While on the cessation of all hostilities1 in Europe India stood on the tip-toe of expectation for the new age of freedom that was about to dawn and while men conjured2 rosy3 visions of the future, Lord Chelmsford inaugurated in an evil moment a policy of depriving India of even the elementary rights of personal freedom and free speech—rights which are most valued in an enlightened democracy. Towards the close of December 1917 Lord Chelmsford thought it fit to appoint a Commission presided over by Mr. Justice Rowlatt of the King's Bench Division to investigate and report on revolutionary conspiracies4 in India and to advise the Government to frame such legislation as might enable them to deal more effectively with the reactionary5 movements. The Commission was appointed without any sort of compelling necessity and, to say the least of it, at a most inopportune moment. The Commission held its sittings at different places of India and after an one-sided and unjudicial enquiry published a long report towards the close of April 1918. The war having just then successfully terminated in favour of the Allies, the Defence of India Act and other war-time measures which could only last so long as the war continued, would necessarily cease to be in force any longer and therefore the Commission suggested certain penal8 laws as a more effective and permanent safe-guard against the so-called anarchists9 of India. The report was emphatically protested against by every section of the Indian press but in spite of all popular opposition,[56] Government drafted a bill substantially embodying10 the recommendations of the Rowlatt Committee and hurried it through the Imperial Legislative11 Council within six months of the report. The bill is generally known as the Rowlatt Bill. The effect of its provisions was two-fold: the Provincial12 Governments would be vested with an authority similar to that which was given to them by the Defence of India Act, and every person accused of a revolutionary crime would be summarily tried by the tribunals specially13 appointed for the purpose.
Against such a cruel and tyrannical measure the whole of India protested with one voice. Public feeling was in a state of high ferment14 and yet in spite of all this, and in spite of the fact that every Indian Non-official member of the Imperial Legislative Council voted against the proposed measure, the Rowlatt Bill was passed into Law in March 1919. The situation in India reached a state of very high tension. Mahatma Gandhi advised his countrymen to take the Satyagraha Pledge as the only means of securing redress15 for their grievances16. The pledge ran thus:—
"Being conscientiously17 of opinion that the Bills are unjust, subversive18 of the principle of liberty and justice, and destructive of the elementary rights of individuals, on which the safety of the community as a whole and the state itself is based, we solemnly affirm that in the event of these Bills becoming law and until they are withdrawn20, we shall refuse civilly to obey these laws and such other laws as may be thought fit and further affirm that in this struggle we will faithfully follow truth and refrain from violence to life, person and property."
Mahatma Gandhi further suggested that the second Sunday after the publication of the Viceregal Assent21 to the Rowlatt Act should be observed as a day of humiliation22 and prayer, a twenty-four hours' fasting should be observed by all adults, all work should be suspended for the day and public meetings[57] should be held on that day in all parts of India at which Resolutions praying for the withdrawal23 of the measure should be passed. Indians gladly and freely took this pledge. Of the leaders in Bengal Chitta Ranjan was the first to rally round Mahatma Gandhi in preaching the Satyagraha vow24. In March 1919 at a huge meeting of the citizens of Calcutta he delivered a speech in Bengali on Satyagraha in course of which he said:—
"To-day is Mahatma Gandhi's day. To-day is the day for us to express the afflictions of our heart. In days of prosperity we forget ourselves, but on evil days when fallen we realise ourselves and hear the message of God.
To-day at this national crisis we must search for the soul of the nation. This soul is to be attained25 by strength. What is that strength? It is not brute27 force, but the force of love. This is what Mahatma teaches us and this is the message of all India. The realisation of this message requires the abandonment of selfishness, envy, malice28, and hatred29. Why do we protest against the Rowlatt Act? We know it for certain that its enforcement means the dwarfing30 of our national being. To avert31 this calamity32 we should abandon all envy and malice and infuse into the hearts of our countrymen an ardent33 love for mother-country. This is why Mahatma has said—"Do not hate even your enemies, for the victory of love is ensured." This agitation34, therefore, springs from love and righteousness; it is the throbbing35 of the heart of a nation. The only means to gain our object is self-sacrifice—self-sacrifice inspired by love."
The campaign of Satyagraha was started and what followed is written large in characters of fire and blood in the pages of Indian History. The Lieutenant-Governor of the Punjab, Sir Michael O'Dwyer, did in an evil moment start a counter-campaign of repression36. Drs Kitchelew and Satyapal, two popular leaders, were arrested and Mahatma Gandhi who[58] proceeded to the Punjab from Bombay was prohibited from entering the province, was arrested and sent back to Bombay. A strong rumour37 to the effect that Mahatma Gandhi was imprisoned38 spread over all parts of India and exasperated39 the populace. Disorder40 broke out at Calcutta, Ahmedabad and many other places, but it took a serious form in the Punjab where martial41 law was proclaimed, and scores of persons were illegally hauled up before the martial law tribunals. Counsel for defence was disallowed42 and the unfortunate victims were all sentenced to death. In April 1919 the civil population of Amritasar convened43 a public meeting at the Jallianwalla Bagh to protest against some of the high-handed and tyrannous measures of the Punjab Government. The military were ordered by their Commanding Officer, General Dyer, to open fire on the harmless and defenceless crowd of men, women and children. In the name of public peace aeroplanes bombed the civil population from above and men were made to crawl on their bellies44 as a sign of penitent45 submission46. This conduct of the Punjab authorities met with the full approval of Lord Chelmsford.
Independent public opinion demanded a thorough and sifting47 enquiry into the atrocities48 of the Punjab and in compliance49 with the insistent50 public demand, Mr. Montagu, the Secretary of State for India, appointed a Committee consisting of official and non-official members and presided over by Lord Hunter to investigate and report on the Punjab disorders51. The Indian National Congress deputed a Committee consisting of Mahatma Gandhi, Srijut Chitta Ranjan Das, and other prominent leaders to conduct an independent enquiry of the disturbances52. Chitta Ranjan was not then keeping good health, but the call of the mother-country was paramount53 with him. For about four months he served on the Committee at a great personal sacrifice. The report of the Committee which was published in due time contained a severe denunciation of[59] the most cold-blooded atrocities committed by the authorities of the Punjab. The official report, though the European members forming the majority attempted at whitewashing54, contained much evidence to show that there had been some excessive use of military force. Both the reports astounded55 the world with first-hand knowledge of the unparalleled atrocities of the Punjab. The matter was agitated56 in Parliament and the staunch friends of India there tried their best to get justice done to India. The Secretary of State expressed his confidence in the Viceroy, the Viceroy his confidence in Sir M. O'Dwyer, who in turn fully7 approved of the deeds of General Dyer and this gentleman openly prided over his bloody57 performances at Jallianwalla Bagh. But the most shameful58 termination of the affair was the fact that the House of Lords hailed General Dyer as the Saviour59 of India. However four things relating to the Punjab event augmented60 the discontented feeling of the people bringing home to them their utterly61 helpless condition. First, the minority report of the Indian members of the Hunter committee and the shameless whitewashing of the European members of the same committee; secondly62, the non-impeachment of General Dyer and Sir M. O'Dwyer; thirdly, the heinous63 approbation64 of Dyer's conduct by the House of Lords; and fourthly the large contributions to the Dyer Fund both in England and India as a reward of his gallant65 deed.
Simultaneously66 with these high handed and arbitrary proceedings67 in the Indian administration a fresh wrong was done to every follower68 of the Muslim faith. At the end of the European War, Mr. Lloyd George in replying to Indian representations on behalf of Turkey, assured Islam that Turkey would have full justice. But when peace was concluded, the treatment meted69 out to Turkey was extremely derogatory to her self-respect and dignity; the Khilafat, the supreme70 temporal and spiritual power in Islam was most[60] shamelessly handled. The Prime Minister, when reminded of his previous promise, replied somewhat ironically that Turkey had had justice done to her.
At this moment Mahatma Gandhi came forward with his scheme of the passive resistance movement now generally styled, Non-Co-operation as the only means of rectifying71 the Punjab and Khilafat Wrongs. On the 4th of September 1920 at the Special Session of the Indian National Congress at Calcutta, which was presided over by Lala Lajpat Rai, the Non-Co-operation resolution of Mahatma Gandhi was adopted by an overwhelming majority. It laid down the following steps to prepare the country for non-violent Non-Co-operation:
(a) National Education.
(b) Boycott72 of Law Courts.
(c) Boycott of Foreign Goods.
(d) Call for Self-Sacrifice.
(e) Organisation73 of the Indian National Service.
(f) The Swadeshi Vow.
(g) Tilak Memorial Swarajya Fund.
At the Special Session of the Congress held at Calcutta Chitta Ranjan was not in favour of withdrawing students from schools and colleges and boycotting74 Law-courts. But at Nagpur a prolonged discussion with Mahatma Gandhi about the details of the Non-Co-operation movement convinced him of the necessity for adopting the whole programme and at the session of the Nagpur Congress Chitta Ranjan himself moved the Non-Co-operation Resolution. Some of the delegates who did not know Chitta Ranjan well doubted his sincerity75, but when he told them bluntly that in his whole life he had never failed to practise what he preached, the non-believers were silenced. In course of the speech he said:—
"I ask you to remember, that when I say anything, I mean[61] it, and in my life on public questions, I have never said anything which I do not believe in."
Chitta Ranjan came back to Calcutta, gave up his unrivalled practice at the call of his mother-country and devoted76 all his time and energy to the attainment77 of Swaraj by the peaceful method of non-violent Non-co-operation. The only thought which was uppermost in his mind when he gave up his practice was his solicitude78 for his poor countrymen. Some time after this one of his friends once asked him what would be the fate of his enormous charities. Chitta Ranjan kept quiet for a while and then replied with a deep sigh:—"What shall I do? A greater call of duty has reached me, I must respond to it. Those whom I have helped so long will be helped now by God Himself."
About two years ago when Chitta Ranjan was engaged in the Dumraon Raj case an ascetic79 once said to him:—"My child, this life of worldly enjoyment80 you shall have to renounce81 very soon." None could at that time have any faith in that prophecy. Who could have ever dreamt that the time was so near? Mysterious indeed are the ways of God which the limited intelligence of man fails to fathom82.
Chitta Ranjan's sacrifice in the Non-co-operation movement has elicited83 admiration84 even from high-souled Englishmen. Sir Michael Sadler, the late President of the Calcutta University Commission wrote in the London Times:—"Chitta Ranjan's wonderful sacrifice is unparalleled in the history of the world. Indians would do well to follow him."
As we have already said Chitta Ranjan is never a politician in the true sense of the term; he possesses none of the diplomatic ways of a thorough-bred politician. He is only a high-souled patriot85 led by emotions. He has loved his country with all his heart from childhood; in manhood through all activities he has striven hard to keep alive its sacred image in his heart; and now on the threshhold of age that image[62] has became clearer and truer than ever. The late Lokamanya Tilak once said of him, "I believe the time is not very far when Chitta Ranjan will devote all his energy to the services of his country and his love of mother-land will burn as a torch-light to guide his countrymen in the right path." That hope has now been realised.
The People of India also as a mark of their heart-felt gratitude86 for the noble sacrifice and selfless patriotism87 of Deshabandhu Chitta Ranjan Das has unanimously elected him to be the President of the Indian National Congress to be held at Ahmedabad in December 1921. For some time he hesitated to preside over the most momentous88 session of the Congress of this year, but at last in compliance with the united request of his countrymen he accepted the honour—the highest they had in their power to bestow89.
It is after all the great ideal of Chitta Ranjan's sacrifice that has led the young men of Bengal to respond to the call of mother-country when even Mahatma's appeal has failed to move them. The student-community of Bengal came out in a body to rally round Deshabandhu Chitta Ranjan in attaining90 the object for which we are all fighting. In one of the students' meetings at Calcutta Mahatma Gandhi while addressing the students said:—"I knew that you were waiting for Srijut Chitta Ranjan's leadership and I hoped the time was not very far when he would sacrifice his all at the call of his country." In an appeal to the students of Calcutta he said:—
"I advocate the method of Non-Co-operation, as every other method has failed. I want you to cling to this method, come what may. This is our last chance and this, at least, will not be in vain. Do you know what Non-Co-operation means? You must withdraw your help in moving the powerful machinery91 of the Bureaucracy. Do you realise how you can move this machinery? The Bureaucracy works its[63] wicked will through the pleaders, through doctors, through clerks, through their police officers and through Magistrates92 and Judges. And you now see what the Calcutta University contributes. It contributes all the strength upon which the strength of the bureaucracy depends.
The method that I advocate is the method of sacrifice. If you have to destroy what you consider your chance of success in life, remember, it is only to defeat the bureaucracy, and to attain26 Swaraj. How can Swaraj be attained unless you realise your own right clearly, unhesitatingly? How can you compel the bureaucracy to recognise that which you yourself do not realise?
I repeat, therefore,—wake up, wake up, wake up. We have slept too long. Realise the sense of your bondage94 and stand out boldly and firmly on the road to Freedom."
In his Sagar Sangit Chitta Ranjan once sang this song:—
"As thou didst call with the roar of thy thunder In the infinitely95 musical voice of thy soul, My life over-flooded its banks In the heart-churning torrents96 of thy sound."
When actually this call came to him, he went forth97 from place to place to preach the Swaraj mantra. Bengal was already prepared to adopt it. Wherever he went, the local people responded in a splendid manner and national institutions grew up simultaneously. After starting a national college at Dacca when Chitta Ranjan proceeded to Mymensingh in the beginning of March 1921, the Joint98 Magistrate93 prohibited him from entering the town. As the Congress had not then sanctioned civil disobedience, he did not break that order. But on that occasion the noble message that he sent to his countrymen is even now vibrating in the air:—"We are treated like helots in our country. Life is unbearable99 without Swaraj." He then came to Tangail and in the[64] large compound of Mr. Wajed Ali Khan Pani's house a mass meeting was held where the labourers and peasants were present in a large number; the large-hearted Zaminder Mr. Khan Pani started a national school and for the benefit of the peasants a granary was proposed. From Tangail Chitta Ranjan came to Sylhet via Maulavi Bazar and Habigunj and presided over the Assam Khilafat Conference. The local people accorded him a splendid ovation100, the town was lighted in honour of his visit. In course of the speech at the Khilafat Conference he said:—"The dawn of a new era has come. It is the dawn of unity19 among the different sects101 of the Indian people. This unity is never to be broken. We are all united to attain Swaraj. If in our own home, we cannot preserve our self-respect, if in our own country we are treated like cats and dogs, then where shall we get justice? We starve for want of food, we are turned naked for want of clothing. Our wives and children suffer humiliation at all times and we lose our lives like insects and worms. To set this right we want Swaraj. This is needed not only for Hindus and Musalmans but by every Indian, by every righteous man."
After completing a long lecturing tour in the Eastern Bengal Chitta Ranjan came to attend the Provincial Conference at Barisal. In one of his lectures he said that Swaraj was urgently needed to get rid of the cultural conquest of the West which has caused the denationalisation of the Indian people. At the Barisal Provincial Conference he delivered a very touching102 lecture on Swaraj in course of which he said:—
"Swaraj is our birth right, it is a divine gift. When you realise yourself by penances104, you shall get freedom from within and without. We look to others for our education, commerce and government; this is bondage. We must get rid of that. We cannot even clothe our mothers and sisters. What servility! We must be free men and not bondsmen as we are at present. This yearning105 for Swaraj is meant for our[65] liberation. We are inimical to no body, ours is a peaceful struggle."
Chitta Ranjan came back to Calcutta in April 1921 and shortly afterwards went to Bezwada to attend the meeting of the All-India Congress Committee held in the middle of April 1921 where it was decided106 that as a first step towards the attainment of Swaraj three things would be necessary:—(1) a crore of rupees to be contributed to the Tilak Swarajya Fund, (2) a crore of persons to be enrolled107 as members of the Indian National Congress and (3) twenty lacs of spinning wheels to be distributed to the Indian Villages. This first step was to be completed on or before the 30th June 1921.
Chitta Ranjan came back and addressed many meetings at Calcutta and the mufassil asking the people of Bengal to contribute Bengal's quota108. The Anglo-Indian Press and the Moderate Press with one voice declared that it was beyond human power to work out the Bezwada programme within such a short time. But when the soul of a nation is awakened109, everything is done in an unexpected manner. On the 1st of July 1921 the All India Congress Committee declared that contributions to the Tilak Swarjya Fund exceeded one crore of rupees and that the other two parts of the Bezwada programme were also accomplished110 beyond dispute.
In the mean-time a most deplorable event took place in Bengal. This was the inhuman111 treatment of the Assam Tea-garden Coolies at Chandpur. The tea-garden coolies had been for a long time smarting under acute grievances. They did not get sufficient food, were now and then brutally112 assaulted and even their wives and sisters were subjected to occasional humiliation at the hands of the European managers. These exasperated their feelings to such a pitch that they determined113 to go back to their own country. In early May 1921 the Coolies of many tea-gardens at Assam went on strike and in spite of many persuasions114 from the Deputy[66] Commissioner115 and the proprietors116 of the tea-gardens they left the gardens for Karimganj. Coolies,—men, women and children began to pour in from different tea-gardens. They were worn out, shattered, half-naked and starving. In fact they presented a most pitiable picture and the local people took charge of their feeding and clothing. They were also making arrangements for the repatriation117 of the Coolies. But the Railway authorities declined to issue tickets to them. Perhaps they thought that the Coolies would of themselves return to the gardens if they had to face starvation and were refused tickets to go home. But the authorities were mistaken. The inhuman treatment at the gardens had long overstepped the limits of their patience and now they stood at all costs determined to leave the gardens once for all. Even they suspected the Government of being implicated118 with the managers of the gardens and refused to take food from them when offered. At the request of the people of Karimganj Mr. J. M. Sen Gupta went there and wired to the Traffic Manager to withdraw the unjustifiable order of the local Station Master. The order was withdrawn and the coolies came down to Chandpur in large numbers. The Government declined to make any arrangement for their repatriation.
The coolies were left to their own fate and as it could have been expected epidemic119 broke out among them. About midnight on the 20th May the most horrible tragedy that was ever enacted120 in Bengal was witnessed at Chandpur. At the instigation of the local authorities a band of savage121 Gurkhas fell upon the innocent men, women and children who were starving and dying of epidemic. They butchered the coolies right and left amidst the glee of the Local Magistrate and the Commissioner. The people of Chandpur were so much agitated over this matter, that had not the leaders come in an opportune6 moment to the place of occurrence there would have[67] ensued a riot of the severest type. Chitta Ranjan was informed of this event and was wired to come to Chandpur as early as possible. He at once sanctioned on behalf of the Provincial Congress Committee 5000 rupees for the relief of the distressed122 coolies. The Railway employees went on a sympathetic strike and Chitta Ranjan started from Goalundo for Chandpur in a boat. The violent Padma became turbulent and it was most unsafe to face the waves in a boat. Many of Chitta Ranjan's friends tried to desist him from such a rash step. But he was not to be stopped. His heart was moved at the agony of the coolies and go he must to send them back to their home. If it wished God that he would be drowned, he was ready to court death at the call of duty. He was accompanied in this perilous123 journey by his wife and constant companion Srijukta Basanti Devi. The wind was raging high, the waves dashed against the boat; cheerfully did Chitta Ranjan proceed on his journey with his wife. It was his firm determination to go to Chandpur and arrange for the repatriation of the coolies. For this he feared not death. After an eventful journey in course of which he was once overtaken by a heavy storm and narrowly escaped being drowned Chitta Ranjan reached Chandpur. There he managed to send a large number of coolies in a special steamer to Goalundo and arranged for the repatriation of the rest. He came back to Calcutta with his wife in a cheerful spirit—cheerful, as he knew that he had been able to do his duty as the leader of Bengal.
Now when the first stage of the Non-Co-operation movement was so successfully passed, the Working Committee of the Congress met at Calcutta in the beginning of September to discuss the second step and it was decided that the next step would be boycott of foreign cloth. This step entailed124 a great difficulty as it would be necessary to make the people self-reliant and independent of foreign cloth. It necessitated125 that spinning should be introduced in every[68] house and Indians should be encouraged to weave their own clothes. Chitta Ranjan proceeded on a lecturing tour all over Bengal to preach Swadeshi to his countrymen and to make it clear to them that the salvation126 of India lay in hand-spinning and weaving. In course of one of his lectures he said:—
"At this commencement of a new era in the history of India, you must take the Swadeshi vow. I know Indians can do everything only if they wish it. Their fortitude127 is unique and determination firm. Once take the vow that you shall not use foreign cloth. If you cannot procure128 sufficient country-made cloth, cut one cloth into two pieces and use them separately. You have no reason to be ashamed of wearing a short dress. On the other hand if you import fine cloth from Manchester, the whole world will cry shame upon you. To-day at this dawn of national consciousness take the vow that you shall wear only country-made cloth, be it coarse or fine. With it is inter-woven the sweet affection of your brothers and sisters. It will help you to develop your manhood."
In another lecture Chitta Ranjan has said:—
"Our national life has become stagnant129. We must purify it. This requires penance103 for our past sins, this means we should give up all our luxuries and strive for the realisation of our national spirit."
In course of one of his mufassil lectures he once remarked:—"Those who still do not believe in Swaraj, must very soon change their minds. For they also must strive to attain Swaraj as the only means of developing their manhood. Swaraj is the birth right of a nation. It comes to believers and non-believers as a divine blessing130."
When this speech was published in the form of an article, many took it for a visionary statement; but the time was not very far when it was actually verified. People who did never[69] believe in Swaraj have actually joined this movement all on a sudden as if led by Providence131.
While the country was being thus prepared step by step for the attainment of its ultimate goal, the complete hartal on the 17th November on the occasion of the Prince's arrival in India unnerved the Europeans and the Anglo-Indians who saw that without any act of violence or intimidation132 the whole of India obeyed the dictates133 of the Indian National Congress. Not a murmur134 was heard, not a complaint lodged135. This produced a heart-burning in the Anglo-Indians whose representatives urged the Government by saying that it was Gunda Raj not British Raj on the 17th to take steps in striking the national movement at its very root. The Bureaucratic136 Government of India, misled by the Anglo-Indian Press thought it fit to crush the movement and the Bengal Government in a fit of frenzy137 as it were, declared towards the end of November that the Congress and Khilafat Volunteers formed an unlawful association. The Working Committee of the Congress met at Bombay and decided to continue the national service corps138 in defiance139 of the Government notification and enjoined140 upon all Congress-men to enlist141 themselves as Volunteers. Chitta Ranjan came back to Calcutta from Bombay and convened a meeting of the Provincial Congress Committee which delegated all its powers to him. In that capacity Chitta Ranjan thought it proper to send volunteers who would go from shop to shop requesting the shop-keepers to sell Swadeshi only and to observe hartal on the 24th December on which day His Royal Highness the Prince of Wales would arrive at Calcutta. He knew that the volunteers were to be arrested; yet he sent his only son Srijut Chira Ranjan Das to lead a batch142 of volunteers. Chitta Ranjan is a very affectionate father, his heart is all affection; yet the report of Chira Ranjan's arrest and six months, rigorous imprisonment143, nay144, the cruel assaults on his person[70] did not move Chitta Ranjan in the least for he knew that son was suffering in the cause of justice and righteousness. He sent the following message to the persecuted:—
"What shall I say to those who have suffered, who are suffering, and to those who are prepared to suffer for the cause of freedom? I repeat the message which was delivered by a Persian Poet.
Truth, love and courage:—that is all you need to learn, all that you need to remember. "Faith, Fortitude, Firmness, will they falter145 and fail and fade at the hour of trial, in the moment of despair", asked the Saqi in a mournful strain, "Or will they, tried and tested emerge from the fire of life radiant, strengthened, ennobled, purified?"
"Not will I forsake146 them", answered the youth, "not even were the heavens to fall."
"Thine then" said the Saqi, "is the path of glory, thine a nation's gratitude, thine the fadeless crown.
Would that courage unbent, courage such as thine, be the proud possession of all!
For naught147 but courage winneth life's battle, naught but courage secureth souls' freedom, man's noblest and highest prize. Let, courage, then, be thy gift, O God, to this wondrous148 land of love and light."
The day following Chira Ranjan's arrest, Chitta Ranjan's worthy149 wife Srijukta Basanti Devi and his noble sister Srijukta Urmila Devi along with Srijukta Suniti Devi came out at the head of the volunteers. They drove in a motor car up to the crossing of Harrison Road and College Street. They got down from the car and walked by the foot path requesting every one to wear khaddar, to discard foreign clothes and to observe hartal on the 24th December. When they came back to the crossing again, they were arrested and sent up to the Jorashanko Police station. They were conveyed to the Presidency150 Jail from the Lalbasar[71] lock-up. Close upon midnight when they had already retired151 to bed, they were released unconditionally152. The splendid message which they gave to their countrymen on their arrest is worth quoting here:—
"We came out fully prepared for arrest. It was torture for us as mothers to stay away when our young boys were going to Jail gloriously. We entreat153 all our sisters to take up the work left unfinished. Let them not forget that their place is with their brothers and sisters imprisoned. Let them realize that they are practically living in prison, only a bigger one. It is more honourable154 to live in a real prison than to breathe the polluted air of the slave-land. We appeal to the students of Government institutions to vacate the colleges in a body and take up the struggle for liberty. Now or never is our last word. This noble struggle will lead us either to victory or to death. Both are glorious. It must be life or death, not this slavery any more."
The arrest of the noble ladies produced a profound impression throughout the city. Crowds of volunteers began to pour in, in order to continue Congress and Khilafat work and to court arrest in the act of doing that. The students of the Colleges struck and enrolled themselves in hundreds and in thousands as National Volunteers. Even low class people responded to the country's call. The national work went on with a redoubled velocity155. Srijut Das issued the following appeal to the people of Bengal:—
"Fear of Jail, fear of assaults and fear of being shot down—these are three fears which every worker must conquer before we can get Swaraj. We have conquered the fear of Jail; we are about to conquer the fear of assault. It depends on the Bureaucracy when we shall succeed in conquering the fear of being shot down. In the mean-time I charge every one to remember that our success can only depend on non-violence so real and so[72] perfect that all God-fearing men must come over to our side."
In the mean-time His Excellency the Governor invited Chitta Ranjan to discuss with him the present political situation of Bengal. The points of view of Chitta Ranjan and his party and also those of the Government were freely discussed, and criticised but no actual result came out of it. The Government decided to take the strictest possible measures and arrest all the prominent leaders. Leaders of other places outside Bengal—leaders like Lala Lajpat Rai, Pundit156 Motilal Nehru, and others were arrested and tried summarily. On the 10th of December at 4-30 P. M. two Deputy Commissioners157 went to the house of Srijut Chitta Ranjan Das and there arrested him along with Srijut Birendra Nath Sarmal, while they were taking tea. Srijut Das kept up a dignified158 and smiling appearance all through. Srijuts Das and Sasmal were taken to Lalbazar in two Motor-cars. The ladies commenced blowing conches and crying ulu. A large crowd had assembled on the road and shouts of "Bande-Mataram", "Gandhi Mahatmaki joy", "Deshabandhu Das's joy" went up from them. The following is the last message sent to his countrymen by Deshabandhu Chitta Ranjan Das, on the day of his arrest:—
"This is my last message to you, men and women of India! Victory is in sight, if you are prepared to win it by suffering. It is in such agony as that through which we are passing that nations are born; but you must bear this agony with fortitude, with courage and with perfect self composure. Remember that so long as you follow the path of non-violence, you put the Bureaucracy in the wrong; but move by a hair-breadth from the path which Mahatma Gandhi has mapped out for you, and give away the battle to the[73] Bureaucracy. Swaraj is our goal, Swaraj not in compartments159 not by installments160; but Swaraj whole and entire. Now it is for you men and women, to say whether we shall attain the goal for which we are striving.
To my Moderate friends I say this. Survey the history of the world from the beginning of all times. Has any nation yet won freedom by pursuing the path which you are pursuing? If the appeal should reach any waverer amongst you, I ask him to consider whether he will now stand on the side of India in her conflict with the Bureaucracy? There may be compromise in the matter of details, but there can be no compromise in the essential question that divides us from the Bureaucracy. And if you do not stand for India, you assuredly stand for the Bureaucracy.
To the students, I say this:—You are at once the hope and the glory of India. True education does not consist in learning to add two and two make four; but it lies in the service which you are prepared to give to the Mother of us all. There is work to be done for the mother: Who amongst you is prepared to answer the Call?"
The End
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3
rosy
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| adj.美好的，乐观的，玫瑰色的 | |
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4
conspiracies
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| n.阴谋，密谋( conspiracy的名词复数 ) | |
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5
reactionary
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|
| n.反动者，反动主义者；adj.反动的，反动主义的，反对改革的 | |
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6
opportune
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| adj.合适的，适当的 | |
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7
fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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8
penal
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| adj.刑罚的；刑法上的 | |
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9
anarchists
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| 无政府主义者( anarchist的名词复数 ) | |
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10
embodying
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| v.表现( embody的现在分词 )；象征；包括；包含 | |
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11
legislative
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| n.立法机构，立法权；adj.立法的，有立法权的 | |
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12
provincial
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| adj.省的，地方的；n．外省人，乡下人 | |
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13
specially
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| adv.特定地；特殊地；明确地 | |
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14
ferment
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| vt.使发酵；n./vt.（使）激动，（使）动乱 | |
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15
redress
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| n.赔偿，救济，矫正；v.纠正，匡正，革除 | |
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16
grievances
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| n.委屈( grievance的名词复数 )；苦衷；不满；牢骚 | |
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17
conscientiously
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| adv.凭良心地；认真地，负责尽职地；老老实实 | |
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18
subversive
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| adj.颠覆性的，破坏性的；n.破坏份子，危险份子 | |
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19
unity
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| n.团结，联合，统一；和睦，协调 | |
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20
withdrawn
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| vt.收回；使退出；vi.撤退，退出 | |
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21
assent
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| v.批准，认可；n.批准，认可 | |
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22
humiliation
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| n.羞辱 | |
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23
withdrawal
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| n.取回，提款；撤退，撤军；收回，撤销 | |
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24
vow
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|
| n.誓(言)，誓约；v.起誓，立誓 | |
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25
attained
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| （通常经过努力）实现( attain的过去式和过去分词 )； 达到； 获得； 达到（某年龄、水平、状况） | |
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26
attain
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| vt.达到，获得，完成 | |
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27
brute
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| n.野兽，兽性 | |
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28
malice
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| n.恶意，怨恨，蓄意；[律]预谋 | |
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29
hatred
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|
| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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30
dwarfing
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| n.矮化病 | |
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31
avert
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| v.防止，避免；转移(目光、注意力等) | |
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32
calamity
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| n.灾害，祸患，不幸事件 | |
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33
ardent
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| adj.热情的，热烈的，强烈的，烈性的 | |
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34
agitation
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| n.搅动；搅拌；鼓动，煽动 | |
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35
throbbing
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| a. 跳动的,悸动的 | |
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36
repression
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| n.镇压，抑制，抑压 | |
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37
rumour
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| n.谣言，谣传，传闻 | |
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38
imprisoned
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| 下狱，监禁( imprison的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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39
exasperated
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|
| adj.恼怒的 | |
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40
disorder
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| n.紊乱，混乱；骚动，骚乱；疾病，失调 | |
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41
martial
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| adj.战争的，军事的，尚武的，威武的 | |
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42
disallowed
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| v.不承认（某事物）有效( disallow的过去式和过去分词 )；不接受；不准；驳回 | |
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43
convened
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|
| 召开( convene的过去式 )； 召集； （为正式会议而）聚集； 集合 | |
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44
bellies
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|
| n.肚子( belly的名词复数 )；腹部；（物体的）圆形或凸起部份；腹部…形的 | |
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45
penitent
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|
| adj.后悔的；n.后悔者；忏悔者 | |
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46
submission
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| n.服从，投降；温顺，谦虚；提出 | |
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47
sifting
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|
| n.筛，过滤v.筛( sift的现在分词 )；筛滤；细查；详审 | |
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48
atrocities
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|
| n.邪恶，暴行( atrocity的名词复数 )；滔天大罪 | |
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49
compliance
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| n.顺从；服从；附和；屈从 | |
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50
insistent
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| adj.迫切的，坚持的 | |
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51
disorders
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| n.混乱( disorder的名词复数 )；凌乱；骚乱；（身心、机能）失调 | |
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52
disturbances
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|
| n.骚乱( disturbance的名词复数 )；打扰；困扰；障碍 | |
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53
paramount
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| a.最重要的，最高权力的 | |
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54
whitewashing
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| 粉饰，美化，掩饰( whitewash的现在分词 )； 喷浆 | |
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55
astounded
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| v.使震惊(astound的过去式和过去分词)；愕然；愕；惊讶 | |
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56
agitated
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|
| adj.被鼓动的，不安的 | |
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57
bloody
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|
| adj.非常的的；流血的；残忍的；adv.很；vt.血染 | |
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58
shameful
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|
| adj.可耻的，不道德的 | |
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59
saviour
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|
| n.拯救者，救星 | |
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60
Augmented
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|
| adj.增音的 动词augment的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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61
utterly
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|
| adv.完全地，绝对地 | |
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62
secondly
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|
| adv.第二，其次 | |
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63
heinous
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|
| adj.可憎的，十恶不赦的 | |
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64
approbation
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|
| n.称赞；认可 | |
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65
gallant
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|
| adj.英勇的，豪侠的；(向女人)献殷勤的 | |
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66
simultaneously
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| adv.同时发生地，同时进行地 | |
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67
proceedings
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| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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68
follower
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|
| n.跟随者；随员；门徒；信徒 | |
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69
meted
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|
| v.（对某人）施以，给予（处罚等）( mete的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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70
supreme
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|
| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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71
rectifying
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|
| 改正，矫正( rectify的现在分词 )； 精馏； 蒸流； 整流 | |
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72
boycott
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|
| n./v.(联合)抵制，拒绝参与 | |
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73
organisation
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| n.组织，安排，团体，有机休 | |
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74
boycotting
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|
| 抵制，拒绝参加( boycott的现在分词 ) | |
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75
sincerity
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|
| n.真诚，诚意；真实 | |
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76
devoted
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|
| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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77
attainment
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|
| n.达到，到达；［常pl.］成就，造诣 | |
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78
solicitude
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| n.焦虑 | |
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79
ascetic
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|
| adj.禁欲的；严肃的 | |
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80
enjoyment
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|
| n.乐趣；享有；享用 | |
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81
renounce
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| v.放弃；拒绝承认，宣布与…断绝关系 | |
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82
fathom
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| v.领悟，彻底了解 | |
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83
elicited
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| 引出，探出( elicit的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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84
admiration
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|
| n.钦佩，赞美，羡慕 | |
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85
patriot
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|
| n.爱国者，爱国主义者 | |
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86
gratitude
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|
| adj.感激，感谢 | |
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87
patriotism
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|
| n.爱国精神，爱国心，爱国主义 | |
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88
momentous
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|
| adj.重要的，重大的 | |
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89
bestow
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|
| v.把…赠与，把…授予；花费 | |
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90
attaining
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|
| （通常经过努力）实现( attain的现在分词 )； 达到； 获得； 达到（某年龄、水平、状况） | |
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91
machinery
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| n.(总称)机械，机器；机构 | |
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92
magistrates
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| 地方法官，治安官( magistrate的名词复数 ) | |
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93
magistrate
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| n.地方行政官，地方法官，治安官 | |
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94
bondage
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|
| n.奴役，束缚 | |
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95
infinitely
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| adv.无限地，无穷地 | |
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96
torrents
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|
| n.倾注；奔流( torrent的名词复数 )；急流；爆发；连续不断 | |
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97
forth
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|
| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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98
joint
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| adj.联合的，共同的；n.关节，接合处；v.连接，贴合 | |
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99
unbearable
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|
| adj.不能容忍的；忍受不住的 | |
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100
ovation
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| n.欢呼，热烈欢迎，热烈鼓掌 | |
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101
sects
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| n.宗派，教派( sect的名词复数 ) | |
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102
touching
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| adj.动人的，使人感伤的 | |
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103
penance
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| n.（赎罪的）惩罪 | |
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104
penances
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| n.（赎罪的）苦行，苦修( penance的名词复数 ) | |
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105
yearning
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| a.渴望的；向往的；怀念的 | |
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106
decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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107
enrolled
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| adj.入学登记了的v.[亦作enrol]( enroll的过去式和过去分词 )；登记，招收，使入伍（或入会、入学等），参加，成为成员；记入名册；卷起，包起 | |
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108
quota
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| n.（生产、进出口等的）配额，（移民的）限额 | |
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109
awakened
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| v.（使）醒( awaken的过去式和过去分词 )；（使）觉醒；弄醒；（使）意识到 | |
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110
accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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111
inhuman
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| adj.残忍的，不人道的，无人性的 | |
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112
brutally
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| adv.残忍地，野蛮地，冷酷无情地 | |
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113
determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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114
persuasions
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| n.劝说，说服（力）( persuasion的名词复数 )；信仰 | |
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115
commissioner
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| n.（政府厅、局、处等部门）专员，长官，委员 | |
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116
proprietors
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| n.所有人，业主( proprietor的名词复数 ) | |
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117
repatriation
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| n.遣送回国，归国 | |
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118
implicated
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| adj.密切关联的；牵涉其中的 | |
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119
epidemic
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| n.流行病；盛行；adj.流行性的，流传极广的 | |
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120
enacted
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| 制定（法律），通过（法案）( enact的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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121
savage
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| adj.野蛮的；凶恶的，残暴的；n.未开化的人 | |
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122
distressed
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| 痛苦的 | |
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123
perilous
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| adj.危险的，冒险的 | |
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124
entailed
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| 使…成为必要( entail的过去式和过去分词 )； 需要； 限定继承； 使必需 | |
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125
necessitated
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| 使…成为必要，需要( necessitate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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126
salvation
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| n.（尤指基督）救世，超度，拯救，解困 | |
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127
fortitude
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| n.坚忍不拔；刚毅 | |
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128
procure
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| vt.获得，取得，促成；vi.拉皮条 | |
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129
stagnant
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| adj.不流动的，停滞的，不景气的 | |
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130
blessing
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| n.祈神赐福；祷告；祝福，祝愿 | |
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131
providence
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| n.深谋远虑，天道，天意；远见；节约；上帝 | |
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132
intimidation
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| n.恐吓，威胁 | |
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133
dictates
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| n.命令，规定，要求( dictate的名词复数 )v.大声讲或读( dictate的第三人称单数 )；口授；支配；摆布 | |
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134
murmur
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| n.低语，低声的怨言；v.低语，低声而言 | |
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135
lodged
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| v.存放( lodge的过去式和过去分词 )；暂住；埋入；（权利、权威等）归属 | |
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136
bureaucratic
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| adj.官僚的，繁文缛节的 | |
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137
frenzy
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| n.疯狂，狂热，极度的激动 | |
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138
corps
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| n.(通信等兵种的)部队；(同类作的)一组 | |
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139
defiance
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| n.挑战，挑衅，蔑视，违抗 | |
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140
enjoined
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| v.命令( enjoin的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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141
enlist
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| vt.谋取(支持等)，赢得；征募；vi.入伍 | |
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batch
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| n.一批(组，群)；一批生产量 | |
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143
imprisonment
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| n.关押，监禁，坐牢 | |
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144
nay
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| adv.不；n.反对票，投反对票者 | |
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145
falter
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| vi.(嗓音)颤抖，结巴地说；犹豫；蹒跚 | |
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146
forsake
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| vt.遗弃，抛弃；舍弃，放弃 | |
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147
naught
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| n.无，零 [=nought] | |
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148
wondrous
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| adj.令人惊奇的，奇妙的；adv.惊人地；异乎寻常地；令人惊叹地 | |
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worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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150
presidency
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| n.总统(校长，总经理)的职位(任期) | |
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151
retired
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| adj.隐退的，退休的，退役的 | |
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152
unconditionally
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| adv.无条件地 | |
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153
entreat
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| v.恳求，恳请 | |
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154
honourable
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| adj.可敬的；荣誉的，光荣的 | |
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155
velocity
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| n.速度，速率 | |
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156
pundit
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| n.博学之人；权威 | |
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157
commissioners
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| n.专员( commissioner的名词复数 )；长官；委员；政府部门的长官 | |
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158
dignified
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| a.可敬的，高贵的 | |
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159
compartments
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| n.间隔( compartment的名词复数 )；（列车车厢的）隔间；（家具或设备等的）分隔间；隔层 | |
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160
installments
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| 部分( installment的名词复数 ) | |
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