The intensity3 of the flame of colonial dissatisfaction, and which caused it to burst forth4 into a conflagration5 of complaint and resistance in all the colonies, was the announcement of a measure to raise a revenue in the colonies, by Act of Parliament, on the very day, March 10th, 1764, that the Bills which bore so hard on the trade currency of the colonies were passed. Mr. Grenville, Chancellor7 of the Exchequer8, introduced sundry9 resolutions relative to the imposition of stamp duty in America. These resolutions affirmed the right, the equity10, the policy, and even the necessity of taxing the colonies.
"The resolutions were not followed this year by any Bill, being only to be held out as an intention for next year. They were proposed and agreed to, in a thin House, late at night, and just at the rising, without any debate." A year from that date, March 10th, 1765, Mr. Grenville introduced his long-expected measure for raising a revenue in the colonies by a duty on stamps—a measure prepared by fifty-five resolutions (in Committee of Ways and Means), on which were based the provisions of the Stamp Act, which provided among other things that a tax should be paid on all newspapers, all law papers, all ships' papers, property transfers, college diplomas, and marriage licenses11. A fine of ￡10 was imposed for each non-compliance with the Act, the enforcement of which was not left to the ordinary courts and juries, but to Courts of [Pg 285]Admiralty without juries, the officers of which were appointed by the Crown, and paid fees out of the fines which they imposed—the informer receiving one-half. The year's notice[267] of this Bill had given the opportunity of discussing the merits of it on both sides of the Atlantic. The King, at the opening of the session, had presented the colonial question as one of "obedience12 to the laws and respect for the legislative13 authority of the kingdom;" and the Lords and Commons, in reply, declared their intention to pursue every plan calculated for the public advantage, and to proceed therein "with that temper and firmness which will best conciliate and ensure due submission14 to the laws and reverence15 for the legislative authority of Great Britain." As it was a money Bill, no petitions were allowed to be presented to the Commons against it. Several members spoke16 against it, of whom General Conway and Colonel Barré were the principal, both of whom had served in America; but the Bill was passed by a majority of five to one. In America, the old, loyal Church of England colony of Virginia led the way in opposition to the Bill, the General Assembly of Burgesses being in session when the news of its having been passed by the British Parliament reached America; and the resolutions which that Assembly passed covered the whole ground of colonial opposition to the Stamp Act. The Assembly of Virginia sent copies of its resolutions to the other colonies, and several of their Legislatures adopted the same or similar resolutions. Two days after adopting the resolutions, the Governor dismissed the Legislature and ordered new elections; but at the new elections all who voted for the resolutions were re-elected, and all who opposed them were rejected; so that the newly-elected Assembly was even more unanimous against the Stamp Act than the Assembly which had been dismissed. It was said "the fire began in Virginia;" "Virginia rang the alarm bell;" "Virginia gave the signal for the continent." The petition from the Assembly of New York was stronger than that from Virginia—"so bold that when it reached London no one would present it to Parliament." The remonstrance17 of Massachusetts was feebler, it having been modified by the Lieutenant-Governor, Hutchinson, and the Governor, Barnard. Rhode Island followed New York and Virginia. The Legislature of Connecticut protested at once against the stamp tax, and sent decided18 instructions to their agent in London to insist firmly upon their rights of taxation19 and trial by jury. When the news of these things reached England, and the colonial agents made their remonstrances20, it was asked, "Will the colonies resist?" That was not believed to be possible even by Franklin; but though no physical resistance was thought of in any part of America, yet the opposition to the Stamp Act became increasingly intense among all classes, from the first announcement of it in May to the prescribed time of its going into operation, the 1st of November; and armed resistance seems to have been viewed as a possible alternative in the future. It was as yet looked upon as a contest between the colonists21 and the Parliament and advisers22 of the King, and not with the King himself, to whom ardent23 loyalty24 was professed25 and no doubt felt. It was at length proposed that a general Congress of representatives of all the colonies should be held to confer on the measures necessary to be taken.
The Massachusetts Legislature met the latter part of May, and recommended, on the 6th of June, the calling of a Congress, to be composed of "Committees from the Houses of Representatives or Burgesses in the several colonies," to meet at New York on the first Tuesday of October following, there to consult "on the difficulties in which the colonies were and must be placed by the late Acts of Parliament levying26 duties and taxes upon them, and to consider of a general and humble27 address to his Majesty28 and the Parliament to implore29 relief." A circular letter was prepared and sent to the Speakers of the Legislative Assemblies of other colonies; and a Committee was chosen for Massachusetts. On the 7th of October a Congress met at New York, consisting of 28 delegates from the Assemblies of Massachusetts, Rhode Island and Providence30 Plantations31, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey32, Pennsylvania, the Delaware counties, Maryland, and South Carolina. The session of this convention or congress lasted three weeks; the members were found to be of one opinion on the principal subjects discussed. A declaration of the rights and grievances33 of the colonies was agreed to, in which all the privileges of Englishmen were claimed as the birthright of the colonists, including the right of being taxed only by their own consent. A petition to the King and memorials to each House of Parliament were prepared and adopted. The Assemblies of Virginia, North Carolina, and Georgia were prevented by their Governors from sending representatives to the Congress; but they forwarded petitions to England similar to those adopted by the Congress. It is worthy34 of remark, that, with the exception of Boston, the proceedings35 of the populace, as well as of the Conventions and Legislative Assemblies, against the Stamp Act, were conducted in a legal and orderly manner, such as to command respect in England as well as in America. But in Boston there had always been a mob, which, under the direction and auspices36 of men behind the scenes, and opposed to British rule in any form, was ready to come forth as opportunity offered in lawless violence against the authority of the Crown and its officers. In England, eighty years before, mobs were employed to intimidate37 the Court, Lords, and Commons in passing the Bill of Attainder against Strafford, and against Bishops38 and Episcopacy. The Rev6. Dr. Burgess, the most popular Puritan minister in London at that time, called them his "band-dogs," to be let loose or restrained as occasion required. Such men as the "band-dogs" of Boston,[Pg 289] who found a good opportunity for the exercise of their vocation39 during the discussions of the local Legislature and public meetings against the Stamp Act, not content with the harmless acts of patriotism40 of hanging Lord Bute and Mr. Andrew Oliver (the proposed distributors of the stamps) in effigy41 and then making bonfires of them, they levelled Mr. Oliver's office buildings to the ground, and broke the windows and destroyed most of the furniture of his house. Some days afterwards they proceeded to the house of William Story, Deputy Registrar42 of the Court of Admiralty, and destroyed his private papers, as well as the records and files of the Court. They next entered and purloined43 the house of Benjamin Hallowell, jr., Comptroller of the Customs, and regaled themselves to intoxication44 with the liquors which they found in his cellar. They then, as Mr. Hildreth says, "proceeded to the mansion45 of Governor Hutchinson, in North Square. The Lieutenant-Governor and his family fled for their lives. The house was completely gutted46, and the contents burned in bonfires kindled47 in the square. Along with Hutchinson's public and private papers perished many invaluable48 manuscripts relating to the history of the province, which Hutchinson had been thirty years in collecting, and which it was impossible to replace." The universal and intense [Pg 291]opposition of all ranks in all the colonies (except a few of the office-holders) was re-echoed and strengthened by opposition and remonstrances from the merchants and manufacturers in England and Scotland connected with the American trade. Parliament met the 17th December, 1765, when one reason assigned in the[Pg 292] Royal speech for calling Parliament together earlier than usual was the importance of matters which had occurred in America, all papers connected with which would be laid before them. After the Christmas recess49, the Parliament met the 17th of January, 1766, when American affairs were again commended in a speech from the Throne as a principal object of parliamentary deliberations. Both Houses, in their replies to the King, showed that they regarded American affairs in the same important light as his Majesty; and for more than two months those affairs constituted the principal subject of parliamentary debate, and the leading topics of conversation among all classes. The application of the Commons was unwearied; their sittings continued until after midnight, and sometimes even until morning; the number of petitions they received, the multitude of papers and the witnesses they had to examine, occupied much time, accompanied by continual debates. The authors of the Stamp Act were now in opposition, and made most strenuous50 efforts in its justification51. The debates turned chiefly on two questions: 1. Whether the Legislature of Great Britain had, or had not, a right of taxation over the colonies; 2. Whether the late laws, especially the Stamp Act, were just and expedient52. In the ultimate decision of the first question both parties agreed, and the House affirmed, without a division, "That the Parliament of Great Britain had a right to bind53 the colonies in all cases whatsoever54," without any distinction in regard to taxation. As to the second question, Parliament decided, after very warm and protracted55 debates, in favour of the total repeal of the Stamp Act. Accordingly two Bills were brought in, pursuant to these resolutions: the one, a declaratory Bill, entitled "An Act for securing the defence of the American colonies of Great Britain," and asserting the right of Parliament to bind the colonies in all cases whatsoever; the other, for the total repeal of the Stamp Act.
[Colonel Barré's celebrated56 reply to Charles Townsend, and review of it, on the passing of the Stamp Act, will be found in Appendix A. to this chapter; and Lord Chancellor Camden's opinion, and the great commoner Pitt's memorable57 sayings in the discussion on the repeal of the Stamp Act, will be found in Appendix B.]
The Declaratory Act, though avowing58 the absolute power of Parliament to bind the colonies in all cases whatsoever, and rescinding59, as far as an Act of Parliament could, all the declarations and resolutions which had been adopted by the Colonial Assemblies and public meetings against the authority of Parliament, attracted very little attention amid the absorbing interest centred in the Stamp Act, and the universal rejoicings on both sides of the Atlantic at its repeal. The Declaratory Act, as it was called, passed the Commons the beginning of February; and on the 18th of the month, after a vehement60 discussion, closed by the speeches of Messrs. Grenville and Pitt, the House of Commons, at three o'clock in the morning, repealed61 the Stamp Act by a majority of 275 to 167. The House of Lords, after warm and protracted discussions, voted for its repeal by a majority of 100 to 71; and three days afterwards, the 18th of March, the royal assent62 was given to the Act—"An event," says the Annual Register for 1766, "that caused more universal joy throughout the British dominions63 than perhaps any other that can be remembered."
"Ships in the River Thames displayed their colours, and houses were illuminated64 all over the city. It was no sooner known in America, than the colonists rescinded65 their resolutions, and recommenced their mercantile intercourse66 with the mother country. They presented their homespun clothes to the poor, and imported more largely than ever. The churches resounded67 with thanksgivings; and their public and private rejoicings knew no bounds. By letters, addresses, and other means, almost all the colonies showed unequivocal marks of acknowledgment and gratitude68. So sudden a calm after so violent a storm is without a parallel in history. By the judicious69 sacrifice of one law, Great Britain procured70 an acquiescence71 in all that remained."
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1
opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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repeal
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| n.废止，撤消；v.废止，撤消 | |
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intensity
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| n.强烈，剧烈；强度；烈度 | |
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forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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conflagration
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| n.建筑物或森林大火 | |
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rev
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| v.发动机旋转，加快速度 | |
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chancellor
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| n.(英)大臣；法官；(德、奥)总理；大学校长 | |
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exchequer
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| n.财政部；国库 | |
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sundry
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| adj.各式各样的，种种的 | |
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equity
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| n.公正，公平，（无固定利息的）股票 | |
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licenses
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| n.执照( license的名词复数 )v.批准，许可，颁发执照( license的第三人称单数 ) | |
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obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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legislative
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| n.立法机构，立法权；adj.立法的，有立法权的 | |
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submission
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| n.服从，投降；温顺，谦虚；提出 | |
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reverence
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| n.敬畏，尊敬，尊严；Reverence:对某些基督教神职人员的尊称；v.尊敬，敬畏，崇敬 | |
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spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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remonstrance
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| n抗议，抱怨 | |
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decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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taxation
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| n.征税，税收，税金 | |
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remonstrances
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| n.抱怨，抗议( remonstrance的名词复数 ) | |
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colonists
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| n.殖民地开拓者，移民，殖民地居民( colonist的名词复数 ) | |
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advisers
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| 顾问，劝告者( adviser的名词复数 )； （指导大学新生学科问题等的）指导教授 | |
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ardent
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| adj.热情的，热烈的，强烈的，烈性的 | |
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loyalty
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| n.忠诚，忠心 | |
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professed
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| 公开声称的，伪称的，已立誓信教的 | |
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levying
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| 征（兵）( levy的现在分词 )； 索取； 发动（战争）； 征税 | |
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humble
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| adj.谦卑的，恭顺的；地位低下的；v.降低，贬低 | |
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majesty
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| n.雄伟，壮丽，庄严，威严；最高权威，王权 | |
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implore
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| vt.乞求，恳求，哀求 | |
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providence
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| n.深谋远虑，天道，天意；远见；节约；上帝 | |
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plantations
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| n.种植园，大农场( plantation的名词复数 ) | |
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jersey
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| n.运动衫 | |
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grievances
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| n.委屈( grievance的名词复数 )；苦衷；不满；牢骚 | |
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worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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proceedings
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| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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auspices
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| n.资助，赞助 | |
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intimidate
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| vt.恐吓，威胁 | |
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bishops
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| （基督教某些教派管辖大教区的）主教( bishop的名词复数 )； （国际象棋的）象 | |
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vocation
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| n.职业，行业 | |
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patriotism
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| n.爱国精神，爱国心，爱国主义 | |
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effigy
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| n.肖像 | |
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registrar
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| n.记录员，登记员；(大学的)注册主任 | |
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purloined
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| v.偷窃( purloin的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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intoxication
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| n.wild excitement;drunkenness；poisoning | |
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mansion
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| n.大厦，大楼；宅第 | |
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gutted
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| adj.容易消化的v.毁坏（建筑物等）的内部( gut的过去式和过去分词 )；取出…的内脏 | |
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47
kindled
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| （使某物）燃烧，着火( kindle的过去式和过去分词 )； 激起（感情等）； 发亮，放光 | |
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invaluable
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| adj.无价的，非常宝贵的，极为贵重的 | |
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recess
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| n.短期休息，壁凹（墙上装架子，柜子等凹处） | |
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50
strenuous
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| adj.奋发的，使劲的；紧张的；热烈的，狂热的 | |
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51
justification
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| n.正当的理由；辩解的理由 | |
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52
expedient
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| adj.有用的，有利的；n.紧急的办法，权宜之计 | |
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53
bind
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| vt.捆，包扎；装订；约束；使凝固；vi.变硬 | |
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54
whatsoever
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| adv.（用于否定句中以加强语气）任何；pron.无论什么 | |
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protracted
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| adj.拖延的；延长的v.拖延“protract”的过去式和过去分词 | |
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celebrated
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| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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memorable
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| adj.值得回忆的，难忘的，特别的，显著的 | |
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avowing
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| v.公开声明，承认( avow的现在分词 ) | |
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rescinding
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| v.废除，取消( rescind的现在分词 ) | |
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vehement
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| adj.感情强烈的；热烈的；(人)有强烈感情的 | |
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repealed
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| 撤销，废除( repeal的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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assent
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| v.批准，认可；n.批准，认可 | |
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dominions
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| 统治权( dominion的名词复数 )； 领土； 疆土； 版图 | |
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illuminated
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| adj.被照明的；受启迪的 | |
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rescinded
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| v.废除，取消( rescind的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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intercourse
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| n.性交；交流，交往，交际 | |
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resounded
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| v.（指声音等）回荡于某处( resound的过去式和过去分词 )；产生回响；（指某处）回荡着声音 | |
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gratitude
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| adj.感激，感谢 | |
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judicious
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| adj.明智的，明断的，能作出明智决定的 | |
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procured
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| v.（努力）取得， （设法）获得( procure的过去式和过去分词 )；拉皮条 | |
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acquiescence
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| n.默许；顺从 | |
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