Many of the Dutch East India Company’s vessels2 were equipped for war as well as for commerce and her East India possessions were active in building and fitting out ships which captured many and rich prizes from the Spaniards. The richest locality for capturing such prizes was in the West Indies, and what the Netherlands greatly needed was territory near there, where her ships could be sheltered, repaired, and obtain the needed supplies. Spain was in possession of nearly all of what is now the south of the United States, and France of Canada. The English held Virginia and claimed what is now called New England, but between the two was a territory that seemed free for settlement and there is reason to believe that the Dutch East India Company was aware of that fact and aimed to take it.
In 1497 and 1498 the Cabots, in the employ of Henry VII of England, sailed westward5 in search of a shorter all-water route to India, coasting along the Atlantic from a parallel of latitude6 about the same as that of the Straits of Gibraltar clear up to Hudson straits, where the icebergs7 prevented further advance. Having landed and planted the English flag, they claimed the country 36 for the British crown and under their discovery the English claim in North America rested. On a German map made in 1515 America is represented as a large island in the western Atlantic. Magellan, in whose honor the straits near Cape8 Horn, South America, were named, sailed around the globe in 1519-21, proved that America was a continent and the world a sphere. Sir Francis Drake, in 1577-79, also circumnavigated the globe. In 1728 Vitus Behring sailed through the straits which bear his name and proved that America is no part of Asia. From 1499 to 1504 Americus Vespucius, a Florentine navigator and explorer, made, in the employ of Spain, four voyages to the east coast of South America and built a fort on the coast of Brazil, and from him, or rather in his honor, the western continent was named “America”—the name first appearing in a little pamphlet published in France in 1507 by Waldseemuler, a German geographer9, who gave as his reason for the name the following, viz.: “The fourth part of the world having been discovered by Americus, it may be called the land of Americus or America.”
Between the years 1512 and 1542 Ponce de Leon, 37 Balboa, Cortez, Narvaez, Cabeza de Vaca, De Soto, Pizarro, and Coronado, all for Spain, had made extensive and very important discoveries in what are now the southern of the United States, the Mississippi river, Mexico, and Peru. Some of these men became infamous10 by their horrible crimes. They were arrogant11 and frank. Balboa, in 1513, was the first European to discover the “South sea” (the Pacific ocean), and “wading into its waters drew his sword and declared that the Kings of Spain should hold possession of the ‘South sea’ and of its coasts and islands ‘while the earth revolves12, and until the universal judgment13 of mankind.’” Cortez bluffly14 declared in a few words when speaking to the Mexicans the motives16 of the Spanish as follows: “We Spaniards are troubled with a disease of the heart for which we find gold and gold only a specific remedy.” These discoverers, explorers, freebooters from Spain in her vast territory New Spain, merited the just contempt not only of the ancient civilizations of Mexico and Peru but also of the whole enlightened world. It seems to have been the firm belief of the Spaniard for centuries 38 that he is made of a finer material than any other nation and destined17 to rule and others to obey.
The French disputed the Spanish claims to North America and established a colony of Huguenots in South Carolina, but France’s discoveries and possessions in North America were principally in the north. Cartier discovered and explored the St. Lawrence river in 1535, and that was thought to be a part, if not all, of the water-way through the continent of America to the South sea or Pacific ocean en route to India. No nation was more zealous18 and successful than France in making discoveries and settlements in Canada, and what ultimately became the northwestern of the United States along the upper lakes and the upper Mississippi river, by those wonderful religious orders, the Franciscans and Jesuits.
Eighty-five years had elapsed after the discovery in North America by the Cabots, under which the English based their claim to the territory, before they made any attempt at colonization19 or even to establish a permanent settlement. In 1584 that unique, able, versatile20, vain Queen Elizabeth of England granted a most remarkable21 charter to, at one time her especial favorite, the 39 highly gifted but eccentric Sir Walter Raleigh, to lay claim to any land in the west “not actually possessed22 by any Christian23 prince.” Raleigh sent out several expeditions to make a settlement on Roanoke island, off the coast of North Carolina. It was represented to the Queen as a remarkably24 fine land, so that she named it in her own honor as the Virgin4 Queen Virginia and thereupon knighted Raleigh. Raleigh, though he made determined25 and prolonged efforts and at great personal expense to establish permanent English settlements in America, failed. To Sir Walter Raleigh is given the credit or curse of having discovered in Virginia a weed which King James called “the vilest26 of weeds” and Edmund Spencer, the famous poet, “divine tobacco.” To Sir Walter also is generally given the credit of having introduced the most valuable of all the vegetables known to man—the potato.
Justin Winsor, a distinguished27 American historian, said that the scheme to form a West India Company was first broached28 in 1592 by William Usselinx, an exiled Antwerp merchant. It was many years before it could be accomplished29. The longing30 for a share in the riches of the New World 40 conduced in the meantime to the establishment of the “Greenland Company” about 1596 and the pretended search by its ships for a northwestern passage led to a supposed first discovery of the Hudson river, if we may rely upon an unsupported statement by the officers of the West India Company in an appeal for assistance to the Assembly of the Nineteenth in 1644. According to this statement ships of the “Greenland Company” had entered the North and Delaware rivers in 1598; their crews had landed in both places and had built small forts to protect them against the inclemency31 of the weather and to resist the attacks of the Indians.
A company of English merchants had organized to trade to America in the first year of the seventeenth century. Their first adventure to Guiana and Virginia were not successful yet gave a new impetus32 to the scheme originally conceived by Usselinx. A plan for the organization of a West India Company was drawn33 up in 1606, according to the excited Belgian ideas. This company was to have an existence of thirty-six years; to receive during the first six years assistance from all the United Provinces, and to be managed 41 in the same manner as the East India Company. It was not consummated34. Olden-Barneveldt, the Advocate of Holland and one of the most prominent and influential35 members of the peace party, foresaw that the organization of a West India Company with the avowed36 purpose of obtaining most of its profits by preying38 on Spanish commerce in American waters would only prolong the war. Usselinx’s plan was to compel Spain by these means to evacuate39 Belgium and thus give her exiled sons a chance to return to their old home. A wholesale40 departure of the shrewd, industrious41, and skilful42 Belgians would have deprived Holland of her political pre-eminence and have left her an obscure and isolated43 province. The conflicting views and claims of the provinces caused the scheme to fail until after Olden-Barneveldt, accused of high treason, was tried, condemned44, and beheaded in 1619. Subsequently Maurice of Nassau took up the scheme of forming the Dutch West India Company. Private ships sailing from Dutch ports had not been idle in the meantime; in 1607 we hear of them in Canada trading for furs. Belgium and the Netherlands, compelled to become maritime45 42 nations, while other circumstances directed to commercial pursuits, had become the common carriers of the sea and the Netherlands especially had availed themselves of the discoveries made by the Cabots, Verrazano, and other adventurous46 explorers in the country succeeding Columbus’ discovery of America. They thought Spain most assailable47 in the West Indies where they could prey37 upon their commerce and capture their treasures from Mexico and Peru. The first proposition to make such an expedition was submitted to the States General in 1581 by an English sea captain named Beets48. It was refused. Later it gained favor and caused the formation of a West India Company really to fight Spain and not ignoring the search for a shorter route to India.
Before Henry Hudson’s attempts to find a northwest passage to India six trials had been made and subsequently more than twenty-five more, and while it is claimed that Sir Robert McClure in his expedition in 1650-54 succeeded, it was only by abandoning his vessel3 and completing his way on ice. The discovery is of no practical utility.
In 1606 James I, King of England, Scotland 43 and Ireland, granted two charters—one to the London Company giving it power to establish settlements anywhere between the thirty-fourth and thirty-eighth degrees of north latitude (that is between Cape Fear and the Potomac); and the other to the Plymouth Company granting it the territory in Northern Virginia between the forty-first and the forty-fifth degrees of north latitude (that is between the eastern end of Long Island and the northern limit of Nova Scotia), with the right to establish settlements therein. Each of these grants extended 100 miles inland. The territory between these two companies (from thirty-ninth to forty-first degrees), embracing what is Maryland, Delaware, New Jersey49, and a little of New York, was open to settlement by either of these companies, provided that neither should make a settlement within 100 miles of the other.
It is not presumable that the alert, watchful50, shrewd Amsterdam directors of the Dutch East India Company were ignorant of the discoveries, explorations, and important events in the western world nor of the charters of 1606 granted by King James which seemed to leave an unoccupied and an unknown territory extending from the thirty-eight 44 to the forty-eight degrees of North latitude which would furnish the Netherlands a desirable base for their operations in America against Spain. Perhaps that territory might be secured under the right of prior discovery if a small craft was sent out nominally51 to sail northeast as a blind but really westward for the double purpose either of finding a shorter route to India or obtaining a desirable foothold in the New World.
Let us see whether we may ascertain52 more about Hudson’s views, preparation, and knowledge before the contract was entered into with the Amsterdam directors of the Dutch East India Company. In his second voyage in the employ of the Muscovy Company, under date of August 7, 1608, he made the following entry into his journal: “I used all diligence to arrive in London, for being at Nova Zembla on the 8th day of July and void of hope of a northeast route except by Vaygats, for which I was not fitted to try or prove, I therefore resolved to use all means I could to sail to the northwest (which would have been in direct violation53 of his instructions) and to make trial at Lumley’s Inlet and Captain Davis Straits, hoping to run into it a hundred leagues and return.” He 45 did not carry out his resolve but indicated his desire to seek a northwestern passage then.
Henry Hudson was not wild, erratic54, nor a rover. Perhaps no one whom Hudson met in London so much determined his course as did Captain John Smith, a very remarkable English adventurer—a daring rover in early life, entering military service in several of the European governments, captured, imprisoned55, and escaped to play such a prominent part in establishing the first permanent English settlement in Virginia in the United States. Captain John Smith’s name is almost always associated with that of Pocahontas (the daughter of the famous Chief Powhatan) who while yet a girl but twelve years is said to have interposed her body and thereby56 saved the life of Captain Smith from the uplifted war clubs of the Indians about to descend57 upon him. Captain Smith also corresponded with Hudson, gave him maps of North America and advised him as to the course to be pursued in seeking a westward watercourse to India. Perhaps the maps most serviceable to Hudson in his voyage westward in 1609 were those of New France, which plainly represented the Grande 46 river (subsequently called the Hudson river), and were published in the sixteenth century. Hudson was also a theorist. He believed in an “Open Polar Sea” and so far as is known was the first to promulgate58 that theory, entertained and followed by searchers after the North Pole. Hudson made the acquaintance and won the friendship of learned geographers59 in Amsterdam, prominent among them was the Reverend Peter Plancius, who said it was reasonable that the sea should be open near the Pole where the sun shines incessantly60 for months though with less heat than where it shines only a few hours by day and the hours of the night intervening, cooling. Hudson said his experience convinced him, for after passing beyond a certain line (about 66° north latitude) the sea became more open as he went further north. This Doctor Peter Plancius was a member of the Reformed Church and as such driven from his Belgian home by the Spaniards, he heartily61 co-operated with Usselinx in his plan to form a West India Company. He was often in consultation62 with Hudson in Amsterdam and to his chapter on “Norumbega (said to be somewhere in New England) et Virginia” he added a map 47 which, imperfect in some respect—incorrect in its latitudes—was serviceable to Hudson in his westward voyage. The French map of about 1517 and the map of Thomas Hood63, an Englishman, published in 1594, which shows under latitude 40° north (New York city is 40° 43′ north) the mouth of a river called Rio de San Antonio, the name given by the earliest Spanish discoverers to what later on became known as the Hudson river. In this connection it may not be amiss to call attention to the historical fact that Giovanni da Verrazano, a Florentine navigator in the employ of Francis I, King of France, entered the New York bay and saw at least the mouth of the river which the French called the “Grande river” in 1524, eighty-five years before Henry Hudson saw it. It is further claimed that soon after the French built a fort on Castle Island near Albany and there carried on a trade in furs with the Indians. Some historians discredit64 this French claim, which, however, seems sustained though it never resulted in advantage to the French. A map made by Vaz Dornado at Lisbon in 1571 gives the Hudson river in almost its entire course from the mountains to the bay. A copy of this map made 48 in 1580, which went to Munich, was probably seen by Dr. Plancius, Hudson’s friend and adviser65. Johannes de Laet, a director of the West India company and a copatroon of Rensselaerwick with Kilian Van Rensselaer, admits in his book that the object of the West India Company was war on Spain, and he congratulates the country upon its success.
Jean Wagenaar, a Dutch historian, a historiographer, the secretary of the city of Amsterdam, held in the highest esteem66, who had free access to the archives and whose statements are not to be discredited67, says the company “sent out a skipper to discover a passage to China by the Northwest not by the Northeast.” A resolution of the States of Holland, quoted by this same authority, proves that previous to Hudson’s voyage, the Dutch knew that they would find terra firma north of the Spanish possessions and contiguous to them.
Resolved, “That by carrying the war over to America, the Spaniards be attacked there where their weakest point is, but whence they draw the most of their resources.”
As much has appeared in this article concerning 49 the sincerity68 of the motives actuating the parties to the contract of January 8, 1609, and as doubts and adverse69 criticisms had been expressed and no authority given therefor—they seemed conjectures—perhaps not unreasonable70, plausible71 but requiring confirmation—proof to be entitled to credit.
Not, however, until the latter half of the nineteenth century was any documentary evidence on that subject obtainable and published, though efforts had been made before.
The Hon. Henry Cruse Murphy, born in Brooklyn in 1810, prepared in the High School for Columbia College, where he graduated with honor in 1830, studied law, was admitted to practice in 1833, married in 1834, mayor of Brooklyn, member of two State constitutional conventions, five times elected to the Senate of the State of New York, a gentleman of culture and refinement72, author and founder73 of the Brooklyn Eagle, whom, in 1857, President Buchanan appointed Minister to The Hague, exceptionally well qualified74 to represent the United States. His pleasing manners enabled him to obtain most valuable information about the war between Spain and the Netherlands, 50 and also about the early settlement of North America. He first gives to the public an exact copy of that contract of January, 1609, where there could be no doubt that the navigator’s name was Henry, not Hendrick.
The Minister says: “The following memoir75 is the result of an investigation76 made for the purpose of ascertaining77 more precisely78 than has hitherto been explained, the circumstances which originated the voyage made on behalf of the Dutch East India Company by Henry Hudson; the motives, purposes and character of its projectors79 and the designs of the navigator himself at the time he sailed upon that expedition. We have examined the records of the East India Company, comprising the registers or book of resolutions of the general of the company, styled the Council of Seventeen, and the Chambers80 of Amsterdam, Zealand, etc., with some other documents among the archives of the Kingdom at The Hague, where all the books and papers of the company have been brought from the several chambers, have been arranged and kept. A copy of the contract between Hudson and two members of the Chamber81 of Amsterdam (as given on previous pages), was 51 found appended to a history of the company never published, but prepared at its request by Mr. P. Van Dam, who held the position of counsel of the company for the extraordinary period of fifty-four years, that is, from 1652 until his death in 1706.”
The Amsterdam Chamber of the Dutch East India Company had, among its members, enterprising merchants who had a particular motive15 in seeking to secure Hudson’s services. They wished to forestall82 others, and especially their own country, in the discovery, and thus prevent any interference with their chartered monopoly of the East India trade. The evidence of this policy distinctly appears in the resolutions and proceedings83 of the general council of all the chambers of the company, called the “Council of Seventeen.”
The company itself, shortly after its organization, took into consideration the expediency84 of making an attempt to explore the northern passage and of soliciting85 the necessary privileges from the government. It is quite apparent, therefore, that the fears and the hopes of opening that route still existed in the minds of some of the directors.
The Council of Seventeen determined finally 52 that it was inexpedient to make the trial. Their determination was, however, accompanied by a remarkable resolution. The final action of the Council of Seventeen took place on the 7th of August, 1603, and is thus entered in the minutes: “It is likewise for deliberation and resolution whether the voyage by the North shall also be undertaken and negotiations86 be had with the Noble Lord States in regards to terms and privileges for that purpose seeing that some private persons have already been in communication with said Lords; the more so as this matter at the meeting of the 17 on the 27th of Feby last past was postponed87 as appears by the 17th section of the proceedings of that meeting.”
In the margin88 is the following disposition89 of that subject: “The contents hereof are rejected as it is deemed not serviceable to the Co, and therefore if this navigation should be undertaken by any private person it ought by all means to be prevented.” The company was realizing by the southern route enormous profits, dividing among its stockholders 37 per cent. for its first two years.
The States General, by a decree on the 1st of July, 1606, expressly prohibited from navigating90 53 by the Cape of Good Hope and the Straits of Magellan, and in the following September, by another decree, the subjects of the Netherlands were prohibited from carrying on the trade.
The entire period is so short, concerning which we know anything about Henry Hudson, do we really know enough of him to form a true and fair estimate of his character?
We do know that Hudson had made two (and we don’t know how many more) voyages north of Siberia, in the employ of the Muscovy Company, intending to go east and then south, down to Cathay, but did not succeed. He had, however, been exposed, inured91 to the arctic colds, privations and dangers, and had won the rank of captain. What did he know about the recently explored seas and lands or what more did he need to know about them, if he was in the employ of the Dutch East India Company through its Amsterdam Chambers, two directors to pursue the same course he had on the two voyages he had for the Muscovy Company?
Before Henry Hudson had signed the famous contract on the 8th of January, 1609, he had been 54 a careful geographical92 student, as far as he had opportunity.
About the beginning of the seventeenth century, after the Belgians, on account of their religious views, had been expelled from Belgium, and many of them gone to Holland—mostly to Amsterdam, then that city and London, England, became the great rendezvous93 for navigators, discoverers, would-be discoverers, or explorers, to discuss matters, compare notes, and get all information possible on such subjects.
The Muscovy Company had headquarters in London, where Hudson would go, and there he met, it is known, Captain John Smith, and it is probable that there he met and formed a favorable opinion of Jodocus Hondius, who was his interpreter, adviser, and witness to the contract of January 8th. He was an educated gentleman, a minister of the Reformed Church, a Belgian, driven out of his country, went to London, a geographer, map-maker and portrait painter. He painted Queen Elizabeth’s portrait. The center around which the Belgians then gathered as their brightest man in discovery was Peter Plancius, another Belgian, a Calvinistic minister driven 55 from Belgium, and who had settled in Amsterdam, and was a devoted94 friend and adviser of Hudson. Hudson before he had engaged with the Amsterdam directors had seen and examined the most important maps of the French, English, Spanish and Portuguese95, and especially of the Arctic regions, New York and Canada, and had borrowed some of them from Plancius and Smith, and those that he wanted most were about the northwest and above 35° north latitude.
Hudson’s friends were warm, zealous to help him, that they might lessen96 the power and vindictiveness97 of the Spaniards.
Captain John Smith sent Captain Henry Hudson important maps and instructions from Virginia, before Hudson set sail in the “Half Moon.” Smith’s advice to Hudson seems to have been to seek a passage to the Pacific ocean at about 40° north latitude or about 50° north latitude, or still farther north, and seek a passage through Lumly inlet or some other entrance into the Hudson bay. Hudson made extraordinary preparations if he did not expect to pursue that course for the Amsterdam Chamber of the Dutch East India Company.
56
That Henry Hudson first discovered, at least first reported, the “Open Sea” north of 66° north is conceded, and that has been confirmed by several Arctic explorers since—prominent among them Dr. Kane. That Sebastian Cabot discovered Hudson straits in about 1517 is admitted.
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malady
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| n.病，疾病(通常做比喻) | |
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vessels
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| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
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vessel
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virgin
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| n.处女，未婚女子；adj.未经使用的；未经开发的 | |
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westward
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latitude
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icebergs
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cape
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geographer
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infamous
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arrogant
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revolves
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judgment
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bluffly
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motive
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motives
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destined
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zealous
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colonization
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versatile
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remarkable
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possessed
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Christian
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remarkably
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determined
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vilest
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distinguished
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broached
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accomplished
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longing
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inclemency
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impetus
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drawn
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consummated
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influential
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avowed
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prey
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preying
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evacuate
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wholesale
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industrious
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skilful
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| (=skillful)adj.灵巧的，熟练的 | |
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isolated
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condemned
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maritime
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adventurous
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| adj.爱冒险的；惊心动魄的，惊险的，刺激的 | |
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assailable
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| adj.可攻击的，易攻击的 | |
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beets
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| 甜菜( beet的名词复数 )； 甜菜根； （因愤怒、难堪或觉得热而）脸红 | |
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jersey
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| n.运动衫 | |
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watchful
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| adj.注意的，警惕的 | |
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nominally
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| 在名义上，表面地； 应名儿 | |
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ascertain
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| vt.发现，确定，查明，弄清 | |
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violation
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| n.违反(行为)，违背(行为)，侵犯 | |
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erratic
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| adj.古怪的，反复无常的，不稳定的 | |
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imprisoned
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| 下狱，监禁( imprison的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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thereby
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| adv.因此，从而 | |
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descend
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| vt./vi.传下来，下来，下降 | |
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promulgate
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| v.宣布；传播；颁布（法令、新法律等） | |
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geographers
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| 地理学家( geographer的名词复数 ) | |
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incessantly
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| ad.不停地 | |
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heartily
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| adv.衷心地，诚恳地，十分，很 | |
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consultation
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| n.咨询；商量；商议；会议 | |
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hood
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| n.头巾，兜帽，覆盖；v.罩上，以头巾覆盖 | |
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discredit
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| vt.使不可置信；n.丧失信义；不信，怀疑 | |
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adviser
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| n.劝告者，顾问 | |
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esteem
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| n.尊敬，尊重；vt.尊重，敬重；把…看作 | |
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discredited
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| 不足信的，不名誉的 | |
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sincerity
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| n.真诚，诚意；真实 | |
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adverse
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| adj.不利的；有害的；敌对的，不友好的 | |
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unreasonable
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| adj.不讲道理的，不合情理的，过度的 | |
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plausible
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| adj.似真实的，似乎有理的，似乎可信的 | |
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refinement
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| n.文雅；高尚；精美；精制；精炼 | |
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Founder
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| n.创始者，缔造者 | |
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qualified
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| adj.合格的，有资格的，胜任的，有限制的 | |
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memoir
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| n.[pl.]回忆录，自传；记事录 | |
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investigation
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| n.调查，调查研究 | |
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ascertaining
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| v.弄清，确定，查明( ascertain的现在分词 ) | |
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precisely
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| adv.恰好，正好，精确地，细致地 | |
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projectors
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| 电影放映机，幻灯机( projector的名词复数 ) | |
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chambers
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| n.房间( chamber的名词复数 )；（议会的）议院；卧室；会议厅 | |
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chamber
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| n.房间，寝室；会议厅；议院；会所 | |
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forestall
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| vt.抢在…之前采取行动；预先阻止 | |
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proceedings
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| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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expediency
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| n.适宜；方便；合算；利己 | |
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soliciting
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| v.恳求( solicit的现在分词 )；（指娼妇）拉客；索求；征求 | |
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negotiations
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| 协商( negotiation的名词复数 )； 谈判； 完成（难事）； 通过 | |
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postponed
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| vt.& vi.延期，缓办，（使）延迟vt.把…放在次要地位；[语]把…放在后面（或句尾）vi.（疟疾等）延缓发作（或复发） | |
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margin
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| n.页边空白；差额；余地，余裕；边，边缘 | |
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disposition
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| n.性情，性格；意向，倾向；排列，部署 | |
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navigating
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| v.给（船舶、飞机等）引航，导航( navigate的现在分词 )；（从海上、空中等）横越；横渡；飞跃 | |
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inured
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| adj.坚强的，习惯的 | |
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geographical
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| adj.地理的；地区(性)的 | |
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rendezvous
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| n.约会，约会地点，汇合点；vi.汇合，集合；vt.使汇合，使在汇合地点相遇 | |
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devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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Portuguese
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| n.葡萄牙人；葡萄牙语 | |
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lessen
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| vt.减少，减轻；缩小 | |
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vindictiveness
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| 恶毒；怀恨在心 | |
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