A new House of Commons was elected in 1766, less favourable1 to the colonies than the preceding one; and one of the first acts of the new Parliament was founded on the intelligence received from New York, that the Assembly had refused to comply with all the requirements of the Billeting Act in providing for his Majesty2's troops which had been quartered upon that province.
A Bill was introduced by Mr. Grenville, the object of which was to restrain the Assembly and Council of New York from passing any Act until they had complied with the requisitions of the Billeting Act. Though the Bill was introduced by the leader of the opposition3, it received the countenance4 and support of Ministers (Pitt being Premier5, though absent through illness), "who regarded it as a measure at once dignified6 and forbearing." The Bill passed with little opposition; the Legislature of New York was at once frightened into immediate7 compliance8, though the feeling with which it was done may be easily conceived. The effect, however, in other colonies, was not only to excite fears and dissatisfaction, but to call forth9 public expressions of hostile sentiment, regarding the Act as an infringement10 of their chartered privileges; and they argued that if the legislative11 powers of so loyal a colony as New York could be thus suspended, they had little security for their own privileges guaranteed to them by Charter.
On the 26th of January, while the House of Commons, in Committee of Supply, was considering the estimate for the garrison12 and land forces in the colonies, Mr. Grenville took the opportunity of expressing his dissatisfaction with the repeal13 of the Stamp Act, and insisted upon the necessity of relieving England from the burden, which should be borne by the colonies, and which, with contingencies14, exceeded ￡400,000. Mr. Charles Townshend, then Chancellor15 of the Exchequer16, replied that "the Administration has given its attention to give relief to Great Britain from bearing the whole expense of securing, defending, and protecting America and the West India islands. I shall bring into the House some propositions that I hope may tend, in time, to ease the people of England upon this head, and yet not be heavy in any manner upon the people in the colonies. I know the mode by which a revenue may be drawn17 from America without offence." He was applauded from all sides of the House, and continued: "I am still a firm advocate for the Stamp Act, for its principle, and for the duty itself; only the heats which prevailed made it an improper18 time to press it. I laugh at the absurd distinction between internal and external taxes. I know of no such distinction. It is a distinction without a difference. It is perfect nonsense. If we have a right to impose the one, we have a right to impose the other. The distinction is ridiculous in the opinion of everybody except the Americans." In conclusion, laying his hand on the table in front of him, he declared to the House, "England is undone19 if this taxation20 of America is given up." Grenville demanded Townsend to pledge himself to his declaration of obtaining a revenue from the colonies; and did so promptly21 amid the applause of the House. In June, Townshend proceeded to redeem22 his pledge, and for that purpose brought successively three Bills into the House, all of which were passed by nearly unanimous votes.
"The first of these Bills, in the preamble23, declared an American revenue expedient24, and promised to raise it by granting duties on glass, red and white lead, painters' oil and paper, and threepence a pound on tea—all English productions except the last—all objects of taxation in the colonies. The exportation of tea to America was encouraged by another Act which allowed a drawback for five years of the whole duty payable25 on importation into England." The preamble of the Bill stated that the duties are laid for the better support of the government and the administration of the colonies. One clause of the Act enabled the King, by sign manual, to establish a general civil list for each province of North America, with any salaries, pensions, or appointments his Majesty might think proper. The Act also provided, after all such ministerial warrants under the sign manual "as are thought proper and necessary" shall be satisfied, the residue26 of the revenue shall be at the disposal of the Parliament.
2. The second Bill, intended to ensure the execution of the first, authorized27 his Majesty to appoint a Board of Commissioners28 of Customs to reside in the colonies, to give them such orders and instructions from time to time as his Majesty might think proper. This Board of Customs had its seat at Boston; its duty was to see to the strict enforcement of the revenue laws in America, and it was authorized to make as many appointments as the Commissioners might think fit, and to pay the appointees what sums they pleased, and were not accountable for their malconduct, though they were authorized to seize vessels29 suspected of having goods which had not been duly entered.
3. A third Bill, in Mr. Charles Townshend's scheme for the taxation of the colonies, was for the establishment in America of Courts of Vice-Admiralty—at Halifax, Boston, Philadelphia, and Charleston—Courts in which the colonists30 were deprived of the right of trial by jury, which were invested with authority to seize and transport accused persons to England to be tried there—Courts of which the officers and informers were paid out of the proceeds of sales of confiscated31 goods, and in proportion to their amounts, and were therefore personally interested in confiscating32 as many goods as possible, and from their decisions there was no appeal except to England—a process not only tedious, but ruinously expensive, even if successful, of which there could be little hope.
In connection with these three Acts (the operations and effects of which Charles Townshend did not live to see), the navy and military in America were commanded, not as a defence against foreign or even Indian invasions, but as Custom-house guards and officers, to enforce the payment of taxes on the colonists. The very next day after the King had given the royal sanction to the system of Courts of Admiralty in America, "orders were issued directly to the Commander-in-Chief in America, that the troops under his command should give their assistance to the officers of the revenue for the effectual suppression of the contraband33 trade. Nor was there delay in following up the new law, to employ the navy to enforce the Navigation Acts. To this end Admiral Colville, the naval34 Commander-in-Chief on the coasts of North America, from the River St. Lawrence to Cape35 Florida and the Bahama Islands, became the head of a new corps36 of revenue officers. Each captain of his squadron had Custom-house commissions, and a set of instructions from the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty for his guidance; and other instructions were given them by the Admiral, to enter into the harbours or lie off the coasts of America; to qualify themselves, by taking the usual Custom-house oaths, to do the office of Custom-house officers; to seize such persons as were suspected by them to be engaged in illicit37 trade."
The effect of these acts and measures was to create universal dissatisfaction throughout the colonies, as they were not even in pretence38 for the regulation of trade, but for the purpose of raising a parliamentary revenue in America, and therefore differed not in principle from the tax imposed by the Stamp Act. "The colonists contended that there was no real difference between the principle of these new duties and the Stamp Act. They were both designed to raise a revenue in America, and in the same manner. The payment of the duties imposed by the Stamp Act might have been evaded39 by the total disuse of stamped paper, and so might the payment of these duties by the total disuse of those articles on which they were laid; but in neither case without great difficulty. The Revenue Act of 1767 produced resolves, petitions, addresses, remonstrances40, similar to those with which the colonists opposed the Stamp Act. It also gave rise to a second association for suspending further importations of British manufactures till those offensive duties should be taken off."
The year 1767 closed with enlarging and multiplying associations to dispense41 with the use of goods of British manufacture, the appointment of Lord North to succeed Charles Townshend as Chancellor of the Exchequer, and of the Earl of Hillsborough to succeed the Earl of Shelburne as Secretary of State for the Colonies. Lord North had voted for the Stamp Act and against its repeal; and Lord Hillsborough was less indulgent to the colonies than Lord Shelburne.
FOOTNOTES:
"This affair being brought before the House occasioned many debates, and some vigorous measures were proposed. June 15th, a Bill was passed by which the Governor, Council, and Assembly of New York were prohibited from passing or assenting42 to any Act of Assembly for any purpose whatsoever43, till they had in every respect complied with all the terms of the Act of Parliament. This restriction44, though limited to one colony, was a lesson to them all, and showed their comparative inferiority, when brought in question with the supreme45 legislative power." (Annual Register for 1767, Vol. X., p. 48.)
The carrying into effect of the Billeting Act in Boston is thus stated by Mr. Holmes:
"An Act had been passed by Parliament, the same session in which the Stamp Act was passed, that obliged the Colonial Assemblies to provide quarters for the soldiers, and furnish them with fire, beds, candles, and other articles at the expense of the colonies. The jealousy46 of Massachusetts was awakened47 by the attempt of the Governor to execute this law. In June an addition was made to the British troops at the castle, in the harbour of Boston, and the Governor requested that provision be made by the Assembly for their support. After due deliberation, the House resolved that such provision be made for them while they remain here, as has been heretofore usually made for his Majesty's regular troops when occasionally in the province. The caution with which this resolution was drawn shows how reluctant the Assembly were to have a military force placed in the province; and how careful neither to yield any portion of their legislative rights, nor to furnish a precedent48 for the repetition of a measure equally obnoxious49 and dangerous to the colonists. The suspension of the power of legislation in New York justly excited alarm throughout all the colonies; for it was perceived that every Colonial Assembly would, by parity50 of reasoning, be put on their trial for good behaviour, of which the British Ministry51 would be the judge. Richard Henry Lee, of Virginia, said, 'An Act for suspending the Legislature of that province hangs, like a flaming sword, over all our heads, and requires by all means to be removed.'" (Annals, etc., Vol. II., p. 149.)
The Americans took the Chancellor of the Exchequer at his word, the plain and logical inference from which was, that if it was unlawful to impose internal taxes, it was equally unlawful to impose external taxes. The colonies had unanimously denied the lawfulness52 of internal taxes imposed by Parliament, and in that denial had been sustained by the opinions of Lord Camden, Pitt, and other English statesmen, and virtually by the repeal of the Stamp Act itself. Henceforth they resisted the imposition by Parliament of external as well as internal taxes.
Referring to the applause of the Commons which greeted Townshend's utterances53 of his intention to draw a revenue from the colonies, Mr. Bancroft says: "The loud burst of rapture54 dismayed Conway, who sat in silent astonishment55 at the unauthorized but premeditated rashness of his presumptuous56 colleague. The next night the Cabinet questioned the insubordinate Minister 'how he had ventured to depart on so essential a point from the profession of the whole Ministry;' and he browbeat57 them all. 'I appeal to you,' said he, turning to Conway, 'whether the House is not bent58 on obtaining a revenue of some sort from the colonies?' Not one of the Ministry then in London (Pitt being absent and ill) had sufficient authority to advise his dismission, and nothing less could have stopped his measures." (History of the United States, Vol. VI., Chap. xxvii., pp. 47-49.)
"The colonists had been previously59 restrained from manufacturing certain articles for their own consumption. Other Acts confined them to the exclusive use of British merchandise. The addition of duties put them wholly in the power and discretion60 of Great Britain. 'We are not,' said they, 'permitted to import from any nation other than our own parent state, and have been, in some cases, restrained by her from manufacturing for ourselves; and she claims a right to do so in every instance which is incompatible61 with her interest. To these restrictions62 we have hitherto submitted; but she now rises in her demands, and imposes duties on those commodities, the purchasing of which elsewhere than in her own market her laws forbid, and the manufacturing of which for her own use she may, at any moment she pleases, restrain. Nothing is left for us to do but to complain and pay.'" (Ramsay's Colonial History, Vol. I., Chap. iii., pp. 351, 352.)
"Townshend opened the debate with professions of candour, and the air of a man of business. Exculpating63 alike Pennsylvania and Connecticut, he named as the delinquent64 colonies—Massachusetts, which had invaded the King's prerogative65 by a general amnesty, and in a message to its Governor had used expressions derogatory to the authority of Parliament; Rhode Island, which had postponed66 but not refused to indemnify the sufferers by the Stamp Act; and New Jersey67, which had evaded the Billeting Act, but had yet furnished the King's troops with every essential thing to their perfect satisfaction. Against these colonies it was not necessary to institute severe proceedings68. But New York, in the month of June last, besides appointing its own Commissary, had limited its supplies to two regiments69, and to those articles only which were provided in the rest of the King's dominions70, and in December had refused to do more.
"It became Parliament not to engage in controversy71 with its colonies, but to assert its sovereignty without uniting them in a common cause. For this end he proposed to proceed against New York, and against New York alone. To levy72 a local tax would be to accept a penalty in lieu of obedience73. He should, therefore, move that New York, having disobeyed Parliament, should be restrained from any legislative act of its own till it should comply.
"He then proceeded to advocate the establishment of a Board of Commissioners of the Customs, to be stationed in America.
"'Our right of taxation,' he continued, 'is indubitable; yet, to prevent mischief74, I was myself in favour of repealing75 the Stamp Act. But there can be no objection to port duties on wine, oil, and fruits, if allowed to be carried to America directly from Spain and Portugal; on glass, paper, lead, and colours; and especially on tea. Owing to the high charges in England, America has supplied itself with tea by smuggling76 it from the Dutch possessions; to remedy this, duties hitherto levied77 upon it in England are to be given up, and a specific duty collected in America itself.'"
"The American revenue, it was further explained, was to be placed at the disposal of the King for the payment of his civil officers.
"This speech, pronounced with gravity and an air of moderation by an orator78 who was the delight of the House, implied a revolution in favour of authority. The Minister was to have the irresponsible power of establishing, by sign manual, a general civil list in every American province, and at his pleasure to grant salaries and pensions, limited only by the amount of the American revenue. The proposition bore on its face the mark of owing its parentage to the holders79 and patrons of American offices; and yet it was received in the House with general favour. Richard Jackson was not regarded when he spoke80 against the duties themselves, and foretold81 the mischief that would ensue." (Bancroft's History of the United States, Vol. VI., Chap. xxix., pp. 75-77.)
The Commissioners, from the first moment of their institution, had been an eyesore to the people of Boston. This, though partly owing to their active zeal82 in detecting smugglers, principally arose from the association which existed in the minds of the inhabitants between the Board of Customs and an American revenue. The Declaratory Act of 1766, the Revenue Act of 1767, together with the pomp and expense of this Board, so disproportionate to the small income of the present duties, conspired83 to convince not only the few who were benefitted by smuggling, but the great body of enlightened freemen, that further and greater impositions of parliamentary taxes were intended. In proportion as this opinion gained ground, the inhabitants became more disrespectful to the executive officers of the revenue, and more disposed, in the frenzy84 of patriotism85, to commit outrages86 on their persons and property. The constant bickering87 that existed between them and the inhabitants, together with the steady opposition given by the latter to the discharge of the official duties of the former, induced the Commissioners and friends of an American revenue to solicit88 the protection of a regular force at Boston. In compliance with their wishes, his Majesty ordered two regiments and some armed vessels to repair thither89 for supporting and assisting the officers of Customs in the execution of their duty. (Ramsay's Colonial History, Vol. I., Chap. iii., pp. 355, 356.)
His Revenue Act, and the two subsequent Acts to give it effect, produced an excitement throughout the American colonies that will be noticed hereafter. Mr. Bancroft remarks: "They would nullify Townshend's Revenue Act by consuming nothing on which he had laid a duty, and avenge90 themselves on England by importing no more British goods. At the beginning of this excitement (September, 1767), Charles Townshend was seized with fever, and after a short illness, during which he met danger with the unconcerned levity91 that had marked his conduct of the most serious affairs, he died at the age of forty-one, famed alike for incomparable talents and extreme instability." (History of the United States, Vol. VI., p. 98.)
Bancroft's History of the United States, Vol. V., Chapter ix., pp. 161, 162. Mr. Bancroft adds:
"The promise of large emoluments92 in case of forfeiture93 stimulated94 their natural and irregular vivacity95 to enforce laws which had become obsolete96, and they pounced97 upon American property as they would have gone to war in quest of prize-money. Even at first their acts were equivocal, and they soon came to be as illegal as they were oppressive. There was no redress98. An appeal to the Privy99 Council was costly100 and difficult; and besides, when it so happened, before the end of the year, that an officer had to defend himself on an appeal, the suffering colonists were exhausted101 by the delay and expense, while the Treasury102 took care to indemnify their agent."—Ib., p. 162.
Ramsay's Colonial History, Vol I., Chapter iii., pp. 352, 353.
"Towards the last of October, the inhabitants of Boston, 'ever sensitive to the sound of liberty,' assembled in a town meeting, and voted to dispense with a large number of articles of British manufacture, which, were particularly specified103; to adhere to former agreements respecting funerals; and to purchase no new clothing for mourning. Committees were appointed to obtain subscribers to this agreement, and the resolves were sent in to all the towns of the province and abroad to other colonies. The 20th of the ensuing month (20th of November, the time when the Acts went into operation) passed without tumult104. Placards were exhibited and effigies105 were set up, but the people in general were quiet. Otis (the most popular man in Boston), at a town meeting held to discountenance riot, delivered a speech in which he recommended caution, and advised that no opposition should be made to the new duties. 'The King has a right,' said he, 'to appoint officers of the Customs in what manner he pleases and by what denominations106; and to resist his authority will but provoke his displeasure.' Such counsel was displeasing107 to the zealous108, but it was followed." (Barry's History of Massachusetts, Vol. II., Chapter xi., pp. 340, 341.)
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favourable
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| adj.赞成的，称赞的，有利的，良好的，顺利的 | |
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majesty
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| n.雄伟，壮丽，庄严，威严；最高权威，王权 | |
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opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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countenance
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| n.脸色，面容；面部表情；vt.支持，赞同 | |
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premier
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| adj.首要的；n.总理，首相 | |
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dignified
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| a.可敬的，高贵的 | |
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immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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compliance
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| n.顺从；服从；附和；屈从 | |
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forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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infringement
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| n.违反；侵权 | |
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legislative
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| n.立法机构，立法权；adj.立法的，有立法权的 | |
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garrison
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| n.卫戍部队；驻地，卫戍区；vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
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repeal
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| n.废止，撤消；v.废止，撤消 | |
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contingencies
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| n.偶然发生的事故，意外事故( contingency的名词复数 )；以备万一 | |
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chancellor
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| n.(英)大臣；法官；(德、奥)总理；大学校长 | |
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exchequer
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| n.财政部；国库 | |
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drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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improper
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| adj.不适当的，不合适的，不正确的，不合礼仪的 | |
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undone
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| a.未做完的，未完成的 | |
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taxation
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| n.征税，税收，税金 | |
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promptly
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| adv.及时地，敏捷地 | |
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redeem
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| v.买回，赎回，挽回，恢复，履行（诺言等） | |
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preamble
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| n.前言；序文 | |
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expedient
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| adj.有用的，有利的；n.紧急的办法，权宜之计 | |
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payable
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| adj.可付的，应付的，有利益的 | |
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residue
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authorized
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| a.委任的，许可的 | |
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commissioners
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| n.专员( commissioner的名词复数 )；长官；委员；政府部门的长官 | |
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vessels
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| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
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colonists
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| n.殖民地开拓者，移民，殖民地居民( colonist的名词复数 ) | |
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confiscated
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| 没收，充公( confiscate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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confiscating
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| 没收（confiscate的现在分词形式） | |
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contraband
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| n.违禁品，走私品 | |
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naval
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| adj.海军的，军舰的，船的 | |
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cape
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| n.海角，岬；披肩，短披风 | |
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corps
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| n.(通信等兵种的)部队；(同类作的)一组 | |
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illicit
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| adj.非法的，禁止的，不正当的 | |
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pretence
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| n.假装，作假；借口，口实；虚伪；虚饰 | |
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evaded
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| 逃避( evade的过去式和过去分词 )； 避开； 回避； 想不出 | |
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remonstrances
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| n.抱怨，抗议( remonstrance的名词复数 ) | |
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dispense
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| vt.分配，分发；配(药)，发(药)；实施 | |
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assenting
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| 同意，赞成( assent的现在分词 ) | |
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whatsoever
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| adv.（用于否定句中以加强语气）任何；pron.无论什么 | |
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restriction
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| n.限制，约束 | |
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supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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jealousy
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| n.妒忌，嫉妒，猜忌 | |
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awakened
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| v.（使）醒( awaken的过去式和过去分词 )；（使）觉醒；弄醒；（使）意识到 | |
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precedent
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| n.先例，前例；惯例；adj.在前的，在先的 | |
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obnoxious
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| adj.极恼人的，讨人厌的，可憎的 | |
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parity
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| n.平价，等价，比价，对等 | |
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ministry
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| n.(政府的)部；牧师 | |
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lawfulness
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| 法制，合法 | |
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utterances
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| n.发声( utterance的名词复数 )；说话方式；语调；言论 | |
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rapture
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| n.狂喜；全神贯注；着迷；v.使狂喜 | |
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astonishment
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| n.惊奇，惊异 | |
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presumptuous
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| adj.胆大妄为的，放肆的，冒昧的，冒失的 | |
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browbeat
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| v.欺侮；吓唬 | |
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bent
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| n.爱好，癖好；adj.弯的；决心的，一心的 | |
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previously
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| adv.以前，先前（地） | |
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discretion
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| n.谨慎；随意处理 | |
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incompatible
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| adj.不相容的，不协调的，不相配的 | |
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restrictions
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| 约束( restriction的名词复数 )； 管制； 制约因素； 带限制性的条件（或规则） | |
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exculpating
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| v.开脱，使无罪( exculpate的现在分词 ) | |
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delinquent
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| adj.犯法的，有过失的；n.违法者 | |
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prerogative
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| n.特权 | |
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postponed
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| vt.& vi.延期，缓办，（使）延迟vt.把…放在次要地位；[语]把…放在后面（或句尾）vi.（疟疾等）延缓发作（或复发） | |
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jersey
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| n.运动衫 | |
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proceedings
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| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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regiments
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| （军队的）团( regiment的名词复数 )； 大量的人或物 | |
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dominions
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| 统治权( dominion的名词复数 )； 领土； 疆土； 版图 | |
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71
controversy
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| n.争论，辩论，争吵 | |
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72
levy
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| n.征收税或其他款项，征收额 | |
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obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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mischief
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| n.损害，伤害，危害；恶作剧，捣蛋，胡闹 | |
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repealing
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| 撤销，废除( repeal的现在分词 ) | |
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smuggling
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| n.走私 | |
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levied
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| 征（兵）( levy的过去式和过去分词 )； 索取； 发动（战争）； 征税 | |
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orator
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| n.演说者，演讲者，雄辩家 | |
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holders
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| 支持物( holder的名词复数 )； 持有者； （支票等）持有人； 支托（或握持）…之物 | |
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spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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foretold
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| v.预言，预示( foretell的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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conspired
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| 密谋( conspire的过去式和过去分词 )； 搞阴谋； （事件等）巧合； 共同导致 | |
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frenzy
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| n.疯狂，狂热，极度的激动 | |
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patriotism
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| n.爱国精神，爱国心，爱国主义 | |
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outrages
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| 引起…的义愤，激怒( outrage的第三人称单数 ) | |
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bickering
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| v.争吵( bicker的现在分词 )；口角；（水等）作潺潺声；闪烁 | |
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solicit
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| vi.勾引；乞求；vt.请求，乞求；招揽(生意) | |
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thither
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| adv.向那里；adj.在那边的，对岸的 | |
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avenge
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| v.为...复仇，为...报仇 | |
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levity
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| n.轻率，轻浮，不稳定，多变 | |
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emoluments
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| n.报酬，薪水( emolument的名词复数 ) | |
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forfeiture
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| n.（名誉等）丧失 | |
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stimulated
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| a.刺激的 | |
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vivacity
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| n.快活，活泼，精神充沛 | |
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obsolete
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| adj.已废弃的，过时的 | |
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pounced
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| v.突然袭击( pounce的过去式和过去分词 )；猛扑；一眼看出；抓住机会（进行抨击） | |
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redress
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| n.赔偿，救济，矫正；v.纠正，匡正，革除 | |
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privy
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| adj.私用的；隐密的 | |
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100
costly
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| adj.昂贵的，价值高的，豪华的 | |
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101
exhausted
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| adj.极其疲惫的，精疲力尽的 | |
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102
treasury
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| n.宝库；国库，金库；文库 | |
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103
specified
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| adj.特定的 | |
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104
tumult
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| n.喧哗；激动，混乱；吵闹 | |
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105
effigies
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| n.（人的）雕像，模拟像，肖像( effigy的名词复数 ) | |
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106
denominations
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| n.宗派( denomination的名词复数 )；教派；面额；名称 | |
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107
displeasing
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| 不愉快的，令人发火的 | |
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108
zealous
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| adj.狂热的，热心的 | |
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