I have alluded1 several times to the Magwè district. It was in a very bad state and was a blot2 on the administration, which gave me much thought. This district was called Taungdwingyi at first, and took the name of Magwè when the subdivision of that name lying along the left of the river was added to it. It was not until the end of 1888 that it began to be very troublesome. The leader of most influence at first was Min Yaung, who was killed by a party of troops in May, 1887. Another leader, Tokgyi, rose afterwards and gave much trouble, but he was captured in April, 1888. It seemed that no formidable leaders remained. Small raids and dacoities occurred here, as in most parts of the province, at that time. The revenue collections had increased largely, which was a good sign.
In August, 1888, however, a pretender with the title of the Shwèkinyo Prince raised his standard, and was joined by a noted3 dacoit Bo Lè and others. They hatched their plots in a place on the border of the Magwè township, and began work in November, 1888. Unfortunately, everything in this district was unfortunate, at the very commencement the gang under Bo Lè encountered a party of thirty mounted men of the Magwè battalion4, under a British Inspector5 of Police. The police were badly handled, and lost seven killed and two wounded, while six rifles and three ponies6 were taken by the dacoits. This gave the gang encouragement, while the police, who had not much cohesion7, were for a time somewhat shaken. [See p. 96.]
After this event the gangs separated, probably because the country could not feed them, and took up points at a distance from each other. In January, 1889, some of the[116] leaders joining hands again, surprised a party of the Myingyan police, and inflicted8 some loss on them, but were soon afterwards punished by Mounted Infantry9 from Magwè.
Throughout March and April, the pursuit was kept up with varying success. At last in May, the Mounted Infantry got on to their tracks, killed Bo Lè, and dispersed10 the gang.
Hitherto the brigands11 had confined themselves to the west and north-west of the district, open dry country with a good deal of waste land offering a good field for the action of mounted troops.
After a time the Taungdwingyi subdivision also became disturbed, and dacoities became frequent. The conditions on the eastern side of the district were different. The hills known as the Pegu Yomas run along the eastern boundary dividing Magwè from Pyinmana for about sixty or seventy miles; from the Thayetmyo boundary on the south, to some distance beyond Natmauk on the north. From Natmauk the hills gradually diminish and slope away to the plains. The slopes of the Yomas are densely13 wooded, and between the Magwè boundary and the low country to the east there was much teak forest worked by the Bombay Burma Company. At that time there was also a good growth of the Acacia Catechu, and many of the Burmans employed in extracting cutch lived in the forests, and cultivated small cleared plots here and there. The richest villages and best rice-producing land in the district lay along the low lands at the foot of the Yomas, within raiding distance. No dacoit could have wished for better conditions, especially when an inefficient16 district officer and a poorly commanded police battalion were added.
At this period of the campaign I had lost by sickness and death some of the best and most experienced men. The strength of the Commission all told was not enough for the necessities of the province in its then state. I was compelled to place districts in charge of men who were unfit owing to inexperience and want of training.
It is a fact of which we may all be proud that the average young English gentleman when thrown into conditions which demand from him courage, energy, and[117] judgment17, and the power of governing, answers to the call. Whether he comes from a good school or university, or from his regiment18, from the sea or the ranch19, whether he has come through the competitive system or has obtained his appointment by other means, he will in the majority of cases be found capable, and sometimes conspicuously20 able. It is necessary, however, that he should be taught and trained in his work. The Magwè district was in itself not specially15 hard to manage, not nearly so difficult as many others in Upper Burma. It was in charge of a junior man of the Indian Civil Service, clever but not very wise.
As it was necessary to take special measures against the Yoma gangs, an officer, who had been ten years in the police in Lower Burma and had done excellently in the adjacent district of Thayetmyo, was appointed to work on similar lines in Taungdwingyi.
He was in this matter independent of the Deputy Commissioner22, who, although senior to him in the Commission, was much his junior in years and experience. One of the chief duties assigned to him was the removal of villages from which dacoits received their supplies. He removed those lying nearest the hills which harboured the brigands. No doubt the gangs were inconvenienced and exasperated23 by this measure. In April, 1889, the village of Myothit was attacked and the police post burnt. In May a large body of dacoits under the standard of Buddha24 Yaza, a pretended prince, who in preceding years had a large following in the Eastern Division, gathered in the Pin township in the north of the district east of Yénangyaung. A party of military police led by two Indian officers attacked them successfully, but they collected again in a stronger position and a second attack by one hundred rifles (military police), led by the Assistant Commissioner and the Assistant Superintendent26 of Police, neither of them trained soldiers, failed; but soon afterwards the gangs were again met and dispersed.
On the 1st of June, 1889, a small body of dacoits was encountered by Mr. Dyson, Assistant Commissioner, who had with him a party of police. A fight ensued, in which Mr. Dyson was killed. The man who led this gang[118] was killed afterwards and his followers27 surrendered. But this was no compensation for the loss of a promising28 young officer who could be ill spared.[30]
There was a force of police in the district quite able to hold it, if they had been properly handled, and they were supported by Mounted Infantry. There was evidently a want of some controlling authority which was not to be found in any of the local officers. Just at this time Colonel W. Penn Symons, who had been working in Sagaing, succeeded to the command of the Myingyan district, and at my earnest invitation he went to Magwè and assumed control over the operations for reducing the district to order. All civil and police officers were placed under General Symons absolutely so far as the operations were concerned.
A proclamation was then issued offering a pardon to all who were out, excepting only those who had committed murder and certain named leaders, on condition that they submitted and returned to a peaceful life. This proclamation had some effect, and more than 150 dacoits surrendered with their arms. Most of the men who came in belonged to the Pin and Yénangyaung townships.
In July (1889) I was able to devote a fortnight to this troublesome district and to meet General Symons at Magwè. With him and some of the local officials I marched round the district, going from Magwè to Taungdwingyi, and then up the east to the north, ending at Yénangyaung on the north-west.
I found the country in a better condition than the reports of crime had led me to expect. Going north from Taungdwingyi a good deal of land was lying untilled. But elsewhere every possible field was ploughed and sown, and cattle were plentiful30 and in good case. This part of the district was a fine open country divided into big fields with thorn hedges. There were, however, here and there tracts31 of very difficult scrub jungle broken by ravines from which it would be difficult to drive dacoit gangs.
[119]
I had the principal men collected to meet me at all the halting-places and had much consultation32 with them. The people came readily with their petitions and spoke33 with perfect frankness of their grievances34.
As a problem in administration the conditions differed much from those hitherto dealt with. In Sagaing, Minbu, and elsewhere, the lawlessness was universal and chronic35. In Magwè the gangs were small and consisted mainly of professional criminals, not of peasants who had joined well-known leaders either to save their own lives and property or to resist the establishment of a foreign Government. Some of the leaders even were well-known outlaws37 from Lower Burma, and it was asserted that there were natives of India with the gangs. But only in one case was this substantiated38. A native of India, a man of the sweeper caste, had been captured and he was in the Magwè jail. A note written a few days after I had left Magwè will give the impressions I brought away from my tour.
"The two main difficulties are the bad state of the Police Battalion and the nature of the country on the north and on the east of the district. These were aggravated39 by the injudicious action on the part of the subdivisional officer, for which I must take my share of the blame as I selected him and trusted him fully25 in consequence of his great success elsewhere. In his desire to force the dacoits to leave the slopes of the mountains, he moved villages too far from their fields and did not show a proper care and judgment in selecting the temporary sites for them to occupy. It was said that men joined the dacoit gangs in consequence. It may have been so in a few instances. The people spoke to me frankly41 and freely, and they did not allege42 this. Still, it may be true. I debated much with myself whether I should say, 'Go back at once to your old sites.' This would have pleased all.... All the headmen I saw admitted that the villages moved were those which added and fed the dacoits, and they admitted unreservedly that if they returned they must continue to aid and feed them. General Symons was of opinion that the removal of these villages would prove of the greatest assistance in capturing the gangs. The mischief43 for that season had been caused and some of the more distant lands[120] must lie empty. To let the people return now (July) was useless, while it would prolong our work.
"Their argument was, 'There are fewer dacoits now than there used to be even in the King's time. We prefer dacoits to inconvenience and hardship.'"
That was their attitude everywhere, and if peace was to be established we could not accept it. I removed the incompetent44 officers and sent the best officer I had at my disposal (the late Mr. Todd Naylor) to take charge of the district. At the same time a competent Commandant was posted to the military police battalion.
General Symons undertook to remain in the district for another month. Minbu had been cleared of the gangs which had harassed45 it so long, and I was able to transfer Mr. G. G. Collins to Magwè to help Mr. Todd Naylor.
Having put matters in train, my duties took me to Mandalay and then up the Chindwin to arrange matters connected with the coming expedition against the Chins. General Symons was appointed to command the Chin-Lushai expedition, and Magwè had to be left to the local officers. Progress was slow. The dacoits lay up in the forests of the Yomas, and until they were driven out and destroyed there would be no peace.
For the last three months of the year my health compelled me to take leave to the Nilgiri Hills. There was no hill station in Burma at that time. The climate varying between a stokehole and a fern-house was not invigorating, and labour, physical and mental, such as we were all sustaining was somewhat exhausting.
During my absence Mr. A. P. MacDonnell,[31] Home Secretary to the Government of India, was appointed to act for me. He took up the Magwè business vigorously, and under his direction several columns were organized to operate simultaneously46 in the unsettled tract14 from Yamèthin, Pyinmana, Magwè, and Thayetmyo. They commenced work in December, 1889. The party from Magwè encountered one of the gangs in the Yomas, but inflicted no punishment on them. One leader was driven out and captured or killed in the Yamèthin district. But there was no marked success. The dacoits were able to get food anywhere in the forests from the cutch boilers47, and it was suspected ammunition48 from the Burman foresters in the Bombay Burma Company's service.
[121]
On my return, from leave in December 1889, I had the great honour of receiving His Royal Highness Prince Albert Victor of Wales, accompanying him to Mandalay by rail and returning by river. This duty necessarily delayed the ordinary work of administration.
On examining the situation in Magwè, I came to the conclusion that the operations in the Yomas must be placed under the control of one man. I selected Mr. Porter, Deputy Commissioner of Pyinmana, and made the whole business over to him with definite instructions as to the powers he was to exercise and the course of action he was to follow. Tracks had already been cleared through the Yomas. The different parties engaged in the work were well combined and held together by Mr. Porter. The gangs were dispersed and either captured or forced to surrender, and by the end of May the work was complete.
Meanwhile in the north of the district Mr. Todd Naylor and Mr. Collins had succeeded in breaking up the small gang that still held out under two noted leaders, and the district was finally cleared. All the leaders had been killed, captured, or driven out of the district. Some sought refuge in Lower Burma. One Lugalégyi, a well-known Bo, was arrested in Prome before the end of the year. To quote once more from the Gazetteer49 (1908): "Since then Magwè has been undisturbed" (vol ii., p. 56, article "Magwè").
I will give one more instance of dacoit methods reported to me by the late Mr. Donald Smeaton, then Commissioner of the Central Division, dated August 13, 1889, from the Pagyi country. Reading it over after the lapse50 of more than twenty years, I am glad that I was able to help in ending the anarchy51 which begat such crimes. Mr. Smeaton wrote: "Early in the forenoon of the 18th July I was riding back with Lieutenant52 Macnabb from Kyaw to Zeittaung. We were passing the village of Jut53 about four miles from Zeittaung, when we were hailed by a villager and a military policeman, who informed us that the village had just been dacoited by Saga29 and a gang of fourteen or fifteen men.[122] We at once went into the village and were conducted by the Thugyi to the house which had been Saga's principal object of attack. We were there informed that this house had been singled out by Saga because its owner, Po Hkine, one of his late followers, had surrendered with his arms to the special officer, that Saga's object had been to kill Po Hkine. Fortunately Po Hkine and his wife were at Zeittaung when the attack was made. Not finding Po Hkine or his wife, Saga had dragged down from the house two old women, Po Hkine's mother and aunt, and tortured them by burning parts of their bodies with lighted torches. The elder of the two women was severely54 burnt and was lying on the ground: the other was sitting. Both were in great pain. We questioned the two women. They said the gang had come straight to their house shouting out 'Saga! Saga!' and on finding that Po Hkine was not there had gone up the bamboo steps and dragged them to the ground. They then reproached them with allowing Po Hkine to surrender and demanded all the money and jewelry55 in the house. The old women gave up all their money and their ornaments56, but nevertheless they were tied up, a bamboo mat with a hole cut to allow the head to pass through was put over them, and two or three of the gang held lighted torches to their backs and between their legs. The villagers were too afraid to yield any assistance. The women fainted, and the dacoits left them lying on the ground. The villagers were doing their best to soothe57 the two women and alleviate58 the pain when we came to the house.
"I have known of several cases in which women have been regularly trussed and suspended over a fire by dacoits till they gave up their money and ornaments.
"I can recall one case in which dacoits pushed wood shavings up between a woman's legs and set them on fire.
"In several cases of this kind that have occurred within my own knowledge the unfortunate women have died."
But I must have surfeited59 the reader with robberies and murders and savage60 cruelties. My purpose has been to draw a true picture of the conditions with which we had to deal. There may be some who think that stern measures of repression61 are wrong and that under all conditions[123] kindness and forbearance should be the only weapons of a civilized62 Government. It is to be wished that such persons could have an opportunity of testing their theories without danger to any but themselves.
It is well, however, to record as a matter of history that, so far as was practicable, the rank and file of those who joined insurgent63 or brigand12 gangs were treated leniently64. They were freely pardoned, if they had not committed murder, on condition that they surrendered with their arms and engaged to live quietly in their villages. Where it was necessary and possible, work was provided for them. When I left Burma there were thousands who had so surrendered and were living honest lives. Very few, I believe, went back to the wild life.
There were a very large number of men, especially in the early years, who were run down and captured and sentenced by the magistrates65 to long terms of imprisonment67. It would have done infinite mischief if these men had been released after a short time and allowed to join their old companions.
I opposed the idea of a general jail delivery. When it became possible, the cases were examined under my orders by an experienced officer and the sentences were revised. It was not a task that could be done without labour, care, and knowledge. It was necessary to consider the condition of the district to which each man belonged. If that district was still disturbed, and especially if the gang of which he had been a member was still holding together, it would have been foolish weakness to send him back again. As a dog returns to his vomit68, so does a dacoit to his gang, if he can find it. The magistrate66 is bound to think of the people who may suffer, rather than of the criminal who had preyed69 upon them. In Burma at least we had not outgrown70 this primitive71 morality. No one who had had my experience of the difficulty of catching72 these very interesting gentlemen would have cared to let them loose again.
The First Durbar in the Shan States.
About this time I was able to carry out an intention I had formed of visiting Fort Stedman and meeting all the Shan chiefs and notables.
The distance from the nearest point in the plains to[124] Fort Stedman was seventy miles, of which fifty-six were through the hills. The road was under construction, but in that state which made it worse travelling than the bullock-path it was meant to supersede73.
The journey would take altogether about fourteen days, and it was not easy for me to get away from other business for so long a time. Nor was it possible always to summon the chiefs away from their headquarters.
The ride up through the hills was very beautiful, and the view from the range commanding the great lake of Inle was one of the finest I had seen in Burma.
Fort Stedman lies on the further or eastern shore of the lake, and after a long and hot ride we had to wait for a considerable time for the State boat of the Yawnghwè Sawbwa who was bringing Mr. Hildebrand across.
At the landing-place I found a guard of honour of the Shan levy74 under Captain Tonnochy, the Commandant, and at the village bazaar75 higher up all the chiefs had assembled to meet me. On the next day I held an informal reception of all the Sawbwas and other potentates76.
A large hall, mostly of bamboo, had been constructed on the parade-ground, and in this, on the 19th of March, I received the chiefs. All the chiefs, with the exception of a few, were present. Many of them met me for the first time, and I learnt that to most of them also it was the first occasion of their meeting with their fellow-chiefs. They were presented to me in turn, and the Sawbwas of M?ngnai and Yawnghwè, who it was considered had rendered services of some value to the British Government, received the medal and gold chain of honour given by the Viceroy for local services in Burma.
It was a notable assemblage. It was the first occasion on which all these potentates of various degrees, who had for years previously77 been fighting amongst themselves or rebelling against Burmese tyranny, had been brought together in peace and harmony under a strong rule. Each of them had made his formal submission78 to the Queen-Empress. Each had received a patent confirming him in his rights and position as head of his State. Each of them knew that the reign36 of peace had begun and that he was henceforth secure.
[125]
I reminded them that this was the work of the British power, and that it had been carried out without their assistance by the soldiers of the Queen-Empress and at the cost of her Government of India.
I pointed21 out to them that they, the Shan chiefs, had duties and obligations on their side: primarily the good government of their peoples, the impartial79 administration of justice, the development of their territories by roads, and the improvement of agriculture and trade. "I do not want you," I said, "to imitate or adopt the forms or methods of British government; but I think you can do much by a careful choice of your subordinates, by the judicious40 curtailment80 of the right to carry arms, by suppressing the extravagant81 and public gambling82 which, experience shows, invariably leads first to ruin and then to crime."
Lastly, I explained to them that they could not be excused from paying tribute, the amount of which would be adjusted to their ability. The British Government was maintaining garrisons83 for their benefit, and had undertaken costly85 expeditions for their defence. It was necessary to ask them to remember their obligations.
The first assessment86 of the Shan States to tribute was made in 1887-8, on the basis of the sums paid to the King of Burma, so far as they could be ascertained87. The country had, however, suffered very greatly from the prevailing88 anarchy, and many of the States were depopulated and the land was lying waste. Much of the nominal89 demand had to be remitted90. Even now (in 1911) the tribute received by the Government (which may be taken to be at most not more than one-third of the revenue collected from the people by their chiefs) hardly covers the expense of administration, including the garrison84 of fifteen hundred military police who maintain internal order and guard the frontiers. The vast sums expended91 on the Mandalay-Lashio railway in the Northern States and on the road connecting the Southern States with the Toungoo-Mandalay railway have not been repaid, except by the increased prosperity of the country.
The Shan population may be taken at about one million two hundred thousand persons. It would be a high estimate[126] of the incidence of the tribute received by the Government if it were reckoned at sixpence per head. As a source of revenue, therefore, the Shan States are not of much account. The country, however, has improved—slowly, it is true, but without interruption. The railway from Mandalay to Lashio has done much for the Northern States. That now under construction from the Toungoo-Mandalay line to the headquarters of the Southern States will have greater and more rapid effect on that fertile country. I fully anticipate rapid progress in the near future. It is something to be able to say that since my visit to Fort Stedman in March, 1890, the peace of the Shan States has not been broken, except by a few small local risings of the wilder tribes (not Shans) in the mountains on the north and on the east.
To the student of the science of politics the Shan States will prove, perhaps, the most interesting field of observation in the province under the Lieutenant-Governor of Burma. There is nothing quite of the same character in India. When we occupied the country, the condition of the Shan chiefs had more resemblance to that of the petty chiefs and Rajas in the central provinces of India before Sir Richard Temple dealt with them, than to any other Indian example. But Temple gave to the larger States the character of feudatory rulers of foreign territory outside of British India, whereas, as I have mentioned below, in the chapter on the Shan Expedition of 1887-8, the Shan States one and all were made part of British India by the proclamation annexing92 Burma.
There is nothing in India similar to this case; where a great territory of sixty thousand square miles, being by law an integral part of British India, is administered not through the regular officials and courts, but directly by many quasi-independent chiefs, each supreme93 in his own territory, but guided and controlled by British officers, whose advice they are bound by their engagements to follow.
It results from these conflicting conditions that everything has to be done by or under some legal enactment94. If the ordinary laws of British India (for example, the codes of criminal law and procedure) do not apply, it is[127] because under the Shan States Act or some other enactment the local Government has suspended their operation and has substituted other rules to which the force of law has been given.
In the Feudatory States of India, on the other hand, any interference which becomes necessary is exercised not by virtue95 of an enactment of the legislature, but by the use of the sovereign executive power.
That this difference is vital there can be little doubt. At present it is the policy, and no doubt the wise policy, of the Government of India to avoid interfering96 with the native States, as much as may be, even by way of advice.
An Indian ruler can do as he likes, and it is only in gross cases of misrule which are clearly injurious to the people, and the consequences of which extend, or are likely to extend, beyond the boundaries of the State, that the sovereign Government feels compelled to intervene.
In the Shan case the local Government has the power by law of interfering and controlling the chief, and it will feel bound to use it.
It will be interesting to watch to which side the tendency will be. As the people advance in condition and education, and as the chiefs become more intelligent and trained to affairs, will the control of the executive increase or diminish? Will the tendency be, as in India, for the executive Government to withdraw into the background and leave the chief to govern, or will the chief tend to become an official of the State, exercising his powers under the restrictions97 and forms, and subject to the appellate and revisional powers of the regular courts? Up to the present time the control has tended to become more close.
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alluded
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| 提及，暗指( allude的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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blot
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noted
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battalion
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inspector
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| n.检查员，监察员，视察员 | |
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ponies
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cohesion
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inflicted
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infantry
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dispersed
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brigands
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brigand
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densely
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tract
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specially
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inefficient
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judgment
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regiment
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ranch
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conspicuously
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pointed
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commissioner
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exasperated
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Buddha
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fully
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superintendent
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followers
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promising
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saga
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plentiful
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tracts
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consultation
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spoke
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grievances
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| n.委屈( grievance的名词复数 )；苦衷；不满；牢骚 | |
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chronic
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| adj.(疾病)长期未愈的，慢性的；极坏的 | |
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reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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outlaws
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| 歹徒，亡命之徒( outlaw的名词复数 )； 逃犯 | |
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substantiated
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| v.用事实支持（某主张、说法等），证明，证实( substantiate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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aggravated
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| 使恶化( aggravate的过去式和过去分词 )； 使更严重； 激怒； 使恼火 | |
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judicious
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| adj.明智的，明断的，能作出明智决定的 | |
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frankly
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| adv.坦白地，直率地；坦率地说 | |
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allege
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| vt.宣称，申述，主张，断言 | |
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mischief
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| n.损害，伤害，危害；恶作剧，捣蛋，胡闹 | |
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incompetent
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| adj.无能力的，不能胜任的 | |
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harassed
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| adj. 疲倦的，厌烦的 动词harass的过去式和过去分词 | |
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simultaneously
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| adv.同时发生地，同时进行地 | |
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boilers
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| 锅炉，烧水器，水壶( boiler的名词复数 ) | |
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ammunition
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| n.军火，弹药 | |
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gazetteer
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| n.地名索引 | |
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lapse
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| n.过失，流逝，失效，抛弃信仰，间隔；vi.堕落，停止，失效，流逝；vt.使失效 | |
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anarchy
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| n.无政府状态；社会秩序混乱，无秩序 | |
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lieutenant
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| n.陆军中尉，海军上尉；代理官员，副职官员 | |
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jut
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| v.突出；n.突出，突出物 | |
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severely
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| adv.严格地；严厉地；非常恶劣地 | |
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jewelry
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| n.（jewllery）（总称）珠宝 | |
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ornaments
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| n.装饰( ornament的名词复数 )；点缀；装饰品；首饰v.装饰，点缀，美化( ornament的第三人称单数 ) | |
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soothe
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| v.安慰；使平静；使减轻；缓和；奉承 | |
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alleviate
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| v.减轻，缓和，缓解(痛苦等) | |
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surfeited
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| v.吃得过多( surfeit的过去式和过去分词 )；由于过量而厌腻 | |
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savage
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| adj.野蛮的；凶恶的，残暴的；n.未开化的人 | |
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repression
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| n.镇压，抑制，抑压 | |
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civilized
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| a.有教养的，文雅的 | |
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insurgent
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| adj.叛乱的，起事的；n.叛乱分子 | |
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leniently
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| 温和地，仁慈地 | |
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magistrates
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| 地方法官，治安官( magistrate的名词复数 ) | |
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magistrate
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| n.地方行政官，地方法官，治安官 | |
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imprisonment
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| n.关押，监禁，坐牢 | |
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vomit
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| v.呕吐，作呕；n.呕吐物，吐出物 | |
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preyed
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| v.掠食( prey的过去式和过去分词 )；掠食；折磨；（人）靠欺诈为生 | |
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outgrown
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| 长[发展] 得超过（某物）的范围( outgrow的过去分词 )； 长[发展]得不能再要（某物）； 长得比…快； 生长速度超过 | |
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primitive
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| adj.原始的；简单的；n.原(始)人，原始事物 | |
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catching
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| adj.易传染的，有魅力的，迷人的，接住 | |
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supersede
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| v.替代；充任 | |
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levy
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| n.征收税或其他款项，征收额 | |
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bazaar
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| n.集市，商店集中区 | |
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potentates
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| n.君主，统治者( potentate的名词复数 )；有权势的人 | |
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previously
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| adv.以前，先前（地） | |
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submission
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| n.服从，投降；温顺，谦虚；提出 | |
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impartial
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| adj.(in,to)公正的，无偏见的 | |
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curtailment
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| n.缩减，缩短 | |
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extravagant
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| adj.奢侈的；过分的；(言行等)放肆的 | |
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gambling
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| n.赌博；投机 | |
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garrisons
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| 守备部队，卫戍部队( garrison的名词复数 ) | |
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garrison
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| n.卫戍部队；驻地，卫戍区；vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
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costly
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| adj.昂贵的，价值高的，豪华的 | |
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assessment
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| n.评价；评估；对财产的估价，被估定的金额 | |
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ascertained
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| v.弄清，确定，查明( ascertain的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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prevailing
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| adj.盛行的；占优势的；主要的 | |
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nominal
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| adj.名义上的；(金额、租金)微不足道的 | |
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remitted
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| v.免除（债务），宽恕( remit的过去式和过去分词 )；使某事缓和；寄回，传送 | |
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expended
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| v.花费( expend的过去式和过去分词 )；使用（钱等）做某事；用光；耗尽 | |
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annexing
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| 并吞( annex的现在分词 )； 兼并； 强占； 并吞（国家、地区等） | |
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supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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enactment
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| n.演出，担任…角色；制订，通过 | |
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virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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interfering
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| adj. 妨碍的 动词interfere的现在分词 | |
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restrictions
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| 约束( restriction的名词复数 )； 管制； 制约因素； 带限制性的条件（或规则） | |
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