I. The position of England in respect to the other European Powers after the Peace of Paris, 1763.
Mr. Bancroft remarks: "At the peace of 1763, the fame of England was exalted2 throughout Europe above that of all other nations. She had triumphed over those whom she called her hereditary3 enemies, and retained half a continent as the monument of her victories. Her American dominions4 stretched without dispute from the Atlantic to the Mississippi, from the Gulf6 of Mexico to Hudson's Bay; and in her older possessions that dominion5 was rooted firmly in the affections of the colonists7 as in their institutions and laws."
The envy and fears of Europe were excited at this vast extension of British territory and power, which they regarded as the foundation of her still more formidable future greatness. "Her navy, her commerce, and her manufactures had greatly increased when she held but a part of the continent, and when she was bounded by the formidable powers of France and Spain. Her probable future greatness, when without a rival, with a growing vent8 for her manufactures and increasing employment for her marine9, threatened to destroy that balance of power which European sovereigns have for a long time endeavoured to preserve. Kings are republicans with respect to each other, and behold10 with democratic jealousy11 any one of their order towering above the rest. The aggrandizement12 of one tends to excite a combination, or at least the wishes of many, to reduce him to the common level. From motives13 of this kind, the naval14 superiority of Great Britain was received with jealousy by her neighbours. They were in general disposed to favour any convulsion which promised a diminution15 of her overgrown power."
This great increase of the naval and territorial16 power of Great Britain excited apprehension17 at home as well as jealousies18 abroad. Some of her own statesmen and philanthropists entertained doubts as to whether the extent and diversity of her vast territorial acquisitions would add to the strength or happiness of the mother country; and the policy of centralization and uniformity decided19 upon, created the discord20 and hastened the disintegration21 which reflective minds had apprehended22.
II. The position of the American Colonies in regard to England and other nations clearly signalized a system of government which the English statesmen of the times failed to appreciate. The maxim23 of the King was not merely to reign1, but to rule; and the policy of his Ministers, of successive Administrations, was to enfeeble what was colonial and to strengthen what was imperial; whereas the extension of colonial territory had brought a large accession of colonial experience and intelligence, which required to be entwined around the throne by the silken cords of kindness and interest, instead of being bandaged to England by 29 Acts of Parliament, every one of which indicated the loss of some sacred birthright or privilege of Englishmen and their posterity24 as soon as they emigrated from the eastern to the western shores of the Atlantic. Those who emigrated to or were born in America were no less Englishmen than those who remained or were born in England, and were entitled to all the rights and privileges of Englishmen; among which is the election of representatives who make laws and provide means for their government. The original design of colonization25 by the British Government was doubtless the extension of its power; the design of English merchants and manufacturers in promoting colonization was obviously the extension of their trade, and therefore their own enrichment; while the design of the colonists themselves, in leaving their native land and becoming adventurers and settlers in new countries, was as manifestly the improvement of their own condition and that of their posterity. As long as the threefold design of these three parties to colonization harmonized, there could be no cause or occasion of collision between them, and they would cordially co-operate in advancing the one great object of growing national greatness by enlarging the commerce and dominions of Great Britain. This was the case in the earlier stages of American colonization. The colonists needed the naval and diplomatic protection of England against foreign invasion, and the manufactures of England for their own wants and conveniences, while England needed the productions of the colonial forests and waters. The colonial trade became a monopoly of England, and its transportation to and from the colonies was confined to English ships and sailors. Even manufactures in the colonies were forbidden, or restricted, as well as their trade with foreign countries, except by way of England; so that the colonies became so many trading ports for English merchandise, and the American traders were little other than factors of English merchants.
However this system of monopoly and restriction26 might answer the purposes of English merchants and manufacturers, might contribute to build up the mercantile navy of England, and even be politic27 on the part of Government in colonial infancy28, it could not fail ere long to cause friction29 with the colonies, and was utterly30 unsuitable to their circumstances as they advanced to manhood. As the colonies increased in wealth and population, their commerce increased with each other and with the mother country, and overflowed31 to the French and Spanish colonies in the West Indies. Even before the termination of the war of 1755, a considerable commerce had been carried on between the British and Spanish colonies; the latter needed many of the productions and importations of the former, and the former needed the gold and silver, molasses and sugar, of the latter. The British colonies sent lumber32, fish, and large quantities of goods imported from England, to the Spanish colonies, and received chiefly in payment gold and silver, with which they made remittances34 to England for the goods purchased there. Such was the position of the colonies in respect to Great Britain and other European Powers at the peace of Paris in 1763; and such the friendly and affectionate feelings of the colonies towards the mother country down to that period.
III. The treaty of Paris was ratified36 in February, 1763; and on the 17th of March following, the Chancellor37 of the Exchequer38 submitted among the estimates the following item, which was adopted by the Commons:
"Upon account, to enable his Majesty39 to give a proper compensation to the respective provinces in North America, for the expenses incurred40 by them in the levying41, clothing, and paying of the troops raised by the same, according to the active vigour42 and strenuous43 efforts of the respective provinces shall be thought by his Majesty to merit, ￡133,333 6s. 8d."
The several provinces gratefully acknowledged the compensation granted them; of which Massachusetts received the largest share.
This was the last practical recognition on the part of the British Government of the loyal co-operation of the colonies in the war which established the supremacy44 of Great Britain in North America. From that time forward the instructions, regulations, and measures of the British Government seem to have been dictated45 by a jealousy of the growing wealth and power of the colonies, and to have been designed to weaken the colonies in order to strengthen the parent state. The policy of the British Administration was undoubtedly46 to extinguish all military spirit in the colonies, by creating a standing47 army which the colonies were to support, but wholly independent of them; to discountenance and forbid colonial manufactures, so as to render the colonies entirely48 dependent upon Great Britain for manufactured goods, hardware, and tools of every description; to destroy their trade with foreign countries by virtually prohibitory duties, so as to compel the colonies to go to the English market for every article of grocery or luxury, in whatever climate or country produced; to restrict the colonial shipping49, as well as productions, to British ports alone, and even to tax the trade of the colonies with each other. All the monies arising from the various duties thus imposed were to be paid, not into the provincial50 treasuries51, as heretofore, but into the English exchequer, and to be at the disposal of the British Parliament.
Had the British Government regarded the colonists as Englishmen in their rights and privileges as well as in their duties and obligations; had the British policy been to develop the manufactures and resources of the American colonies equally with those of England, and to leave to their local Legislatures (the only Parliaments in which the colonists had representation by their own election) to legislate52 on all purely53 domestic matters, to dispose of all colonial revenues, and to provide for their own protection, as before the war with France, and as is done in the provinces and Dominion of Canada, I doubt not but the American colonies would have remained in heart and policy an integral portion of the British empire, and become the strong right arm of Great Britain in regard to both national resources and national strength. I cannot, therefore, but regard the mistaken policy of the King and his Ministers as the primary cause of the alienation54 and severance55 of the American colonies from the mother country.
IV. The proceedings56 after the peace of Paris, 1763, which caused the alienation of the colonies from Great Britain, commenced on the part of the mother country, towards which, at that time, the language of the colonies was most affectionate and grateful. The first act of the British Government which caused disquiet57 in the colonies was the rigorous enforcement of the Navigation Act—an Act first passed by the Commonwealth58 Parliament more than a century before, which had been amended59 and extended by successive Acts under Charles the Second, which had been beneficial both to the mother country and the colonies, which had given to the naval and mercantile marine of Great Britain their superiority, but which had, in the application of its provisions to the trade between the English, Spanish, and French colonies of America, become almost obsolete60 by the common consent and practice of colonial governors, custom-house officers, and merchants. But shortly after the treaty of Paris instructions were sent to the colonies, directing the strict enforcement of the Navigation Act. "On the 10th of March, 1764, the House of Commons agreed to a number of resolutions respecting the American trade; upon which a Bill was brought in, and passed into a law, laying heavy duties on the articles imported into the colonies from the French and other islands of the West Indies, and ordered these duties to be paid in specie into the exchequer of Great Britain. The Americans complained much of this new law, and of the unexampled hardship of being first deprived of obtaining specie, and next being ordered to pay the new duties in specie into the treasury61 at London, which they said must speedily drain them of all the specie they had. But what seemed particularly hard upon them was a Bill brought in the same session, and passed into a law, 'to restrain the currency of paper money in the colonies.'
"At the end of the session the King thanked the House of Commons for the 'wise regulations which had been established to augment62 the public revenues, to unite the interests of the most distant possessions of his Crown, and to encourage and secure their commerce with Great Britain.'"
Though the Bill and regulations referred to legalized in a manner the heretofore illicit63 trade between the colonies and the French and Spanish West India islands, they practically ruined the trade by the burden of duties imposed, and thus distressed64 and ruined many who were engaged in it. It is not surprising that such a policy of restricting both the import and export trade of the colonies to England, apart from the methods of enforcing it, should produce general dissatisfaction in the colonies, and prompt to combinations against such extortion, and for the supply of their own wants, as far as possible independent of English manufactures. Popular meetings were held, and associations were formed in several provinces, pledging their members against purchasing or wearing clothing of English manufacture, and to set about manufacturing woollens, cottons, etc., for themselves, the materials for which they had in great abundance of their own production. Ladies and gentlemen of the wealthiest and most fashionable classes of society appeared in homespun; and merchants pledged themselves to order no more goods from England, and to countermand66 the orders they had previously67 given.
FOOTNOTES:
History of the United States, Vol. V., Chap. v., p. 78.
"The Spaniards having taken part in the war, were, at the termination of it, induced to relinquish68 to the same Power both East and West Florida (in exchange for Cuba). This peace gave Great Britain possession of an extent of country equal in dimensions to several of the kingdoms of Europe." (Ramsay's Colonial History, Vol. I., Chap. iii., p. 391.)
Bancroft's History of the United States, Vol. V., Chap. v., pp. 321, 322.
"From the first settlement of English America till the close of the war of 1755, the general conduct of Great Britain towards her colonies affords a useful lesson to those who are disposed to colonization. From that era, it is equally worthy69 of the attention of those who wish for the reduction of great empires to small ones. In the first period, Great Britain regarded the provinces as instruments of commerce. Without the care of their internal police, or seeking a revenue from them, she contented70 herself with the monopoly of their trade. She treated them as a judicious71 mother does her dutiful children. They shared in every privilege belonging to her native sons, and but slightly felt the inconveniences of subordination. Small was the catalogue of grievances72 with which even democratic jealousy charged the parent state, antecedent to the period before mentioned. Till the year 1764, the colonial regulations seemed to have no other object but the common good of the whole empire. Exceptions to the contrary were few, and had no appearance of system. When the approach of the colonies to manhood made them more capable of resisting impositions, Great Britain changed her ancient system, under which her colonies had long flourished. When policy would rather have dictated a relaxation73 of authority, she rose in her demands and multiplied her restraints." (Ramsay's Colonial History, Vol. I., Chap. iii., page 323).
"This trade, though it did not clash with the spirit of the British navigation laws, was forbidden by their letter. On account of the advantages which all parties, and particularly Great Britain, reaped from this intercourse74, it had long been winked75 at by persons in power[260]; but at the period before mentioned (1764), some new regulations were adopted by which it was almost destroyed. This was effected by cutters whose commanders were enjoined76 to take the usual custom-house oaths, and to act in the capacity of revenue officers. So sudden a stoppage of an accustomed and beneficial commerce, by an unusually rigid77 execution of old laws, was a serious blow to the northern colonies. It was their misfortune that, though they stood in need of vast quantities of British manufactures, their country produced very little that afforded a direct remittance35 to pay for them. They were therefore under the necessity of seeking elsewhere a market for their produce, and, by a circuitous78 route, acquiring the means of supporting their credit with the mother country. This they had found by trading with the Spanish and French colonies in their neighbourhood. From them they acquired gold, silver, and valuable commodities, the ultimate profits of which centred in Great Britain. This intercourse gave life to business of every denomination79, and established a reciprocal circulation of money and merchandise, to the benefit of all parties concerned. Why a trade essential to the colonies, and which, so far from being detrimental80, was indirectly81 advantageous82 to Great Britain, should be so narrowly watched, so severely83 restrained, was not obvious to the Americans. Instead of viewing the parent state, as formerly84, in the light of an affectionate mother, they conceived her as beginning to be influenced by the narrow views of an illiberal85 stepdame."—Ib., pp. 324, 325.
Lieutenant-Governor Hutchinson, in a letter to Richard Jackson, Grenville's Secretary in the Exchequer, September, 1763, says, "The real cause of the illicit trade in this Province (Massachusetts) has been the indulgence of the officers of the Customs; and we are told that the cause of this indulgence has been that they are quartered upon for more than their legal fees, and that without bribery86 and corruption87 they must starve."
As a specimen88 of this "bribery and corruption," the deposition89 on oath of the Deputy Collector of his Majesty's Customs at the port of Salem is given, to the effect that every time he had been in the office it had been customary for the Collector to receive of the masters of the vessels90 entering from Lisbon casks of wine, boxes of fruit, etc., which was a gratuity91 for suffering their vessels to be entered with salt or ballast only, and passing over unnoticed such cargoes92 of wine, fruit, etc., which were prohibited to be imported into his Majesty's plantations93; part of which wine, fruit, etc., the Collector used to share with Governor Barnard. (Bancroft's History of the United States, Vol. V., Chap, ix., p. 158, in a note.)
"The sad story of colonial oppression commenced in 1764. Great Britain then adopted regulations respecting her colonies which, after disturbing the ancient harmony of the two countries for about twelve years, terminated in the dismemberment of the empire. These consisted in restricting their former commerce, but more especially in subjecting them to taxation94 by the British Parliament. By adhering to the spirit of her Navigation Act, in the course of a century the trade of Great Britain had increased far beyond the expectation of her most sanguine95 sons; but by rigidly96 enforcing the strict letter of the same in a different situation of public affairs, effects directly the reverse were produced."—Ib., p. 324.
Prior Documents; or a Collection of Interesting Authentic97 Papers relating to the Dispute between Great Britain and America, showing the causes and progress of that misunderstanding from 1764 to 1775, pp. 1, 2; London, 1777.
"Four great wars within seventy years had overwhelmed Great Britain with heavy debts and excessive taxation. Her recent conquests, so far from relieving her embarrassments98, had greatly increased that debt, which amounted now to ￡140,000,000, near $700,000,000. Even in the midst of the struggle, in the success of which they had so direct an interest, the military contributions of the colonial assemblies had been sometimes reluctant and capricious, and always irregular and unequal. They might, perhaps, refuse to contribute at all towards a standing army in time of peace, of which they would naturally soon become jealous. It seemed necessary, therefore, by some exertion99 of metropolitan100 authority, to extract from the colonies for this purpose a regular and certain revenue." (Hildreth's History of the United States, Vol. II. Chap. xxviii., p. 516.)
This was avowed101 by the great commoner, Pitt himself, the special friend of America. "In the course of the war between France and England, some of the colonies made exertions102 so far beyond their equitable103 quota104 as to merit a reimbursement105 from the national treasury; but this was not universally the case. In consequence of internal discord, together with their greater domestic security, the necessary supplies had not been raised in due time by others of the provincial assemblies. That a British Minister should depend on the colonial assemblies for the execution of his plans, did not well accord with the decisive genius of Pitt; but it was not prudent106, by any innovation, to irritate the colonies during a war in which, from local circumstances, their exertions were peculiarly beneficial. The advantages that would result from an ability to draw forth107 the resources of the colonies, by the same authority which commanded the wealth of the mother country, might, in these circumstances, have suggested the idea of taxing the colonies by authority of the British Parliament. Mr. Pitt is said to have told Dr. Franklin that 'when the war closed, if he should be in the Ministry108, he would take measures to prevent the colonies from having a power to refuse or delay the supplies that might be wanted for national purposes,' but he did not mention what those measures should be." (Ramsay's Colonial History, Vol. I., Chap. iii., pp. 320, 321.)
In the work mentioned in last note, "Prior Documents," etc., extracts of letters are given, showing the effects of the acts and regulations of commerce, even in the West Indies. I give one of these extracts as a specimen:
Extract of a letter from Kingston, in Jamaica, to a merchant in London, dated January 27th, 1765.
"Kingston, which used to be a place of great trade and hurry, is become as still as a desert since we were so wise as to banish109 our best friends, the Spaniards; and now the current of that valuable commerce is turned in favour of the French and the Dutch, who have made their ports free, and, taking the advantage of our misconduct, have promised them safety, and so deal with them for all the European goods, upon the same terms as the English did. Were I to depend upon the sale of goods I had from you, I should not be able to remit33 the money these two or three years."
Extract of a letter from Jamaica, to a friend in London, dated May 12th, 1763:
"We are in the most deplorable state ever known in the island; the channel through which all the money we had came among us, is entirely stopped up."—Ib., p. 4.
Prior Documents, etc., pp. 4, 5. Annual Register, Vol VII., Chap. vi.
"The Act which gave rise to these movements and combinations against importing goods from England, passed in the spring of 1764, was known as the 'Sugar Act,' reducing by one-half the duties imposed by the old 'Molasses Act' on foreign sugar and molasses imported into the colonies; levying duties on coffee, pimento, French and East India goods, and wines from Madeira and the Azores, which hitherto had been free; and adding iron and lumber to the 'enumerated110 articles' which could not be exported except to England. This Act was the first Act ever passed by Parliament which avowed the purpose, as it did in its preamble111, of 'raising a revenue for defraying the expenses of defending, protecting and securing his Majesty's dominions in America.' This Act gave increased jurisdiction112 to the Admiralty Courts, and provided new and more efficient means for enforcing the collection of the revenue." (Hildreth's History of the United States, Vol. II., Chap. xxviii., pp. 520, 521.)
"In order to remedy the deficiency of British goods, the colonists betook themselves to a variety of domestic manufactures. In a little time large quantities of common cloths were brought to market; and these, though dearer and of worse quality, were cheerfully preferred to similar articles imported from Britain. That wool might not be wanting, they entered into resolutions to abstain113 from eating lambs. Foreign elegancies were laid aside. The women were as exemplary as the men in various instances of self-denial. With great readiness they refused every article of decoration for their persons, and of luxury for their tables. These restrictions114, which the colonists had voluntarily imposed on themselves, were so well observed, that multitudes of artificers in England were reduced to great distress65, and some of their most flourishing manufactories were in a great measure at a standstill." (Ramsay's Colonial History, Vol. I., Chap. iii., p. 346.)
"This economy became so general at Boston, that the consumption of British merchandise was diminished this year (1764) upwards115 of ￡10,000 sterling116." (Holmes' Annals, Vol. II., p. 128.)
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reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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exalted
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| adj.(地位等)高的，崇高的；尊贵的，高尚的 | |
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hereditary
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| adj.遗传的，遗传性的，可继承的，世袭的 | |
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dominions
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| 统治权( dominion的名词复数 )； 领土； 疆土； 版图 | |
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dominion
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| n.统治，管辖，支配权；领土，版图 | |
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gulf
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| n.海湾；深渊，鸿沟；分歧，隔阂 | |
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colonists
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| n.殖民地开拓者，移民，殖民地居民( colonist的名词复数 ) | |
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vent
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| n.通风口，排放口；开衩；vt.表达，发泄 | |
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marine
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| adj.海的；海生的；航海的；海事的；n.水兵 | |
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behold
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| v.看，注视，看到 | |
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jealousy
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| n.妒忌，嫉妒，猜忌 | |
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aggrandizement
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| n.增大，强化，扩大 | |
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motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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naval
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| adj.海军的，军舰的，船的 | |
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diminution
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territorial
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| adj.领土的，领地的 | |
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apprehension
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| n.理解，领悟；逮捕，拘捕；忧虑 | |
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jealousies
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| n.妒忌( jealousy的名词复数 )；妒羡 | |
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decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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discord
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disintegration
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| n.分散，解体 | |
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apprehended
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| 逮捕，拘押( apprehend的过去式和过去分词 )； 理解 | |
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maxim
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| n.格言，箴言 | |
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posterity
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colonization
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| 殖民地的开拓，殖民，殖民地化； 移殖 | |
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restriction
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politic
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infancy
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| n.婴儿期；幼年期；初期 | |
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friction
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| n.摩擦，摩擦力 | |
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utterly
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overflowed
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lumber
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remit
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| v.汇款，汇寄；豁免（债务），免除（处罚等） | |
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remittances
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remittance
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ratified
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| v.批准，签认（合约等）( ratify的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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chancellor
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| n.(英)大臣；法官；(德、奥)总理；大学校长 | |
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exchequer
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majesty
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| n.雄伟，壮丽，庄严，威严；最高权威，王权 | |
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incurred
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| [医]招致的，遭受的； incur的过去式 | |
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levying
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| 征（兵）( levy的现在分词 )； 索取； 发动（战争）； 征税 | |
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vigour
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| （=vigor）n.智力，体力，精力 | |
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strenuous
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| adj.奋发的，使劲的；紧张的；热烈的，狂热的 | |
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supremacy
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| n.至上；至高权力 | |
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dictated
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| v.大声讲或读( dictate的过去式和过去分词 )；口授；支配；摆布 | |
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undoubtedly
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| adv.确实地，无疑地 | |
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standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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shipping
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| n.船运（发货，运输，乘船） | |
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provincial
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| adj.省的，地方的；n．外省人，乡下人 | |
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51
treasuries
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| n.（政府的）财政部( treasury的名词复数 )；国库，金库 | |
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legislate
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| vt.制定法律；n.法规，律例；立法 | |
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purely
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| adv.纯粹地，完全地 | |
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alienation
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| n.疏远；离间；异化 | |
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severance
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| n.离职金；切断 | |
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proceedings
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| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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disquiet
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| n.担心，焦虑 | |
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commonwealth
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| n.共和国，联邦，共同体 | |
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Amended
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| adj. 修正的 动词amend的过去式和过去分词 | |
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obsolete
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| adj.已废弃的，过时的 | |
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treasury
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| n.宝库；国库，金库；文库 | |
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augment
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| vt.(使)增大，增加，增长，扩张 | |
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illicit
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| adj.非法的，禁止的，不正当的 | |
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distressed
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| 痛苦的 | |
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distress
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| n.苦恼，痛苦，不舒适；不幸；vt.使悲痛 | |
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countermand
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| v.撤回(命令)，取消(订货) | |
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67
previously
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| adv.以前，先前（地） | |
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relinquish
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| v.放弃，撤回，让与，放手 | |
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worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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contented
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| adj.满意的，安心的，知足的 | |
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judicious
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| adj.明智的，明断的，能作出明智决定的 | |
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grievances
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| n.委屈( grievance的名词复数 )；苦衷；不满；牢骚 | |
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relaxation
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| n.松弛，放松；休息；消遣；娱乐 | |
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intercourse
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| n.性交；交流，交往，交际 | |
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winked
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| v.使眼色( wink的过去式和过去分词 )；递眼色（表示友好或高兴等）；（指光）闪烁；闪亮 | |
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enjoined
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| v.命令( enjoin的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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rigid
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| adj.严格的，死板的；刚硬的，僵硬的 | |
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circuitous
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| adj.迂回的路的，迂曲的，绕行的 | |
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denomination
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| n.命名，取名，(度量衡、货币等的)单位 | |
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detrimental
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| adj.损害的，造成伤害的 | |
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indirectly
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| adv.间接地，不直接了当地 | |
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advantageous
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| adj.有利的；有帮助的 | |
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severely
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| adv.严格地；严厉地；非常恶劣地 | |
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formerly
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| adv.从前，以前 | |
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illiberal
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| adj.气量狭小的，吝啬的 | |
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bribery
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| n.贿络行为，行贿，受贿 | |
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corruption
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| n.腐败，堕落，贪污 | |
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specimen
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| n.样本，标本 | |
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deposition
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| n.免职，罢官；作证；沉淀；沉淀物 | |
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vessels
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| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
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gratuity
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| n.赏钱，小费 | |
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cargoes
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| n.（船或飞机装载的）货物( cargo的名词复数 )；大量，重负 | |
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plantations
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| n.种植园，大农场( plantation的名词复数 ) | |
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taxation
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| n.征税，税收，税金 | |
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sanguine
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| adj.充满希望的，乐观的，血红色的 | |
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rigidly
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| adv.刻板地，僵化地 | |
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authentic
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| a.真的，真正的；可靠的，可信的，有根据的 | |
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embarrassments
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| n.尴尬( embarrassment的名词复数 )；难堪；局促不安；令人难堪或耻辱的事 | |
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exertion
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| n.尽力，努力 | |
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metropolitan
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| adj.大城市的，大都会的 | |
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avowed
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| adj.公开声明的，承认的v.公开声明，承认( avow的过去式和过去分词) | |
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exertions
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| n.努力( exertion的名词复数 )；费力；（能力、权力等的）运用；行使 | |
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equitable
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| adj.公平的；公正的 | |
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quota
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| n.（生产、进出口等的）配额，（移民的）限额 | |
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reimbursement
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| n.偿还，退还 | |
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106
prudent
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| adj.谨慎的，有远见的，精打细算的 | |
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forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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ministry
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| n.(政府的)部；牧师 | |
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banish
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| vt.放逐，驱逐；消除，排除 | |
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enumerated
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| v.列举，枚举，数( enumerate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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preamble
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| n.前言；序文 | |
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112
jurisdiction
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| n.司法权，审判权，管辖权，控制权 | |
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113
abstain
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| v.自制，戒绝，弃权，避免 | |
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restrictions
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| 约束( restriction的名词复数 )； 管制； 制约因素； 带限制性的条件（或规则） | |
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115
upwards
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| adv.向上，在更高处...以上 | |
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116
sterling
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| adj.英币的(纯粹的，货真价实的)；n.英国货币(英镑) | |
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