While all Europe was busily engaged watching the progress of the war between China and Japan, and speculating as to what its ultimate result would be, the Province of Kansu was passing through a time of war and murder, fire and pillage1, such as has rarely been known, and the severity of which can scarcely be realized, except by those who have visited the scene of it.
So scanty2 were the reports which appeared in the English or Indian papers, that Malcolm and I were little prepared for the scenes of devastation3 we passed through, or for the stories we heard from the missionaries4, who spoke5 only from their own experiences.
The first signs of disturbance6 occurred in March, 1895, arising out of a quarrel between the two sects8 of Mohammedans—the "Salars" or "white-capped" sect7, and the "black-capped" Mohammedans. The former came into China about 400 years ago. They are far more devout9 and far more fanatical than the "black caps," and to this day they preserve very many traces of their western origin. They live in eighteen villages, or "kung," on the south side of the Yellow River, and number nearly 20,000 souls.
The Tao T'ai of Sining, a high district official, went to Hsiun-Hua-Ting, about eighty miles from Sining, the scene of the disturbance, with a view to inquiring into and settling it. In a moment of indiscretion he seized and 299 put to death an important Salar chief; this was the signal for an outbreak. The Salars rose en masse, the Tao T'ai was imprisoned10, and the rebellion, which was to last for more than a year, had begun. Towards the end of March a body of soldiers, under a Major Uang, was treacherously11 attacked by Salars; twenty-four were killed and many wounded.
The outcome of this attack was a proclamation by the governor-general of the province of Kansu, to the effect that all Salars were to be killed without mercy. This was a hasty and ill-advised step, as its immediate12 result was to cause great excitement and disaffection among all Mohammedans of both sects—a very serious matter—comprising as they did about one quarter of the whole population of the province, while in wealth and enterprise they represented an even larger proportion. A second proclamation to the effect that there were good and bad Salars, and that only the latter were to be destroyed, did nothing to allay13 the feeling of uneasiness.
During April people from the villages crowded into Sining, bringing in what grain and family belongings14 they could carry. Meanwhile all available soldiers from Lancheo, the capital of the province, Liang-Cheo, and other towns to the east, were sent up to Sining; but they were sadly insufficient15 to cope with the work there was before them. A reward of Ts.10 for every living Salar, and Ts.5 for every dead one was offered, and Tibetan soldiers were induced to help the Chinese by promises of Salar territory.
By the end of April three Salar villages had been taken, but the Tao T'ai was still a prisoner, and the rising was undoubtedly16 on the increase. Luckily for Kansu, there was one man in Sining at this time who was thoroughly17 able to cope with the difficulties which arose. This was General Teng, the general in command at Sining. Throughout the rebellion he behaved in a truly heroic 300 manner, and succeeded in winning the entire confidence and affection of the people, a bright contrast to most Chinese officials, whose only idea is self. He was also an able commander; his troops followed him as they followed no one else, with the natural result that when led by him they were almost invariably victorious18.
General Teng left Sining for the disturbed district about the end of April, and was absent about two months, defeating the rebels in two battles, and taking the city of Hsiun-Hua-Ting. Soon after his return, however, disquieting19 rumours21 were heard of further risings at Ho-Cheo and other places.
Ho-Cheo is the principal Mohammedan city in Kansu. Their chief colleges are there, and it is one of the few places where Arabic is well known. An outbreak there was almost certain to ensure the rebellion becoming general, and no longer remaining confined to the "white-capped" sect.
Since the last rebellion, which ended some twenty-three years ago, no Mohammedans have been allowed to reside inside the cities, but have been compelled to reside in the suburbs, and seeing that in 1895 nearly every town of importance in Kansu had a Mohammedan suburb, the seriousness of a general outbreak can be imagined.
On the 11th July, General Teng again left Sining for the seat of war, and in a very few days he inflicted22 a severe defeat on the rebels, killing23 700, with but slight loss to his own side; but the tide of rebellion was now too strong to be checked, and the death of a few hundreds made no appreciable24 difference. Sining was gradually being closed in, and was now almost shut off from the seat of war. To add to the trouble, a rumour20 got about that 10,000 Mohammedans in the east suburb of Sining itself were on the eve of rebelling, a danger which would be rendered even more serious by the absence of the general with every available soldier from the garrison25. 301
Towards the end of July the enemy gradually closed in on the city, burning villages, and murdering men, women, and children; in Sin-Tien-Pu, a city to the west, about 2,000 people were killed. To-Pa, a walled town, was able to hold its own, but in most places the inhabitants were powerless to defend themselves, greatly owing to want of able and determined26 leaders. Sining itself was little better, but happily for all within the walls General Teng suddenly returned.
Shortly after his arrival it became known that certain influential27 people in the city had made a plot, which would, they hoped, result in his degradation28, thereby29 removing the greatest obstacle in the way of Mohammedan success. A certain gentleman of the name of Chu, backed up by three other men of position, had drawn30 up a petition, which he had presented to the Taitai general, with a request that it might be forwarded to Lancheo. The petition was to the effect that after his last big fight, General Teng had ruthlessly butchered 700 harmless individuals, and that he ought to be disgraced. It seems incredible that even Chinamen could be so lost to any sense of patriotism31, that they could accept Mohammedan silver as a reward for bringing about the downfall of the one man on whom the safety of their fellow-countrymen depended. The news of this plot soon spread among the people, and retribution swiftly followed. Mr. Chu was caught in the streets, and paid the penalty for his treachery with his life, while his three colleagues narrowly escaped. Their houses were wrecked32, and every stick of property was destroyed by the infuriated mob.
The villages in the immediate vicinity of Sining were the next to suffer, and on the 26th July a large number of wounded people, mostly women and children, arrived in the city. The Temple of the God of Literature was turned into a temporary hospital, and the missionaries were begged to go 302 and see what they could do for the sufferers. Needless to say, they lost not a moment in answering this appeal, and from that time on their hands were full, from early morning to late at night.
How some of the wounded ever managed to struggle as far as the city is more than the missionaries could tell us. One old woman, sixty-four years of age, had fourteen lance thrusts and a sword cut on her body, while a six-months-old child had three sword cuts on its face alone, and yet both these and many others in similar cases had travelled a distance of seventeen English miles before they could get any aid. So badly wounded were some of them, that they had taken three and four days on the road, and yet they had lived through it all.
All August the enemy ravaged33 the country, burning and pillaging34, and a few small engagements took place. On the 16th August two rebels were caught and brought into the city. They said that there were 9,000 rebels in the valley to the north of Sining, that they were going to block the road from Lancheo, under Han-Uen-Sheo, the chief insurrectionary leader, and that Sining itself was to be surrounded on the 15th of the seventh moon—i.e., on the 3rd September.
A curious story came in about this time from Sin Ch'eng, whether true or not I cannot say; but the story goes that the rebels had succeeded in cutting the people off from the river, their only water supply. Death stared them in the face, for to surrender meant death without mercy; but Providence35 was on their side, for the rats in the town had worked a way to the river bed, and through this the water trickled36 into the city, slowly at first, but gradually increasing in volume until the supply was sufficient for man and beast.
At last the event which had been feared so long occurred; the rebels in the east suburb of Sining broke out on the 1st 303 September, and the inhabitants had to make up their minds to withstand a prolonged siege with all its attendant horrors. Several times the general had applied37 to Lancheo for reinforcements, but had been met with the reply that these Mohammedans were good people, and that there was no fear of their not remaining loyal. The Tao T'ai had also been of the same opinion, or said he was, with the result that they now had to pay dearly for their undue38 confidence. On the news of this fresh outbreak the city was thrown into a state of wild confusion. Common people and soldiers rushed promiscuously39 on to the walls, while those on guard hastened to the city gate. In the suburb the Mohammedans set fire to all the Chinese houses, and piled up furniture in the streets to act as a protection against an attack from the city, while above all the noise and confusion was the firing of guns and cannon40 from the city walls.
The 3rd September was a day of heavy fighting; a number of rebels came down from the north valley, and the men of the garrison went out to meet them. Fighting went on all day, decidedly in favour of the Chinese; but late in the day an attack on the suburb, made through a mistaken order, ended most disastrously42, so that what should have been a very successful day ended as the reverse. Han-Uen-Sheo himself arrived in the suburb a few days later. Prices began to rise in Sining, oil being sold at three times its usual cost. Distrust of the officials was again excited by a statement being made that the Tao T'ai had received Ts.5,000 from the Mohammedans to promise that their submission43 would be accepted, should they wish it. This report was undoubtedly believed by many of the people, though on what grounds is hard to say.
The 21st September was another day of hard fighting, ending in favour of the Chinese, although the enemy managed to fire some temples and grain outside the city. The Chinese 304 had a great advantage in arms, the horse soldiers being armed with European rifles, while the infantry44 and Tibetans all had guns of native manufacture; the rebels, on the other hand, having very few of any kind. Seventy of them were killed or wounded in this day's fighting.
Towards the end of this month the garrison was increased by 130 soldiers and 300 faithful Salars and Tibetans, a welcome addition, as they are both far bolder men than the average Chinaman. About the middle of October news reached the besieged45 city that eleven battalions46 had reached Ping-Chong-i, about sixty li only from Sining, but that the rebels were holding the narrow gorges47 of Siao Hsia in force, and blocking their further progress.
In one engagement, some rebels, disguised as Chinese soldiers, met these relieving battalions on the march. The latter took the rebels for troops from Sining, and were preparing to greet them, when suddenly the disguise was thrown off, and the Chinese, being caught at a disadvantage, suffered severely48, over a hundred of them being killed, and a number of rifles with a large amount of ammunition49 being lost. Every day the Mohammedans gave proofs of their individual courage, showing that had they been anything like as well armed as the Chinese, they would in all probability have got into Sining.
In the same way another month passed, the wretched inhabitants of Sining anxiously awaiting news and relief from the east, while every few days fighting took place outside the walls. Diphtheria added to the trials of the defenders50, and the missionaries were all more or less worn out with their labours. One can scarcely picture to oneself the horror of Mrs. Ridley's position at this time. She, the only white lady in the city, had to face the daily uncertainty51 as to whether the enemy would succeed in getting in or not, and the possibility (always present in China) of the populace turning against her as well, actuated by 305 the wild idea that their troubles were all caused by the "foreign devils" in their midst.
On the 16th of November, a fresh rumour arrived to the effect that reinforcements had not yet reached Lancheo, but the resulting disappointment was somewhat alleviated52 by the arrival of two men who had been sent down to Niempe, a walled town, 120 li from Sining, to try and find out the truth about a supply of guns and ammunition reported to have arrived there. These men each brought back a specimen53 of the rifles, which proved to be Remingtons, and which so delighted the General that he sent off eighty men through the hills to bring back as many rifles and as much ammunition as they could manage. These men got safely through, and returned a week later with a number of Remingtons and some French repeating rifles and ammunition.
On the 30th November, the news arrived of another fight at Ping-Chong-i, resulting in a decisive victory for the rebels, who captured all the arms from the Chinese troops. A few days later 200 people were killed in the south valley, and rumours of relief were very conflicting. At one time the reliefs were expected in a few days, at another they had not yet left Lancheo; but at last what seemed to be reliable information was received that thirteen battalions of veteran soldiers had arrived at Ping Fang54, 120 miles from Sining.
A day or two afterwards the besieged were further encouraged by the safe arrival of a large convoy55 with oil, grain, and other useful articles, including a large quantity of pipe-lighters.
Every one was greatly delighted, especially at the news of the reinforcement, coming, as it did, so close on the news of the defeat at Ping-Chong-i, and when all hope of relief for some time had apparently56 vanished. The escort with the convoy got into the city unmolested, but about a thousand men belonging to it made two unsuccessful attempts to 306 leave, being driven back on both occasions. But the end was soon to come now, and the rebels seemed to have heard the news of the large bodies of men coming up to the relief of the beleaguered57 city, for numbers of them began to offer their submission, which, needless to say, was not accepted, partly through mistrust, and partly from a desire on the part of the Chinese to avenge58 the deaths of those who had fallen, and the destruction of their property.
On the 2nd of January, 1896, about twelve horse soldiers arrived and demanded admission to the city, saying that they had come from Lancheo, that General Li, Commander-in-Chief of the Kansu forces, was a few miles behind, and that a Colonel T'ang, from Lancheo, was also following. However, they had no official documents, and admission was refused until the Commander-in-Chief himself should arrive. Meanwhile the excitement in the city at the prospect59 of the siege shortly coming to an end was intense, an excitement which was increased by the non-arrival of the Commander-in-Chief, and by a very large body of men, apparently soldiers, being seen to pass into the rebel quarters in the suburb. Next day the excitement increased, if possible. Colonel T'ang arrived, and was admitted; but it was reported that General Li was afraid to come into the city, lest the people should attack him. However, the next day he arrived, the rebels apparently making no efforts to prevent his entry.
As soon as the Commander-in-Chief had been received officially by the city dignitaries, he was intercepted60 by a deputation of the gentry61, who presented him with a memorandum62 they had prepared, showing the places which had been destroyed, and a list of the 40,000 people slain63. The General then explained that the rebels had submitted to him at Ping-Chong-i, and that through want of ammunition, and having already suffered two defeats, he had been compelled to accept their submission, instead of being able to 307 punish them.[12] The procession then wound its way to the principal yamen. The streets were crowded with people, all begging and beseeching64 the Commander-in-Chief on no account to make terms with the enemy, but to avenge the deaths of those they had lost. This must have been a most affecting sight, especially when one remembers that there can have been few, if any, in all that crowd, who had not lost a husband, a wife, a brother, a sister, or some other near relative, in those terrible months of civil war. But there were not yet sufficient troops in Sining to enable the Chinese to take the offensive.
On the 7th of January the first news of the outer world since the 24th of July reached the missionaries in Sining, as a small party of soldiers brought them up a quantity of letters from Lancheo. All danger was now at an end; there were plenty of troops near at hand, and communication with the east had been established. The final relief was effected on the 14th of the same month, when the first batch65 of troops, 2,000 in number, arrived amid general rejoicing, especially as their leader was General Ho, a native of the district, in whom the people had far greater confidence than they had in the Commander-in-Chief.
The work of retribution now began. The submission accepted by Commander-in-Chief Li was set aside, and the Chinese gave full play to their lust66 for vengeance67. First the south suburb was absolutely wrecked, the rebels' houses were gutted68, and their mosque69 razed70 to the ground. About thirty of them who were hiding in cupboards and other places were promptly71 killed. Some notices were put up in the city the same evening, saying that, as the people had submitted to the Commander-in-Chief their property was to be respected. 308 The only answer from the infuriated mob was to tear down the notices, smash up the notice boards, and drag the responsible officials from their houses into the streets, where they were mercilessly beaten, and but for the prompt action of General Teng, to whom alone the people looked for orders, they would certainly have been killed. Had the Commander-in-Chief been in the city at the time he would have fared no better, and possibly worse.
For the next month Generals Ho and Teng were occupied driving the rebels out of the villages and strongholds they had captured, and restoring order in the district, the method employed being the somewhat drastic one of putting to death without question every Mohammedan who fell into their hands; thus at Shen-Chong, a village twenty miles up the south valley, 600 to 700 were slaughtered72, while many set fire to their houses and were burnt to death.
This cleared the south valley and opened the road to T'ah-r?-s?, where the festival of the Chinese New Year was held as usual, on the 12th February. The north valley and the east suburb still had to be dealt with.
On the 15th February a number of Chinese went up the north valley to worship at the graves of their ancestors, some soldiers having preceded them the day before. While engaged in their devotions, and thinking little of danger, 200 rebels wearing Chinese uniforms suddenly swept down upon them from the west, and finding them defenceless, cut them down right and left; fortunately, some cavalry74 from the city came to the rescue promptly and so saved many lives, but fifty had already been killed and numbers wounded. One boy was brought into Sining with twenty-four wounds, another with seventeen, and a third with sixteen. How these ever recovered is a marvel75, but recover they did, thanks to the missionaries. Can one wonder after this that the Chinese soldiers refused to spare any, even when ordered to do so by their officers. 309
Village after village now fell into the hands of the two generals, who, on the 19th February, were reinforced by ten battalions (5000 men) from the south, under General Uei-Kuang-Tao, commander-in-chief of the Hunan troops. These troops were quartered in the east suburb, and on their arrival Commander-in-Chief Li took the earliest opportunity to leave a city where he was so cordially disliked, and where his safety was very doubtful. With a view to getting away, he summoned those leaders who had tendered their submission at Ping Chong Island, handed them and their affairs over to General Teng, and left for Lancheo with thirty or forty followers76.
Commander-in-Chief Li's departure was the signal for a general slaughter73 to commence, and the quicker we pass over this painful subject the better. Suffice it to say that the name of every rebel of any importance was extracted from these leaders, those in the suburb were called out, any refusing to come were killed on the spot, and the remainder murdered after a semblance77 of a trial; the only thing we can say is that torture, so common a feature of Chinese justice, was never resorted to—retribution was sure and swift. For many days this continued, as rebels were brought in from the villages to be dealt with in the city, the heads of important men being hung up in cages just inside the west gate.
Meanwhile the Hunan soldiers under General Uei were not distinguishing themselves; they were worsted in nearly every engagement, and Generals Ho and Teng constantly had to come to their assistance. One little incident rather tended to dim their fame in the eyes of those who had been so long besieged. Eight battalions went to retake a small village called Su-kia-pu. For four days they bombarded it steadily78 without a shot being fired in reply, but fearing some deep-laid plot, they dared not attempt an assault; on the fourth day General Ho came to their assistance. 310 Encouraged by these reinforcements, the Hunan troops rushed to take the stronghold by storm. They had just got to the gate when they were met by an old woman, who meekly79 inquired why they had been firing so long, for besides herself there were only two old women in the village; she herself was lame80 and the other two blind, for which reasons they had stayed when every one else had run away.
By the middle of March the last places in the north valley had been relieved, but the rebels still held the fortress81 of To-Pa, the honour of reducing which was left to General Uei, a task he and his soldiers (15,000) proved quite unable to accomplish. He was at length superseded82 by General Teng, who was ordered back to Sining from the district where he had been very successful. His return was followed by many of the worst of the rebels leaving the country, and by the fall of To-Pa, when the execution of ringleaders was recommenced, and went on without cessation for many days, about sixteen being brought in daily for justice.
After this, there was one more outbreak in the south-east; about 400 rebels were killed in a fight, the Chinese losing about a hundred. This was on the 10th of June, some fifteen months after the disturbance at Hsiun-Hua-Ting, and was the last of the regular fighting that occurred.
Law and order was gradually restored; business became brisk, but for a long time disease, especially diphtheria, was rampant83, and the stench in the streets was appalling84. By the time we passed through Sining, towards the end of October, all signs of the rebellion had passed away from within the city walls, but outside was ample testimony85 to the severity of the struggle, nor could it be otherwise when one reflects that 10,000 rebels were reported to have fled to the north-west, 10,000 more, chiefly old men, women, and children, to have died of cold and starvation on the 311 mountains, and 18,000, almost entirely86 women and children, to have submitted. Excepting the 10,000 who got away to the north-west, all the able-bodied young men had been simply wiped out.
Such bloody87 disturbances88 affected89 the homes of other people as well, for the rebels who fled north-west over the districts in the neighbourhood of the Koko Nor, spread a feeling of the greatest consternation90 amongst the inhabitants through whose land they passed. The Mohammedans were fleeing for their lives, and being without the necessaries of life hesitated at no deeds of plunder91 whenever a chance occurred. On the other hand, the poor Mongols, being of a more peaceful nature, and possessing but inferior arms, had no resource left but abandoning their homes to seek safety in flight until the hungry wave had rolled on.
These cruel acts of devastation naturally caused some anxiety to the Chinese officials residing in Chinese Turkistan, so much so, that they deemed it expedient92 to make appeals to the Russians for help in case it might be required. It must not be lost sight of that the Mohammedans of Chinese Turkistan might have become contaminated and followed the example of their co-religionists in the east. Had that been the case, the results might have been extremely serious.
As soon as the rebellion had been completely quelled93, there remained in the recently disturbed districts thousands of idle soldiers who had received their arms for the occasion. These men, although they had been marched up from Shantong and other provinces, were disbanded in Kansu, many hundreds of miles away from their homes, and, having spent all the pay they had received, they started a system of highway robbery, and in other ways became a source of danger to all. This was to some extent carried on with impunity94, as there was a scarcity95 of men of the district, for in addition to the 40,000 Chinese who had been slain, there were some 5,000 more who had died from 312 diseases contracted through the overcrowding and filthiness96 of the streets.
Before the soldiers had squandered97 their money, trade, in spite of the high prices demanded, was brisk.
The difference in the prices of food before and after the rebellion, will give some idea of the privations undergone by the poorer classes, more especially by the women and children:—
Before the Rebellion. After.
Wheat, rose from 700 cash. 1700 cash.
Oats, rose from 450 cash. 1250 cash.
Barley98, rose from 400 cash. 1000 cash.
Peas, rose from 600 cash. 1250 cash.
Bran, rose from 150 cash. 550 cash.
Salt, rose from 1200 cash. 2500 cash.
Chickens, each 60 cash. 140 to 160 cash.
Pheasants, each 80 cash. 125 to 150 cash.
Oil, per pound 43 cash. 110 cash.
Coals, per pound 2 ? cash. 4 ? cash.
Pork, per pound 80 cash. 140 cash.
Mutton, per pound 35 cash. 60 cash.
Winter pears from 6 to 15 to 25 to 50 cash each; vegetables in the same proportion.
Another unaccountable calamity99 befell these unfortunate people, in the shape of the sudden appearance of a mighty100 army of mice, which, just at the time when the grain was ready for reaping, devoured101 up the entire crops in the north and west valleys. From whence they sprung, or whither they disappeared, nobody knew. After such misfortunes, it is hard to realize how the people managed to exist at all.
It was rumoured102 that the Emperor had sent money to help them, but even if it reached them, it would have been useless in a place where there was no food to buy. All the grain captured from the rebels had been expended103 in feeding the soldiers. 313
It would appear that the severe and cruel treatment by both soldiers and the people displayed on the Mohammedans who remained, and the massacre104 of many hundreds of others who had submitted, notably105 at To-Pa, their chief stronghold, would merely have the effect of sowing the seeds of a future and more disastrous41 rebellion.
There is no doubt that the hatred106 between the Mohammedans and Chinese is more intense than ever. There are, I believe, still some thirty or forty thousand Mohammedans left in the north and south-east valleys. Were these to rise, there is the still more serious possibility of the Government Mohammedan soldiers casting in their lot with them. Were such a coalition107 to take place, very grievous trouble would be caused, and the north-west provinces would, before very long, be in the hands of the rebels.
It would be wise for the Chinese Government to enquire108 into the cause of the last rebellion, and by that means discover a remedy to prevent another one. Like the majority of wars, the cause was a religious one. It was, I am told, merely due to the interference of a Chinese official in a religious squabble between two Mohammedan sects called the white and black caps.
The judgment109 finally given was considered to be a one-sided decision, and ignited the first spark of the rebellion. Had the difference that had arisen between these two fanatical sects been entrusted110 to the arbitration111 of a few Mohammedan representatives chosen from each party, an amicable112 understanding might have been arrived at.
The hatred between the Chinese and the Mohammedans is so deeply rooted, that even if an impartial113 judgment is given, the Mohammedans, whose minds are so prejudiced, will scarcely credit the truth. There have been for years, and certainly will be for many more, internal squabbles in the homesteads and villages of the two sects, and, as long as 314 these are judged by Chinese officials, there will always be the chance of another outbreak.
It seems remarkable114 that, although there have been two previous outbreaks during the present century, the last coming to an end only twenty years ago, no adequate means are taken to remove either the cause of another rebellion, or to cope with one which has risen.
First, the cause might be avoided by the appointment of certain Mohammedan officials, elected from amongst those who had remained loyal during the last rebellion, to manage all their internal affairs, and more especially those of a religious nature. Unless something of this kind is attempted it is utterly115 impossible for these two peoples, differing so vastly in their character and religious ideas, to live in harmony for any length of time. Secondly116, the coping with the insurgents117 could more easily and speedily be accomplished118, were powerful garrisons119 maintained at Ho Cheo and Lancheo, and other cities of importance and Mohammedan centres, properly trained, equipped, and kept in this state by efficient officers, existing in reality instead of merely on paper.
It seems incredible that the Chinese Government, with their previous experience, and their knowledge of the restless and fanatical dispositions120 of the Mohammedans, more especially of the black caps or Salar sect, and well aware of their greater enterprise and energy besides, should have been powerless at the time of the outbreak. The rebellion, in consequence, spread at an alarming rate, not to be suppressed before many thousands of men, women, and children had been killed or massacred. Even then the penalty was scarcely paid, for years of starvation and misery121 were lying in store for those who had escaped the calamity.
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pillage
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| v.抢劫；掠夺；n.抢劫，掠夺；掠夺物 | |
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scanty
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| adj.缺乏的，仅有的，节省的，狭小的，不够的 | |
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devastation
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| n.毁坏；荒废；极度震惊或悲伤 | |
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missionaries
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| n.传教士( missionary的名词复数 ) | |
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spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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disturbance
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| n.动乱，骚动；打扰，干扰；(身心)失调 | |
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sect
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sects
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| n.宗派，教派( sect的名词复数 ) | |
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devout
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| adj.虔诚的，虔敬的，衷心的 (n.devoutness) | |
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imprisoned
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| 下狱，监禁( imprison的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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treacherously
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| 背信弃义地； 背叛地； 靠不住地； 危险地 | |
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immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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allay
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| v.消除，减轻(恐惧、怀疑等) | |
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belongings
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| n.私人物品，私人财物 | |
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insufficient
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| adj.(for，of)不足的，不够的 | |
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undoubtedly
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| adv.确实地，无疑地 | |
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thoroughly
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| adv.完全地，彻底地，十足地 | |
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victorious
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| adj.胜利的，得胜的 | |
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disquieting
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| adj.令人不安的，令人不平静的v.使不安，使忧虑，使烦恼( disquiet的现在分词 ) | |
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rumour
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| n.谣言，谣传，传闻 | |
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rumours
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| n.传闻( rumour的名词复数 )；风闻；谣言；谣传 | |
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inflicted
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| 把…强加给，使承受，遭受( inflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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23
killing
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| n.巨额利润；突然赚大钱，发大财 | |
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appreciable
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| adj.明显的，可见的，可估量的，可觉察的 | |
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25
garrison
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| n.卫戍部队；驻地，卫戍区；vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
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26
determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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influential
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| adj.有影响的，有权势的 | |
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28
degradation
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| n.降级；低落；退化；陵削；降解；衰变 | |
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29
thereby
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| adv.因此，从而 | |
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30
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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31
patriotism
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| n.爱国精神，爱国心，爱国主义 | |
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32
wrecked
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| adj.失事的，遇难的 | |
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33
ravaged
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| 毁坏( ravage的过去式和过去分词 )； 蹂躏； 劫掠； 抢劫 | |
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34
pillaging
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| v.抢劫，掠夺( pillage的现在分词 ) | |
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35
providence
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| n.深谋远虑，天道，天意；远见；节约；上帝 | |
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36
trickled
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| v.滴( trickle的过去式和过去分词 )；淌；使)慢慢走；缓慢移动 | |
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37
applied
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| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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38
undue
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| adj.过分的；不适当的；未到期的 | |
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39
promiscuously
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| adv.杂乱地，混杂地 | |
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40
cannon
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| n.大炮，火炮；飞机上的机关炮 | |
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41
disastrous
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| adj.灾难性的，造成灾害的；极坏的，很糟的 | |
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42
disastrously
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| ad.灾难性地 | |
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43
submission
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| n.服从，投降；温顺，谦虚；提出 | |
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44
infantry
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| n.[总称]步兵(部队) | |
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45
besieged
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| 包围，围困，围攻( besiege的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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46
battalions
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| n.（陆军的）一营（大约有一千兵士）( battalion的名词复数 )；协同作战的部队；军队；（组织在一起工作的）队伍 | |
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47
gorges
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| n.山峡，峡谷( gorge的名词复数 )；咽喉v.（用食物把自己）塞饱，填饱( gorge的第三人称单数 )；作呕 | |
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48
severely
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| adv.严格地；严厉地；非常恶劣地 | |
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49
ammunition
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| n.军火，弹药 | |
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50
defenders
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| n.防御者( defender的名词复数 )；守卫者；保护者；辩护者 | |
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51
uncertainty
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| n.易变，靠不住，不确知，不确定的事物 | |
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52
alleviated
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| 减轻，缓解，缓和( alleviate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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53
specimen
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| n.样本，标本 | |
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54
fang
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| n.尖牙，犬牙 | |
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55
convoy
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| vt.护送，护卫，护航；n.护送；护送队 | |
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56
apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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57
beleaguered
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| adj.受到围困[围攻]的；包围的v.围攻( beleaguer的过去式和过去分词)；困扰；骚扰 | |
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58
avenge
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| v.为...复仇，为...报仇 | |
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59
prospect
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| n.前景，前途；景色，视野 | |
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60
intercepted
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| 拦截( intercept的过去式和过去分词 )； 截住； 截击； 拦阻 | |
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61
gentry
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| n.绅士阶级，上层阶级 | |
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62
memorandum
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| n.备忘录，便笺 | |
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63
slain
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| 杀死，宰杀，杀戮( slay的过去分词 )； (slay的过去分词) | |
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64
beseeching
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| adj.恳求似的v.恳求，乞求（某事物）( beseech的现在分词 ) | |
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65
batch
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| n.一批(组，群)；一批生产量 | |
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66
lust
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| n.性(淫)欲；渴(欲)望；vi.对…有强烈的欲望 | |
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67
vengeance
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| n.报复，报仇，复仇 | |
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68
gutted
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| adj.容易消化的v.毁坏（建筑物等）的内部( gut的过去式和过去分词 )；取出…的内脏 | |
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69
mosque
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| n.清真寺 | |
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70
razed
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| v.彻底摧毁，将…夷为平地( raze的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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71
promptly
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| adv.及时地，敏捷地 | |
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72
slaughtered
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| v.屠杀，杀戮，屠宰( slaughter的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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73
slaughter
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| n.屠杀，屠宰；vt.屠杀，宰杀 | |
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74
cavalry
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| n.骑兵；轻装甲部队 | |
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75
marvel
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| vi.(at)惊叹vt.感到惊异；n.令人惊异的事 | |
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76
followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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77
semblance
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| n.外貌，外表 | |
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78
steadily
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| adv.稳定地；不变地；持续地 | |
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79
meekly
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| adv.温顺地，逆来顺受地 | |
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80
lame
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| adj.跛的，(辩解、论据等)无说服力的 | |
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81
fortress
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| n.堡垒，防御工事 | |
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82
superseded
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| [医]被代替的，废弃的 | |
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83
rampant
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| adj.(植物)蔓生的；狂暴的，无约束的 | |
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84
appalling
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| adj.骇人听闻的，令人震惊的，可怕的 | |
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85
testimony
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| n.证词；见证，证明 | |
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86
entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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87
bloody
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| adj.非常的的；流血的；残忍的；adv.很；vt.血染 | |
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88
disturbances
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| n.骚乱( disturbance的名词复数 )；打扰；困扰；障碍 | |
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89
affected
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| adj.不自然的，假装的 | |
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90
consternation
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| n.大为吃惊，惊骇 | |
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91
plunder
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| vt.劫掠财物，掠夺；n.劫掠物，赃物；劫掠 | |
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92
expedient
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| adj.有用的，有利的；n.紧急的办法，权宜之计 | |
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93
quelled
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| v.（用武力）制止，结束，镇压( quell的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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94
impunity
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| n.(惩罚、损失、伤害等的)免除 | |
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95
scarcity
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| n.缺乏，不足，萧条 | |
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96
filthiness
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97
squandered
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| v.（指钱，财产等）浪费，乱花( squander的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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98
barley
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| n.大麦，大麦粒 | |
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99
calamity
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| n.灾害，祸患，不幸事件 | |
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100
mighty
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| adj.强有力的；巨大的 | |
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101
devoured
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| 吞没( devour的过去式和过去分词 )； 耗尽； 津津有味地看； 狼吞虎咽地吃光 | |
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102
rumoured
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| adj.谣传的；传说的；风 | |
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103
expended
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| v.花费( expend的过去式和过去分词 )；使用（钱等）做某事；用光；耗尽 | |
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104
massacre
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| n.残杀，大屠杀；v.残杀，集体屠杀 | |
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105
notably
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| adv.值得注意地，显著地，尤其地，特别地 | |
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106
hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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107
coalition
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| n.结合体，同盟，结合，联合 | |
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108
enquire
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| v.打听，询问；调查，查问 | |
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109
judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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110
entrusted
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| v.委托，托付( entrust的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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111
arbitration
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| n.调停，仲裁 | |
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112
amicable
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| adj.和平的，友好的；友善的 | |
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113
impartial
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| adj.(in,to)公正的，无偏见的 | |
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114
remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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115
utterly
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| adv.完全地，绝对地 | |
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116
secondly
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| adv.第二，其次 | |
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117
insurgents
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| n.起义，暴动，造反( insurgent的名词复数 ) | |
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118
accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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119
garrisons
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| 守备部队，卫戍部队( garrison的名词复数 ) | |
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120
dispositions
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| 安排( disposition的名词复数 )； 倾向； （财产、金钱的）处置； 气质 | |
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121
misery
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| n.痛苦，苦恼，苦难；悲惨的境遇，贫苦 | |
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