The Burnt Column One of the most peculiar4 relics5 of old Byzantium; standing6 alone, apart from the everyday life of the city, a silent witness to many strange events; a monument so old that its history is lost in oblivion.
The Burnt Column
One of the most peculiar relics of old Byzantium; standing alone, apart from the everyday life of the city, a silent witness to many strange events; a monument so old that its history is lost in oblivion.
IT was not in the City, in Stamboul itself, where signs of any unusual state of affairs struck the casual stranger; it was outside the gates, beyond the walls, that signs of stress and trouble crowded in upon the observer—soldiers, stragglers, refugees, filled the gateways7 through the walls of Theodosius. On the rising ground outside Top Kapoo dense8 groves9 of cypress10 trees, guarding the graves of men who had fallen in the repeated attempts to force an entry into Constantinople, threw their long shadows over the road beyond the old defences, as they stood out deep-toned against the golden sunset. Now these cypresses11 were rapidly falling before the axe12 of the Macedonian refugees, who had formed their camp of waggons13 outside Top Kapoo. They were camping on the spot where Mohammed the Conqueror pitched his tent in 1453, looking down into the Valley of the Lycus, where the assaults were made which brought down the enfeebled Empire of Byzant. This was a pleasant place, according to all accounts, when the world was young, and{126}{125} St. Chrysostom baptized his three thousand white-robed catechumens in the waters of the Lycus. A few years later Theodosius II rode down from the heights outside to view the walls that he had built. He fell from his horse and died a few days later, from the injury caused to his spine14. No doubt the Valley of the Lycus was a pleasant place in those far-off golden days of a golden Empire, which, here in this valley, received the death-wound from the forebears of the people who are now swarming15 in the groves of cypresses, refugees, destitute16, landless and homeless, instinctively17 turning towards Asia, whence their race sprang. It came with giant strides, that race of the sons of Othman; they first became acquainted with the glories of Byzant through a mission sent from their chief to Emperor Justinian in the sixth century; they were not Moslems then, for it was not till the eighth century that the Arabs overran their country and forcibly converted them. They served the Arab Caliphs for a while, and in time rose above them and founded dynasties of their own folk. The young nation passed through many tribulations20, but by the time that Othman, son of Erthogrul, came to the throne, the Greeks had already felt the keenness of the sword that carved possessions out of the Empire of the East, until nothing was left to C?sar but his Imperial City. This Valley of the Lycus seethed21 with fighting men in those early days of 1453. Both sides had been making preparations for a year or so. Mohammed had collected his strong, well-disciplined army at Adrianople, his European capital, and here, under his supervision22, were made preparations for the siege of Constantinople. He increased the number of guns, and in this was helped by a Hungarian, Urban, who had left the Greek service on account of some ill-usage by his factious23 masters. The prize achievement of Urban’s foundry at Adrianople was a monster cannon24, of which{128} wonderful things were said: its bore was of twelve palms breadth; it could contain a charge that drove a stone ball of six hundred pounds weight a distance of a mile, to bury it in the ground to the depth of a furlong. In spite of its wonderful performance, it is doubtful whether the big gun cast by Urban did very much damage, although, to make sure, it was placed only a couple of hundred yards from the walls it was to bring down. At any rate, Mohammed made all necessary arrangements for the siege, and finally turned on the priests of Islam to rouse his warriors25 to the proper state of religious frenzy26.
The preparations in the City were probably much less thoroughly27 undertaken. Emperor Constantine was a good man, and efficient, but it seems he was not strong enough to bring his people to the pitch of self-sacrifice necessary to those who have to sustain a siege. The citizens of Constantinople were as keen about religious controversy28 as ever, and the times provided food for violent discussions, for the ruler of the Empire realized the dangers that beset29 him and tried to make diplomacy30 a substitute for efficient military preparations. There was only one way by which help could come to Constantinople, and that was by union of the Orthodox Greek Church with the Church of Rome. The citizens of Constantinople were wildly agitated31 by the publication of the news of this agreement, and many swore to admit the Moslem19 rather than the Roman priest. But the latter came, nevertheless, Cardinal32 Isidore of Russia, as Legate of Pope Nicholas V, and with him came help, a body of trained soldiers, and the union of the Churches was solemnized at St. Sophia, amidst disorder33 and riots in the streets. The Greeks, though always ready to fight among themselves over some matter of dogma, had for many years ceased to bear arms in defence of their country. They had by degrees become too soft for the hard life of{129} a soldier, dropped one by one the heavier arms and accoutrements, which had to be carried about after them; it was hopeless to try and make any further use of them for military purposes. For this reason they were forbidden to take up the profession of arms, or even to form trained bands or bodies of volunteers; possibly another cause was the danger of an armed mob, violent, decadent34, always dissatisfied. Yet they should have been content; their rulers relieved them from the responsibility of defending their country, which, by the way, is considered an honour by the citizens of those European nations which have universal military service; they were fed by the State, which also provided amusement for them—games, fights of wild beasts, drama, and music; in fact, they had even less responsibility and were offered more entertainment than the people of another great Empire of to-day. For defence the City of Constantinople relied solely35 upon foreign mercenaries.
Mohammed’s line of attack extended all along the walls, from the Sea of Marmora to the Golden Horn, where it joined with the fleet he had brought across country; the main assault was directed against the Gate of St. Romanus, down in the valley. The siege continued from April till May. The Greek army was venturesome at first, and made sorties to destroy the earthworks, behind which the Turks were planning mines. But the serious losses caused by such enterprise, as also the dwindling37 store of gunpowder38, put an end to these operations, and the courage of the defenders39 began to sink. Hope rose again for a while when a premature40 attack was beaten off, the assailants not yet having effected a negotiable breach41, or again when a squadron of four Genoese and one Greek ship from Chios fought its way through the Turkish Fleet and came to anchor in the Golden Horn under the {130}sea-walls of the Seraglio. A very gallant42 episode this, which happened in the middle of April. The stately ships sailed up from the Dardanelles, and bore down upon the numerous Turkish Fleet, while Greeks crowded on the walls, and the Turks, among them their Sultan, rushed down to the shore to watch. From their tall decks the Christian43 seamen44 hurled45 large stones and poured Greek fire upon the low-lying Turkish barques around them, and so they fought their way to the harbour’s mouth; the chain was lowered to receive them, and welcome reinforcement had come to Constantinople. Mohammed felt the humiliation47 so keenly that his wrath48 against Baltaoghli could only be appeased49 by that Admiral’s death—the order went that he was to be impaled50 on the spot. But the Janissaries demurred51, and entreated52 the Sultan to spare the Admiral’s life, so the angry sovereign punished the offender53, stretched on the ground, held by four slaves, by dealing54 him one hundred blows with his battle-mace; no doubt a dignified55 proceeding56, though most painful to the Admiral.
The succour brought by the five ships was all that ever came to the distressed57 City; the siege was carried on relentlessly58, and one by one the strong walls and towers went down before Mohammed’s artillery59. On May 24th he sent in to demand surrender, but was refused, so orders were given for a general assault on the 29th. The hostile leaders spent the eve of battle in characteristic manner. Mohammed assembled his chiefs and issued final orders; he despatched crowds of dervishes to visit the tents of his troops to inflame60 their fanaticism61 and promise them great rewards—double pay, captives and spoil, gold and beauty, while to the first man who should ascend62 the walls the Sultan promised the government of the fairest province of his dominions63.
A Byzantine Palace The ancient Palace of the Porphyrogenitus, where those “born in the Purple” were shown to the populace and proclaimed “C?sar urbi, C?sar orbis.”
A Byzantine Palace
The ancient Palace of the Porphyrogenitus, where those “born in the Purple” were shown to the populace and proclaimed “C?sar urbi, C?sar orbis.”
Emperor Constantine likewise assembled his nobles, and{131} the leaders of his allies, chief of whom was Giustiniani; he adjured64 them to make yet greater efforts in the defence, and to infuse new courage into the siege-worn troops by their example. Rewards he had none to offer them. Then each leader went his way to the post assigned to him, the Emperor himself to a solemn Mass in St. Sophia, the last time in the history of that sacred shrine65 the mysteries of the Christian faith were adored by any Christian worshipper. Constantine then returned to the palace and asked forgiveness of any of his servants whom he might have wronged; then he passed from his palace to his station at the great breach.
In the Ottoman camp all was ready for the great attempt, and at sunrise masses of assailants stood in their appointed places, waiting to hurl46 themselves against the tottering66 defences of the Eastern Empire. To the sound of drums and trumpets67 wave after wave of fierce fighting men surged across the filled-in fosse, over the broken walls, to be repulsed68 by the defenders. Time after time they were repulsed and followed by fresh swarms69, trampling70 down the barrier of corpses71 in their eagerness for blood and booty. But the courage and numbers of the defenders were ebbing72 fast; Giustiniani, who, side by side with the Emperor, was conducting the defence of the great breach, fell severely73 wounded, and was borne away to die in his galley74 in the harbour. This took the heart out of the defence; the chief of the assailing75 Janissaries noticed it, and urged his men to yet greater endeavour. The Turks now numbered fifty to one as Hassan, the Giant of Ulubad, led thirty men as vanguard of the last attack into the breach. Hassan fell, and most of those who came with him, but the main body followed rapidly, and under the weight of this tremendous onslaught the Christian garrison76 was over-powered. The victorious77 Turks rushed in; others had{132} forced the gate of the Phanar on the Golden Horn, and Constantine’s fair City was given over to the sword.
Constantine XII (Pal3?ologus) fell in the breach, defending the City of his great namesake against the Moslem; his body was found under a heap of slain78, and with him fell the greater number of his Latin auxiliaries79.
Refugees from Thrace and Macedonia are camping among the cypresses on the site from which Mohammed the Conqueror watched the fall of Constantinople’s last defences, while out at Chatalja another foe80 was dealing heavy blows at the last defences in Europe of that Empire founded here that day in May, 1453.
The Lycus, a dirty, insignificant81 stream, now swelled82 by constant rain and draining the quagmire83 which is called a road, outside the walls, flows through an arch underneath84 one of the towers into Stamboul. Just within, and leaning up against the walls, are huts built of wood, disused oil-tins, and other makeshifts. These harbour a colony of gipsies, who seemed as happy in the mud as they were when last I saw them, basking85 in the sunshine. This colony finds the expert horse-dealers (and stealers) of the neighbourhood. At present business is slack, for the war has demanded all there was in the way of horseflesh in the City, for in this respect, too, no adequate preparations had been made; the tramway companies had to give up their jades86 to carry the Sultan’s cavalry87 to victory and Sofia, as was fondly imagined by the hosts that streamed out through the gates of the City. I have seen some of the few survivors88 of those horses, led back by men who were in much the same condition as their mounts; it seemed as if their sinews alone kept their bones from falling apart.
Groves of cypress trees used to cast long shadows over the many graves that mark the landscape to westward89 of the track that leads northward90 along the walls of Constantinople;{133} to-day they are fast disappearing under the axe of the refugees, and what was once a scene of solemn beauty is now squalor and desecration91, for right away to the Gate of Adrianople, Edirné, as the Turks call it, there were clusters of carts with their distressful92 burdens. Looking down on all this misery93 stands the Mosque of Mihrama, on the highest point of the old defences of Constantinople. A church dedicated94 to St. George, the patron saint of warriors and horsemen, stood here, until St. George’s mission of protecting Christian soldiers ended in the debacle down in the ruin-heaped valley below. To me, the crescent on the dome96 of Mihrama, the unfinished minaret97 amidst its scaffolding seemed to wear an air of detachment from the ghastly scenes below; around it dirt and disease, and abject98 misery within the courtyard of the mosque; but its growing minaret stands quite aloof99, and points to the lowering sky, beyond which Allah decides the fate of mortals. So his worshippers, the followers100 of the Prophet, lie down in huddled101 heaps of wretchedness about his courts below—Kismet!
The Walls of Theodosius turn away from the road after the Gate of Adrianople, and end at an imposing102 ruin, once the home of Emperors—the Palace of the Porphyrogenitus. It stands high, overlooking the City and the open country; on its walls are the remains103 of two balconies, from one of which the new-born Prince was shown the wide extent of rolling plain and proclaimed “C?sar Orbi,” from the other, looking out upon the city, “C?sar Urbis.” Owls104 and bats now haunt the scene of former greatness, and the voice of Echo, the “Daughter of the Arches,” no longer gives back the sounds of revelry, the chorus of applause, or murmurs105 of discontent, which made up the history of that ancient Empire which fell before the sword of Othman in the Valley of the Lycus. Close by is a little postern gate in the curtain{134} connecting the last two towers of the Walls of Theodosius; it was called the Kerko Porta, and legend lingered round it. During the last day of the siege, in May of 1453, a rumour106 ran along the lines of the defence that the Turks had gained admission by this gate. They did so, but were driven out again by the last Emperor’s bravery, which, however, only delayed the inevitable107 result of Mohammed’s fierce assault. Ever since then the Greeks believed that when the City should be recaptured by Christians108, they would enter by this gate. The Turks heard of this tradition, and when the Slavs were pouring down the Valley of the Maritza, and approaching Stamboul, they pulled down the curtain so that the Russians might not enter by the Kerko Porta, and replaced it by a smaller wall.
Beyond the ruined palace the moat ends abruptly109, but the walls continue higher and of greater strength. History clings round them; they recall names of famous men who lived their day, Manuel Comnenus, who was to old Byzant what Manoel O Fortunate was to medi?val Portugal. Anna Comnena, daughter of the first Alexius, who wrote the history of her father’s reign36, a record of insincerity. Anne and her mother Irene conspired110 to poison John, her brother, who proved one of the worthiest111 of the latter Emperors of the East.
The last dynasty of Byzant, the Pal?ologi, is responsible for the high walls and towers that follow the walls of the Comneni towards the Golden Horn. John VII (Pal?ologus) had them repaired in 1441, for the last time probably, until Johannes Grant, a German engineer in the service of the Greeks, under cover of darkness, directed his workers to secure the portions of the wall that had suffered most heavily under the fire of Turkish ordnance112.
In the plain below is yet another sombre mass of ancient masonry113, peculiar in design, for it has the appearance of{135} two towers joined together. They differ in structure, one built of carefully cut stone, with courses of brickwork, the other roughly put together, and from it marble pillars project like cannon. These are the towers of Anemas and Isaac Angelus, the former descendant of a Saracen Emir who was converted to Christianity when young and in captivity115, and distinguished116 himself in several campaigns under John Zimisces; he was killed in a personal encounter with Swiatoslav, the Russian King.
The other tower is said to have been the quarters of the imperial bodyguard117, the Varangians, whose conduct in the field shines out brightly against the records of cowardice118 and the treachery which inspired the policy of the later Greek Empire. The name Varangian is probably derived119 from the Teuton “Fortganger,” forthgoer, signifying men who had left their country in search of adventure. The first of these Varangians were probably Norsemen, who suddenly emerged from the darkness of their northern shores to prey120 as pirates upon the settled communities, and found their way through the Mediterranean121 Sea to Byzant. The fame of this warriors’ Eldorado reached other northern nations, so from England came big-limbed Saxons, impatient of the Norman Conqueror’s discipline. Danes, too, were to be found amongst the ranks of the Eastern Emperor’s bodyguard, their weighty battle-axes and stout122 hearts performing those deeds of valour which Anna Comnena was wont123 to ascribe to that vainglorious124 hypocrite, her father, Emperor Alexius I. Here, by these towers, the old defences of Constantinople end in heavy masses of ruined masonry.
One Sunday morning the sound of heavy firing coming from the west, from the present-day defences of Constantinople, the lines of Chatalja, drew me out into the open country. I left the City by the Egri Kapoo, the{136} Crooked125 Gate, formerly126 the Gate of the Kaligari, the shoemakers, when the Court of Byzant lived here by the Palaces of C?sar. Little wooden houses stand on the low ground beyond the gate, on the road down to a plain by the Golden Horn. In one of those houses lives Ali, the master-weaver. He was pursuing his vocation127 leisurely128 in his little workshop below the level of the road. “The war!” said Master Ali, “the war affects me not at all.” So I went on towards the sound of the guns, past the open space by the water where Simeon, Tsar of all the Bulgarians, after defeating the Greeks in battle, met the Emperor Romanus Lecapenus, and dictated129 harsh terms. Simeon knew the Greeks well; he and many of his followers had been educated at Byzant, and the culture he thus gained helped him to defeat his teachers. Bulgarians still come to Constantinople for education, at Robert College; among them was M. Gueshof, Tsar Ferdinand’s Prime Minister—and the Bulgarians were again outside Constantinople, hammering at its defences, the lines of Chatalja.
I walked out far into the country that Sunday, over the rolling plains, up hill and down dale, drawn130 by the sound of gun-fire, which has a mighty131 attraction for me; it is a strong, invigorating sound. There were few indications of war, though fighting was in progress not many miles away; villagers sat on little stools outside the cafés, over the uneven132 roads the carts of refugees rolled, creaking towards Constantinople. Here and there I met a party of stragglers, weary soldiers, unarmed, their faces set towards the east where, over the domes133 of the mosques134, the hills of Asia showed faintly, their outlines broken by tall minarets135. When evening fell upon the desolate136 landscape I retraced137 my steps towards the City, where lights were twinkling and casting broken reflections upon the waters of the Golden Horn. Through the narrow streets of the Phanar, where{137} silent figures flitted across my path, to vanish into some little wooden house or other, with its latticed windows, an air of unconcern prevailed, though men were dying out there, some fifty miles away. Through the crowded purlieus of Galata, up the steep, ill-paved streets to Pera, with its hotels, clubs, cafés, and vicious imitations of Parisian entertainments.
On the following day I went out towards the lines of Chatalja again, this time by sea. We were a party of five—a British consular138 official; a British naval139 officer, instructor140 to the Sultan’s war fleet; two Turks, one a naval officer, the other a captain of artillery; and I, a peripatetic141 author and artist. We sailed out from the Golden Horn as the sun was struggling to break through heavy banks of cloud; huge warships142 of different nations loomed144 large in the pale grey light of early morning, and here and there a twinkling light drew flickering145 response from the moving waters. As the daylight increased the ancient sea defences of Constantinople took definite form, above them the mosques and minarets of conquering Sultans. We sped past the Marble Tower, looking chill under a heavy grey sky; above it rose the broken towers of Yedi Koulé, past Makri Keui, and round the blunt promontory146 where San Stefano stands in all its misery of disease, to where the land rises west of Küjük Chekmedje. Here we anchored about half a mile from the shore, hauled in a duck-punt which had soared behind us all the way, and, rowed by an alleged147 sailor of the Sultan’s navy, made for the shore. There was some water rolling greasily148 in the duck-punt as we started, it increased in volume, and by the time we drew near the beach we had our feet well under water. The Turkish naval officer and the gunner sat in the bows, the other passengers astern; and the naval expert lent by our Admiralty directed the oarsman to pull us sideways on the{138} beach, as a quite noticeable sea was coming in on our starboard quarter, and our demands (if any) in that line were already fully114 satisfied. However, the Turkish A.B. (perhaps I flatter him, but flattery is an important item in Oriental colouring) thought fit to attempt a landing which would give us the full benefit of what sea there was. The British expert, when our crank craft first felt the shingle149, ordered our Turkish friends to jump ashore150. The sailor did so at once, the soldier required time, for he was wrapped in a long grey overcoat, carried a sword, and, moreover, wore boots ill-suited to such enterprise. The duck-punt thereupon began to behave with unseemly levity151, and in rolling shipped a deal of water, so that we who sat astern indulged in the unasked-for luxury of a hipbath, alfresco, and, moreover, attired152 for quite another purpose. Alas153! all my dear mother’s good precepts154 anent avoiding wet feet went by the board. However, we got ashore, so did the duck-punt too, in time; I hear she lies there still, her leaky bottom upwards155, a silent witness to our undaunted bravery.
The Lines of Chatalja The south extremity156 of the lines by the Sea of Marmora. The road leads down to the village of Küjük Chekmedje, with its bridge across which the Bulgarians attempted an attack, but were checked by the fire of a Turkish warship143 in the bay.
The Lines of Chatalja
The south extremity of the lines by the Sea of Marmora. The road leads down to the village of Küjük Chekmedje, with its bridge across which the Bulgarians attempted an attack, but were checked by the fire of a Turkish warship in the bay.
We made inland over the rising uplands till we could look down upon the Lake of Buyük Chekmedje, from the extreme left of the Turkish defence—the lines of Chatalja. A road leads over the several outflows of the lake by a bridge of many arches. Here the Bulgarians had attempted an assault some days before, and had been baffled by those that held the trenches157 searing the hill-side to the eastward158, and by the guns of a Turkish warship lying off the coast. At our feet lay the lake, beyond it ridges159 of rising ground, melting away into a broken line to northward. It was a most peaceful scene, for the warship was hidden by a shoulder of land, and there were no Turkish troops in sight, nor any of their enemies. We had met only a few people on our way; a Turkish patrol, who seemed mildly{139} concerned about us, and some shepherds with their flocks, all equally indifferent to the great doings that are filling the world’s daily papers with exciting copy, a credit to the inventive genius of the modern journalist. The shepherds stood out like statues on the skyline, and of rather quaint18 shape, which I discovered to be due to the strange fashion of their cloaks, the sleeves of which stick out in an acute angle, and are not used for their original purpose at all. We wandered still further inland, not in a compact body, for the Turkish gunner-man was a very deliberate walker and, like most of his race, not prone160 to undue161 haste. Nevertheless, we arrived in time at a Turkish camp of some fifteen hundred men, a camp which could be traced by scent95 as well as view. It stood below the skyline on some rising ground, which sloped steeply towards the enemy’s position, and gave evidence of a complete absence of any kind of sanitation162. The Caimakam (Lieutenant-Colonel) commanding welcomed us politely, and after having ascertained163 that nothing whatever had happened that day, and that no one expected anything to happen, because rumours164 of a truce165 were afloat, we thought of making our way home. This meant walking back to Küjük Chekmedje, where we hoped to find some boat to take us out to our launch. The walking party tailed off on the way, the British element forging ahead, the Turkish lagging behind, to allow the former to cool down in the north wind while waiting for the rear-guard, until at last we found a boat and were rowed out to the launch. I heard a shot or two from the land, coming in our direction perhaps; possibly the Turkish patrols, finding no Bulgars to shoot at, thought fit to practise on us; however, like so much of the shooting done in modern warfare166, even the best-conducted, it was perfectly167 harmless.
So again I returned to Constantinople, and passed through{140} Sunday crowds quite indifferent to the events in progress some fifty miles away, at those lines of Chatalja, planned by Valentine Baker168 Pasha, and since his time neglected till they became the only barrier between the Sublime169 Porte and ruin. It is strange, though enlightening, to reflect that while the Turkish Army was being driven back from the frontiers, while ill-equipped bodies of Turkish troops, leaderless, were being driven before a highly trained enemy, the lines of Chatalja, the last defence of Constantinople, were left unarmed, unguarded, but for a couple of elderly men whose duty it was to see that doors, shutters170, and other bits of woodwork were not removed by the genial171 neighbours for firewood.
But this is Turkey, an Empire that has traded on its position as apple of discord172 for centuries, and has never been able to take thought for the morrow—nomads, here to-day and gone to-morrow.
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1
conqueror
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| n.征服者，胜利者 | |
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2
mosque
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| n.清真寺 | |
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pal
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| n.朋友，伙伴，同志；vi.结为友 | |
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peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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relics
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| [pl.］n.遗物，遗迹，遗产；遗体，尸骸 | |
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6
standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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gateways
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| n.网关( gateway的名词复数 )；门径；方法；大门口 | |
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8
dense
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| a.密集的，稠密的，浓密的；密度大的 | |
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9
groves
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| 树丛，小树林( grove的名词复数 ) | |
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cypress
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| n.柏树 | |
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cypresses
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| n.柏属植物，柏树( cypress的名词复数 ) | |
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12
axe
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| n.斧子；v.用斧头砍，削减 | |
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waggons
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| 四轮的运货马车( waggon的名词复数 )； 铁路货车； 小手推车 | |
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spine
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| n.脊柱，脊椎；(动植物的)刺；书脊 | |
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swarming
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| 密集( swarm的现在分词 )； 云集； 成群地移动； 蜜蜂或其他飞行昆虫成群地飞来飞去 | |
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16
destitute
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| adj.缺乏的；穷困的 | |
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instinctively
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| adv.本能地 | |
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quaint
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| adj.古雅的，离奇有趣的，奇怪的 | |
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Moslem
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| n.回教徒，穆罕默德信徒；adj.回教徒的，回教的 | |
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tribulations
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| n.苦难( tribulation的名词复数 )；艰难；苦难的缘由；痛苦 | |
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seethed
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| （液体）沸腾( seethe的过去式和过去分词 )； 激动，大怒； 强压怒火； 生闷气(~with sth|~ at sth) | |
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supervision
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| n.监督，管理 | |
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factious
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| adj.好搞宗派活动的，派系的，好争论的 | |
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cannon
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| n.大炮，火炮；飞机上的机关炮 | |
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warriors
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| 武士，勇士，战士( warrior的名词复数 ) | |
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26
frenzy
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| n.疯狂，狂热，极度的激动 | |
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27
thoroughly
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| adv.完全地，彻底地，十足地 | |
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28
controversy
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| n.争论，辩论，争吵 | |
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29
beset
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| v.镶嵌；困扰，包围 | |
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30
diplomacy
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| n.外交；外交手腕，交际手腕 | |
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31
agitated
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| adj.被鼓动的，不安的 | |
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32
cardinal
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| n.(天主教的)红衣主教；adj.首要的，基本的 | |
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33
disorder
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| n.紊乱，混乱；骚动，骚乱；疾病，失调 | |
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34
decadent
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| adj.颓废的，衰落的，堕落的 | |
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35
solely
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| adv.仅仅，唯一地 | |
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36
reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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37
dwindling
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| adj.逐渐减少的v.逐渐变少或变小( dwindle的现在分词 ) | |
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38
gunpowder
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| n.火药 | |
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39
defenders
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| n.防御者( defender的名词复数 )；守卫者；保护者；辩护者 | |
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40
premature
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| adj.比预期时间早的；不成熟的，仓促的 | |
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41
breach
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| n.违反，不履行；破裂；vt.冲破，攻破 | |
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42
gallant
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| adj.英勇的，豪侠的；(向女人)献殷勤的 | |
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43
Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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44
seamen
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| n.海员 | |
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45
hurled
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| v.猛投，用力掷( hurl的过去式和过去分词 )；大声叫骂 | |
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46
hurl
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| vt.猛投，力掷，声叫骂 | |
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47
humiliation
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| n.羞辱 | |
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48
wrath
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| n.愤怒，愤慨，暴怒 | |
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49
appeased
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| 安抚，抚慰( appease的过去式和过去分词 )； 绥靖（满足另一国的要求以避免战争） | |
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50
impaled
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| 钉在尖桩上( impale的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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51
demurred
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| v.表示异议，反对( demur的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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52
entreated
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| 恳求，乞求( entreat的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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53
offender
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| n.冒犯者，违反者，犯罪者 | |
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54
dealing
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| n.经商方法，待人态度 | |
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55
dignified
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| a.可敬的，高贵的 | |
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56
proceeding
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| n.行动，进行，(pl.)会议录，学报 | |
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57
distressed
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| 痛苦的 | |
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58
relentlessly
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| adv.不屈不挠地；残酷地；不间断 | |
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59
artillery
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| n.(军)火炮，大炮；炮兵(部队) | |
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60
inflame
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| v.使燃烧；使极度激动；使发炎 | |
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61
fanaticism
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| n.狂热，盲信 | |
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62
ascend
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| vi.渐渐上升，升高；vt.攀登，登上 | |
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63
dominions
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| 统治权( dominion的名词复数 )； 领土； 疆土； 版图 | |
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64
adjured
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| v.（以起誓或诅咒等形式）命令要求( adjure的过去式和过去分词 )；祈求；恳求 | |
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65
shrine
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| n.圣地，神龛，庙；v.将...置于神龛内，把...奉为神圣 | |
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66
tottering
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|
| adj.蹒跚的，动摇的v.走得或动得不稳( totter的现在分词 )；踉跄；蹒跚；摇摇欲坠 | |
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67
trumpets
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| 喇叭( trumpet的名词复数 )； 小号； 喇叭形物； （尤指）绽开的水仙花 | |
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68
repulsed
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| v.击退( repulse的过去式和过去分词 )；驳斥；拒绝 | |
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69
swarms
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| 蜂群，一大群( swarm的名词复数 ) | |
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70
trampling
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| 踩( trample的现在分词 )； 践踏； 无视； 侵犯 | |
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71
corpses
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| n.死尸，尸体( corpse的名词复数 ) | |
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72
ebbing
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| （指潮水）退( ebb的现在分词 )； 落； 减少； 衰落 | |
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73
severely
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| adv.严格地；严厉地；非常恶劣地 | |
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74
galley
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| n.（飞机或船上的）厨房单层甲板大帆船；军舰舰长用的大划艇； | |
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75
assailing
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| v.攻击( assail的现在分词 )；困扰；质问；毅然应对 | |
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76
garrison
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| n.卫戍部队；驻地，卫戍区；vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
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77
victorious
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|
| adj.胜利的，得胜的 | |
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78
slain
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| 杀死，宰杀，杀戮( slay的过去分词 )； (slay的过去分词) | |
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79
auxiliaries
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| n.助动词 ( auxiliary的名词复数 )；辅助工，辅助人员 | |
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80
foe
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| n.敌人，仇敌 | |
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81
insignificant
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|
| adj.无关紧要的，可忽略的，无意义的 | |
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82
swelled
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| 增强( swell的过去式和过去分词 )； 肿胀； （使）凸出； 充满（激情） | |
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83
quagmire
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| n.沼地 | |
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84
underneath
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|
| adj.在...下面，在...底下；adv.在下面 | |
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85
basking
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|
| v.晒太阳，取暖( bask的现在分词 )；对…感到乐趣；因他人的功绩而出名；仰仗…的余泽 | |
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86
jades
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|
| n.玉，翡翠（jade的复数形式）v.（使）疲（jade的第三人称单数形式） | |
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87
cavalry
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| n.骑兵；轻装甲部队 | |
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88
survivors
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| 幸存者，残存者，生还者( survivor的名词复数 ) | |
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89
westward
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| n.西方，西部；adj.西方的，向西的；adv.向西 | |
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90
northward
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|
| adv.向北；n.北方的地区 | |
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91
desecration
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| n. 亵渎神圣, 污辱 | |
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92
distressful
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| adj.苦难重重的，不幸的，使苦恼的 | |
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93
misery
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| n.痛苦，苦恼，苦难；悲惨的境遇，贫苦 | |
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94
dedicated
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| adj.一心一意的；献身的；热诚的 | |
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95
scent
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| n.气味，香味，香水，线索，嗅觉；v.嗅，发觉 | |
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96
dome
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| n.圆屋顶，拱顶 | |
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97
minaret
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| n.（回教寺院的）尖塔 | |
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98
abject
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| adj.极可怜的，卑屈的 | |
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99
aloof
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| adj.远离的；冷淡的，漠不关心的 | |
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100
followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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101
huddled
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| 挤在一起（huddle的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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102
imposing
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| adj.使人难忘的，壮丽的，堂皇的，雄伟的 | |
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103
remains
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|
| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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104
owls
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| n.猫头鹰( owl的名词复数 ) | |
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105
murmurs
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| n.低沉、连续而不清的声音( murmur的名词复数 )；低语声；怨言；嘀咕 | |
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106
rumour
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| n.谣言，谣传，传闻 | |
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107
inevitable
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| adj.不可避免的，必然发生的 | |
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108
Christians
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| n.基督教徒( Christian的名词复数 ) | |
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109
abruptly
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| adv.突然地，出其不意地 | |
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110
conspired
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| 密谋( conspire的过去式和过去分词 )； 搞阴谋； （事件等）巧合； 共同导致 | |
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111
worthiest
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| 应得某事物( worthy的最高级 )； 值得做某事； 可尊敬的； 有（某人或事物）的典型特征 | |
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112
ordnance
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| n.大炮，军械 | |
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113
masonry
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| n.砖土建筑；砖石 | |
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114
fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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115
captivity
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| n.囚禁；被俘；束缚 | |
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116
distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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117
bodyguard
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| n.护卫，保镖 | |
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118
cowardice
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| n.胆小，怯懦 | |
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119
derived
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| vi.起源；由来；衍生；导出v.得到( derive的过去式和过去分词 )；（从…中）得到获得；源于；（从…中）提取 | |
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120
prey
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| n.被掠食者，牺牲者，掠食；v.捕食，掠夺，折磨 | |
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121
Mediterranean
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| adj.地中海的；地中海沿岸的 | |
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123
wont
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| adj.习惯于；v.习惯；n.习惯 | |
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124
vainglorious
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| adj.自负的；夸大的 | |
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125
crooked
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| adj.弯曲的；不诚实的，狡猾的，不正当的 | |
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126
formerly
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| adv.从前，以前 | |
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127
vocation
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| n.职业，行业 | |
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128
leisurely
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| adj.悠闲的；从容的，慢慢的 | |
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129
dictated
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| v.大声讲或读( dictate的过去式和过去分词 )；口授；支配；摆布 | |
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130
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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131
mighty
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| adj.强有力的；巨大的 | |
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132
uneven
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| adj.不平坦的，不规则的，不均匀的 | |
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133
domes
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| n.圆屋顶( dome的名词复数 )；像圆屋顶一样的东西；圆顶体育场 | |
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134
mosques
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|
| 清真寺； 伊斯兰教寺院，清真寺； 清真寺，伊斯兰教寺院( mosque的名词复数 ) | |
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135
minarets
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| n.（清真寺旁由报告祈祷时刻的人使用的）光塔( minaret的名词复数 ) | |
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136
desolate
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|
| adj.荒凉的，荒芜的；孤独的，凄凉的；v.使荒芜，使孤寂 | |
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137
retraced
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| v.折回( retrace的过去式和过去分词 )；回忆；回顾；追溯 | |
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138
consular
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| a.领事的 | |
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139
naval
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| adj.海军的，军舰的，船的 | |
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140
instructor
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| n.指导者，教员，教练 | |
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141
peripatetic
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| adj.漫游的，逍遥派的，巡回的 | |
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142
warships
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| 军舰，战舰( warship的名词复数 )； 舰只 | |
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143
warship
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| n.军舰，战舰 | |
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144
loomed
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|
| v.隐约出现，阴森地逼近( loom的过去式和过去分词 )；隐约出现，阴森地逼近 | |
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145
flickering
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|
| adj.闪烁的，摇曳的，一闪一闪的 | |
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146
promontory
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| n.海角；岬 | |
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147
alleged
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| a.被指控的，嫌疑的 | |
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148
greasily
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| adv.多脂，油腻，滑溜地 | |
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149
shingle
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| n.木瓦板；小招牌(尤指医生或律师挂的营业招牌)；v.用木瓦板盖（屋顶）；把（女子头发）剪短 | |
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150
ashore
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| adv.在(向)岸上，上岸 | |
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151
levity
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| n.轻率，轻浮，不稳定，多变 | |
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152
attired
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| adj.穿着整齐的v.使穿上衣服，使穿上盛装( attire的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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153
alas
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| int.唉(表示悲伤、忧愁、恐惧等) | |
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154
precepts
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| n.规诫，戒律，箴言( precept的名词复数 ) | |
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155
upwards
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| adv.向上，在更高处...以上 | |
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156
extremity
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| n.末端，尽头；尽力；终极；极度 | |
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157
trenches
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| 深沟，地沟( trench的名词复数 )； 战壕 | |
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158
eastward
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| adv.向东；adj.向东的；n.东方，东部 | |
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159
ridges
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| n.脊( ridge的名词复数 )；山脊；脊状突起；大气层的)高压脊 | |
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160
prone
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| adj.(to)易于…的，很可能…的；俯卧的 | |
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161
undue
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| adj.过分的；不适当的；未到期的 | |
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162
sanitation
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| n.公共卫生，环境卫生，卫生设备 | |
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163
ascertained
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| v.弄清，确定，查明( ascertain的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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164
rumours
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| n.传闻( rumour的名词复数 )；风闻；谣言；谣传 | |
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165
truce
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| n.休战，(争执，烦恼等的)缓和；v.以停战结束 | |
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166
warfare
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| n.战争(状态)；斗争；冲突 | |
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167
perfectly
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| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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168
baker
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| n.面包师 | |
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169
sublime
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| adj.崇高的，伟大的；极度的，不顾后果的 | |
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170
shutters
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| 百叶窗( shutter的名词复数 )； （照相机的）快门 | |
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171
genial
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| adj.亲切的，和蔼的，愉快的，脾气好的 | |
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172
discord
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| n.不和，意见不合，争论，（音乐）不和谐 | |
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