sight. Beyond those imposing temples lay the sea, and across it, only a little way, Anatolia—Home.
The Mosque of Mohammed Built to commemorate the Conqueror of Constantinople. He lies buried under the shadow of this Mosque.
The Mosque of Mohammed
Built to commemorate the Conqueror of Constantinople. He lies buried under the shadow of this Mosque.
Of the thousands of broken-spirited, ignorant peasant-soldiers who left their country’s colours, a term the inner meaning of which was incomprehensible to the majority of them, many fell by the way. Thousands clambered into railway trucks, on to the roofs, of any train starting for the base, and of these many died and their comrades threw them out by the way; corpses113 strewed114 the railway embankments. Many reached St. Stefano, where preliminary peace was signed after another Northern foe115, Russia, had defeated the Osmanli in the field. Of these one-third, it is said, died of cholera116, exposure, starvation, their festering bodies covering the pavements. Considerable numbers reached Stamboul and took refuge in the mosques, perhaps hoping that Allah might help them out of their affliction. St. Sophia was crowded with sick and despondent117{151} humanity, the flotsam and jetsam of a war of East and West: one side all unprepared, purposeless, corrupt37; the other in well-ordered array, conscious of power and of purpose, and using intelligently all the dread118 weapons of modern warfare119.
With the fugitive120 soldiery came columns of refugees, peasants of Thrace and Macedonia, Pomaks—Bulgarian converts to Islam; they came across the rolling plains with all their portable belongings121, their trail marked by an occasional grave, by a dead horse or bullock by the roadside. These, too, sought shelter in the courtyards of the mosques; they streamed in at the City gates, chiefly Edirné Kapoo, as the Turks renamed the ancient Gate of Adrianople. I have seen them here herded122 without the gate awaiting admission, crowded in the courtyard of the Mosque of Mihrama, which occupies the site of a church once dedicated123 to St. George in the days of old Byzant.
St. George, the patron saint of warriors, was entrusted124 with the defence of Constantine’s City here where the Walls of Theodosius reach this highest point. A glorious view spreads at your feet from their height; past groves125 of solemn cypress109 trees, which cast their long shadows over the graves of faithful followers126 of the Prophet, thousands of whom in distant ages assailed127 the strong defences of the City, your eye travels along the hoary128 walls, over a ruined palace to where Galata arises beyond the Golden Horn. Forests of masts, smoke rising from the funnels129 of ocean-going steamers or busy ferry-boats speak of commercial activity contrasting with the Oriental repose130 of Stamboul at your feet. Little wooden houses, some of warm purply greys, others are painted with some bright colour; fig77 trees and cypresses on the rising ground towards the east, where many mosques, the only lasting131 monument a Turk builds, stand out above the clustering houses, their blue-grey domes crowned with gleaming crescent,{152} light against the deep blue of the Anatolian mountains, attendant minarets a dazzling white against the southern sky. And then to southward another mosque or so with minaret107 and sentinel cypress, and over them the sparkling waters of the Sea of Marmora, where the Prince’s Islands seem floating in the fairy haze132 of a southern summer day. This was when I saw it a few short years ago; to-day the sky is grey and cloudy, the smoke hangs heavy over the leaden waters of the Golden Horn, mosques and minarets loom133 dark against the faint, watery134 outlines of the distant hills, the fig trees have shed their leaves and throw out writhing135 arms against winter’s inclemency136, and sullen137 cypresses bend ungraciously before the north wind. Grey despondency is the keynote of the picture, for from the south-west and the west, and from the north-east, the foes138 have gathered in strength and hold Constantinople in bonds, and beyond those dark heights to westward an enemy, strong and purposeful, is demanding admission to Turkey’s last foothold in Europe.
The untidy street from Edirné Kapoo to the heart of Stamboul is punctuated139 here and there by mosques—there is the Mosque of Mihrama, already mentioned, where once stood a Christian church; there is the Mosque of Mohammed II the Conqueror, built on the site of a church dedicated to the Holy Apostles, for long the resting-place of those far-off Byzantine Emperors, the last of whom perished when the City fell before the sword of Othman. Around it stand the academies where are trained those destined to expound140 the teaching of the Prophet. Under a wintry sky, amidst the squalor of a people incapable141 of elementary hygiene142, the glory of the Conqueror’s deeds is dimmed, and the vanquished143, despondent sons of his fierce warriors huddle144 in groups about this monument to an epoch-making victory. The road leads for a while along an aqueduct attributed to Valens, the Emperor who was{153} killed in battle at Adrianople by the Goths. Bulgarians are this day holding the city of Emperor Hadrian in an iron vice145. Along here are other ruins, more recent, the result of a fire probably; no rebuilding has been attempted, everywhere is dirt, squalor, and decay.
The street opens out on to a large square, one side of which is occupied by the Seraskierat, the War Office. From here came the order to the Sultan’s officers that they should pack up their full-dress uniforms for the triumphal entry of the Othman army into Sofia. To-day weary stragglers from the battlefields of Thrace lean against the walls of the Seraskierat, heavy-eyed, hungry, diseased, despondent. Surely there were some whose business is between these walls cognisant of the real state of affairs! It is said that of some eighteen German instructors sixteen declared the Turkish Army to be quite unfit to take the field; yet those holding office at the Seraskierat heeded146 not and sent hundreds of thousands in smaller tactical units, under-officered, to take what place they could in the fighting line; no scheme was ready, or if there was no one adhered to it, no adequate provision for commands and staff, for communications, for commissariat preceded the flood of miscellaneous soldiery which flowed out to meet the enemy’s advance and then ebbed147 back, carrying with it all the human wreckage148 thrown up on to the ill-kept pavements of the mosques of conquerors.
And while this mass of suffering Eastern humanity was but fitfully and quite inadequately149 cared for by the Turkish authorities, Western humanity was putting forth its finest efforts to alleviate150 this awful distress151 by all the means of Western civilization, against which the Turk is making his last stand. In the old Seraglio, at Galata and Pera hospitals have been opened to receive the sick and wounded soldiers of the Sultan, and they now readily make their way to where the Red Crescent flies by the side of the{154} ensigns of Great European Powers. I know fair English women, all unused to the sights and sounds, the aftermath and echo of glorious war, who are giving all their strength to works of mercy, Germans and Austrians, French and Italians, all moved by the spirit which informs Christianity. Do they expect gratitude152 in return, I wonder! I hope not, for they are likely to be disappointed. One gentle lady I know of, who has worked hard amongst all this misery153, asked some of her patients whether in case of a massacre of Christians154 they would at least protect those who had nursed them back to life. After some deliberation the answer came: “No, not that. But we would kill you first, so that you may escape torture, and worse, from others.” Again, at a meeting where many ladies were busy preparing hospital necessaries, the talk turned to the question of a massacre of Christians. A Turkish lady, a lady of high degree, turned on her fellow-workers and declared that should her people be driven to the last extremity155 they would certainly wreak156 vengeance157 on the Christian population, and she herself would be the first to incite158 them, to goad159 them on to murder and rapine, until the streets should run with the blood of Christians, and Christian habitations became a howling wilderness160, to show a horror-stricken world in what manner a race of warriors goes out of history.
Personally I do not think any such catastrophe161 will happen; the Turkish soldiers I saw daily straggling into hospital are too broken in spirit, too sick in mind and body, to carry out such atrocities162 as those with which they have from time to time sullied the pages of their history. Nevertheless, those two accounts I have given above, of the truth of which I am convinced, prove to me that when the Turk finally leaves Europe he will take with him nothing which the West has tried to teach him, least of all any conception of the divine quality of mercy.
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mosque
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| n.清真寺 | |
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conqueror
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| n.征服者，胜利者 | |
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hampered
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| 妨碍，束缚，限制( hamper的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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considerably
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| adv.极大地；相当大地；在很大程度上 | |
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liking
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| n.爱好；嗜好；喜欢 | |
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bent
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| n.爱好，癖好；adj.弯的；决心的，一心的 | |
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worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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awakened
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| v.（使）醒( awaken的过去式和过去分词 )；（使）觉醒；弄醒；（使）意识到 | |
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ascertain
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| vt.发现，确定，查明，弄清 | |
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disturbance
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| n.动乱，骚动；打扰，干扰；(身心)失调 | |
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prolific
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| adj.丰富的，大量的；多产的，富有创造力的 | |
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monk
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| n.和尚，僧侣，修道士 | |
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epic
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| n.史诗，叙事诗；adj.史诗般的，壮丽的 | |
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epics
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| n.叙事诗( epic的名词复数 )；壮举；惊人之举；史诗般的电影（或书籍） | |
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forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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primordial
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| adj.原始的；最初的 | |
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secluded
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| adj.与世隔绝的；隐退的；偏僻的v.使隔开，使隐退( seclude的过去式和过去分词) | |
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chambers
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| n.房间( chamber的名词复数 )；（议会的）议院；卧室；会议厅 | |
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homely
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| adj.家常的，简朴的；不漂亮的 | |
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emulate
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| v.努力赶上或超越，与…竞争；效仿 | |
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recital
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| n.朗诵，独奏会，独唱会 | |
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clan
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| n.氏族，部落，宗族，家族，宗派 | |
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doughty
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| adj.勇猛的，坚强的 | |
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strife
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| n.争吵，冲突，倾轧，竞争 | |
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nomad
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| n.游牧部落的人，流浪者，游牧民 | |
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akin
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| adj.同族的，类似的 | |
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primitive
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| adj.原始的；简单的；n.原(始)人，原始事物 | |
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reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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reigned
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| vi.当政，统治（reign的过去式形式） | |
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passionate
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| adj.热情的，热烈的，激昂的，易动情的，易怒的，性情暴躁的 | |
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scions
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| n.接穗，幼枝( scion的名词复数 )；（尤指富家）子孙 | |
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incompetence
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| n.不胜任，不称职 | |
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warrior
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| n.勇士，武士，斗士 | |
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undoubtedly
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| adv.确实地，无疑地 | |
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35
derive
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| v.取得；导出；引申；来自；源自；出自 | |
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36
affinity
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| n.亲和力，密切关系 | |
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37
corrupt
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| v.贿赂，收买；adj.腐败的，贪污的 | |
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38
corruption
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| n.腐败，堕落，贪污 | |
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39
promising
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| adj.有希望的，有前途的 | |
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40
foist
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| vt.把…强塞给，骗卖给 | |
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41
ancestry
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| n.祖先，家世 | |
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42
domes
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| n.圆屋顶( dome的名词复数 )；像圆屋顶一样的东西；圆顶体育场 | |
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43
infusion
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| n.灌输 | |
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44
conquerors
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| 征服者，占领者( conqueror的名词复数 ) | |
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45
savages
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| 未开化的人，野蛮人( savage的名词复数 ) | |
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46
hovered
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| 鸟( hover的过去式和过去分词 )； 靠近（某事物）； （人）徘徊； 犹豫 | |
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47
celestial
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| adj.天体的；天上的 | |
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48
acting
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| n.演戏，行为，假装；adj.代理的，临时的，演出用的 | |
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49
clans
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| 宗族( clan的名词复数 )； 氏族； 庞大的家族； 宗派 | |
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50
massacre
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| n.残杀，大屠杀；v.残杀，集体屠杀 | |
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51
disappearance
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| n.消失，消散，失踪 | |
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52
purview
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| n.范围；眼界 | |
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53
astounding
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| adj.使人震惊的vt.使震惊，使大吃一惊astound的现在分词) | |
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54
westward
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| n.西方，西部；adj.西方的，向西的；adv.向西 | |
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55
nomadic
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| adj.流浪的；游牧的 | |
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56
caravans
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| （可供居住的）拖车（通常由机动车拖行）( caravan的名词复数 )； 篷车； （穿过沙漠地带的）旅行队（如商队） | |
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57
outlet
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| n.出口/路；销路；批发商店；通风口；发泄 | |
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58
gulf
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| n.海湾；深渊，鸿沟；分歧，隔阂 | |
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59
envoys
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| 使节( envoy的名词复数 )； 公使； 谈判代表； 使节身份 | |
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60
chary
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| adj.谨慎的，细心的 | |
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61
dealing
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| n.经商方法，待人态度 | |
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62
warriors
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| 武士，勇士，战士( warrior的名词复数 ) | |
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63
subdued
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| adj. 屈服的，柔和的，减弱的 动词subdue的过去式和过去分词 | |
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64
minor
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| adj.较小(少)的，较次要的；n.辅修学科；vi.辅修 | |
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65
destined
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| adj.命中注定的；(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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66
Mediterranean
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| adj.地中海的；地中海沿岸的 | |
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67
victorious
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| adj.胜利的，得胜的 | |
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68
immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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69
overflowing
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| n. 溢出物,溢流 adj. 充沛的，充满的 动词overflow的现在分词形式 | |
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70
fabulous
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| adj.极好的；极为巨大的；寓言中的，传说中的 | |
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72
entity
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| n.实体，独立存在体，实际存在物 | |
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73
creed
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| n.信条；信念，纲领 | |
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74
martial
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| adj.战争的，军事的，尚武的，威武的 | |
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75
nomads
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| n.游牧部落的一员( nomad的名词复数 )；流浪者；游牧生活；流浪生活 | |
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76
lust
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| n.性(淫)欲；渴(欲)望；vi.对…有强烈的欲望 | |
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77
fig
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| n.无花果(树) | |
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78
imposing
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| adj.使人难忘的，壮丽的，堂皇的，雄伟的 | |
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79
tolerance
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| n.宽容；容忍，忍受；耐药力；公差 | |
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80
Founder
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| n.创始者，缔造者 | |
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81
Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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82
overflowed
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| 溢出的 | |
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83
applied
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| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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84
inception
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| n.开端，开始，取得学位 | |
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85
civilized
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| a.有教养的，文雅的 | |
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86
naval
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| adj.海军的，军舰的，船的 | |
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87
instructors
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| 指导者，教师( instructor的名词复数 ) | |
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88
obsolete
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| adj.已废弃的，过时的 | |
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89
semblance
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| n.外貌，外表 | |
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90
indirectly
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| adv.间接地，不直接了当地 | |
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91
livelihood
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| n.生计，谋生之道 | |
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92
torpedo
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| n.水雷，地雷；v.用鱼雷破坏 | |
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93
gaping
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| adj.口的；张口的；敞口的；多洞穴的v.目瞪口呆地凝视( gape的现在分词 )；张开，张大 | |
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94
monastery
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| n.修道院，僧院，寺院 | |
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95
comity
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| n.礼让，礼仪；团结，联合 | |
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96
chaos
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| n.混乱，无秩序 | |
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97
nominal
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| adj.名义上的；(金额、租金)微不足道的 | |
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98
corps
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| n.(通信等兵种的)部队；(同类作的)一组 | |
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99
extemporized
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| v.即兴创作，即席演奏( extemporize的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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100
cavalry
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| n.骑兵；轻装甲部队 | |
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101
costly
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| adj.昂贵的，价值高的，豪华的 | |
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102
swelled
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| 增强( swell的过去式和过去分词 )； 肿胀； （使）凸出； 充满（激情） | |
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103
unwilling
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| adj.不情愿的 | |
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104
baker
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| n.面包师 | |
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105
profess
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| v.声称，冒称，以...为业，正式接受入教，表明信仰 | |
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106
shutters
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| 百叶窗( shutter的名词复数 )； （照相机的）快门 | |
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107
minaret
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| n.（回教寺院的）尖塔 | |
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108
minarets
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| n.（清真寺旁由报告祈祷时刻的人使用的）光塔( minaret的名词复数 ) | |
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109
cypress
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| n.柏树 | |
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110
cypresses
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| n.柏属植物，柏树( cypress的名词复数 ) | |
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111
mosques
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| 清真寺； 伊斯兰教寺院，清真寺； 清真寺，伊斯兰教寺院( mosque的名词复数 ) | |
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112
commemorate
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| vt.纪念，庆祝 | |
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113
corpses
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| n.死尸，尸体( corpse的名词复数 ) | |
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114
strewed
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| v.撒在…上( strew的过去式和过去分词 )；散落于；点缀；撒满 | |
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115
foe
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| n.敌人，仇敌 | |
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116
cholera
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| n.霍乱 | |
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117
despondent
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| adj.失望的，沮丧的，泄气的 | |
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118
dread
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| vt.担忧，忧虑；惧怕，不敢；n.担忧，畏惧 | |
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119
warfare
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| n.战争(状态)；斗争；冲突 | |
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120
fugitive
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| adj.逃亡的，易逝的；n.逃犯，逃亡者 | |
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121
belongings
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| n.私人物品，私人财物 | |
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122
herded
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| 群集，纠结( herd的过去式和过去分词 )； 放牧； （使）向…移动 | |
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123
dedicated
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| adj.一心一意的；献身的；热诚的 | |
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124
entrusted
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| v.委托，托付( entrust的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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125
groves
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| 树丛，小树林( grove的名词复数 ) | |
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126
followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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127
assailed
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| v.攻击( assail的过去式和过去分词 )；困扰；质问；毅然应对 | |
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128
hoary
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| adj.古老的；鬓发斑白的 | |
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129
funnels
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| 漏斗( funnel的名词复数 )； （轮船，火车等的）烟囱 | |
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130
repose
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| v.(使)休息；n.安息 | |
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131
lasting
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| adj.永久的，永恒的；vbl.持续，维持 | |
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132
haze
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| n.霾，烟雾；懵懂，迷糊；vi.(over)变模糊 | |
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133
loom
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| n.织布机，织机；v.隐现，(危险、忧虑等)迫近 | |
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134
watery
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| adj.有水的，水汪汪的；湿的，湿润的 | |
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135
writhing
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| （因极度痛苦而）扭动或翻滚( writhe的现在分词 ) | |
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136
inclemency
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| n.险恶，严酷 | |
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137
sullen
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| adj.愠怒的，闷闷不乐的，(天气等)阴沉的 | |
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138
foes
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| 敌人，仇敌( foe的名词复数 ) | |
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139
punctuated
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| v.（在文字中）加标点符号，加标点( punctuate的过去式和过去分词 )；不时打断某事物 | |
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140
expound
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| v.详述；解释；阐述 | |
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141
incapable
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| adj.无能力的，不能做某事的 | |
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142
hygiene
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| n.健康法，卫生学 （a.hygienic） | |
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143
vanquished
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| v.征服( vanquish的过去式和过去分词 )；战胜；克服；抑制 | |
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144
huddle
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| vi.挤作一团；蜷缩；vt.聚集；n.挤在一起的人 | |
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145
vice
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| n.坏事；恶习；[pl.]台钳，老虎钳；adj.副的 | |
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146
heeded
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| v.听某人的劝告，听从( heed的过去式和过去分词 )；变平，使（某物）变平( flatten的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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147
ebbed
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| （指潮水）退( ebb的过去式和过去分词 )； 落； 减少； 衰落 | |
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148
wreckage
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| n.（失事飞机等的）残骸，破坏，毁坏 | |
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149
inadequately
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| ad.不够地；不够好地 | |
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150
alleviate
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| v.减轻，缓和，缓解(痛苦等) | |
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151
distress
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| n.苦恼，痛苦，不舒适；不幸；vt.使悲痛 | |
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152
gratitude
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| adj.感激，感谢 | |
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153
misery
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| n.痛苦，苦恼，苦难；悲惨的境遇，贫苦 | |
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154
Christians
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| n.基督教徒( Christian的名词复数 ) | |
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155
extremity
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| n.末端，尽头；尽力；终极；极度 | |
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156
wreak
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| v.发泄；报复 | |
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157
vengeance
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| n.报复，报仇，复仇 | |
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158
incite
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| v.引起，激动，煽动 | |
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159
goad
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| n.刺棒，刺痛物；激励；vt.激励，刺激 | |
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160
wilderness
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| n.杳无人烟的一片陆地、水等，荒漠 | |
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161
catastrophe
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| n.大灾难，大祸 | |
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162
atrocities
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| n.邪恶，暴行( atrocity的名词复数 )；滔天大罪 | |
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