The German crazy-quilt, of many hues1 and colors, and how this blanket was patched and mended through the years.
From the 18th Century, and indeed before that time, to say nothing of years to come as late as 1871, there was in fact no Germany. The term was a mere2 geographical3 “designation.” We shall hear more of this, as Bismarck assumes the stupendous task of German unity4, in a real sense of the word; but we will never understand what Bismarck and other statesmen who hoped for German unity had to deal with, unless we take a broad survey of conditions in Germany from the year 1750; not only from the political but also from the social and domestic side, as represented in 300-odd German principalities that like a crazy-quilt were thrown helter-skelter from Hamburg on the North to Vienna on the South.
Many of the holdings were gained through musty papers from rulers of the ancient Holy Roman Empire, a nation Voltaire declared “neither holy, nor empire, nor Roman.”
There were free cities, great landlords, and there were great robber-barons—thieves of high or low degree.
At Cologne, Treves and Mayence archbishops held the lower valley of the Moselle, also some of finest parts of the Rhein valley.
Next, came dukes, landgraves, margraves, cities of the Empire, and then still smaller, duchies in duodecimo, down through some 800 minor7 landlords who as the owners of some borough8 or village walked this earth genuine game cocks on their own dunghills. Political conditions were distressing9; old feuds10, old hates prevailed.[46]
There were restrictions11 on commerce, statute13 labor14, barbarous penal15 laws, religious persecution16 and Jew-baiting.
In short, to make 300-odd jealous princelings join hands in national brotherhood17 is the complex problem that goes down through the years; generation after generation; till at last the one strong man appears, Otto von Bismarck, who in his supreme18 rise to power sees clearly that the only hope for Germany is in a complete social and political revolution, in which the changes in the German mind concerning political unity in governmental affairs must be as unusual as the transformations19 in the German mode of life.
During the early part of the 18th Century, of which we are now writing, a certain bold political doctrine20 still stood unchallenged. It had come out of the dim and hoary21 past, and in effect it proclaimed the power of the fist. For centuries unnumbered the idea prevailed that a state defends itself against foreign foes22, and otherwise conserves24 its existence through the direct will of a strong ruler, preferably a king brought up in arms.
Thus the “genius of the people” meant in effect the wisdom or the ignorance of the line of kings.
Under this theory, Prussia by slow degrees and through many sacrifices of blood and treasure, had become a great power.
Fred: Wm. I., (1713-40), who was indeed a miser25 and a scoffer26, freed little Prussia from debt and rebuilt cities ruined by the wars. He likewise established a system of compulsory27 education, made schoolmasters state officers, and contributed mightily28 to a higher standard.
And he went further still: he welcomed religious exiles from other parts of Germany; he settled thousands of immigrants on the raw lands; he saved his money, economized29 to the last pfennig, was prudent30 in a worldly sense, and to the end of his life remained intolerable foe23 of idleness.
It was from this severe master that the Great Frederick (1740-86) learned the trick of laying his cane31 over the backs of peasants and crying out in rage: “Get to work![47]”
Old Fritz continued his line of battle from 1740 to 1763, in various unequal contests with the Allies. He fought Austria, France, Russia, Sweden, Saxony, and Poland, and for a while he fought their allied32 strength. The upshot was that Prussian enemies at home and abroad were defeated and Prussia won first rank as a military and political power. This idea of military discipline, united with large worldly sagacity in the management of state affairs, marks and explains Prussia’s rise to power.
But the decline was equally manifest under Fr: Wm. II, the Great Frederick’s nephew. Although he inherited a domain33 of six millions of people, banded under an excellent administrative34 system, sustained by the disciplined army of “Old Dessauer” (Prince Leopold), and although Fr: Wm. II found the huge sum of 40,000,000 thalers in his fighting uncle’s treasure chest, yet within a few years all these splendid advantages were frittered away in idle dalliance and the weak king found himself twenty millions in debt.
By the time he died, 1797, Prussia was riding to a fall; and disregarding plain measures for her own safety, she had reached the sad place where the sturdy old Prussian spirit of prudence35 and independence had become so compromised that Prussia almost deemed it unessential to preserve her own political life!
Thus, within three generations, Prussia repeated the old story of human life, wherein the weak descendant eats up the strong sire’s goods. Frederick the Great died Aug. 17th, 1786. Within three years, France struck at the German lands; and within 20 years the old Constitution of the Empire was scoffed36 at by encircling enemies along the frontiers, led by France, while at home political disputants destroyed National spirit by exciting revolution after revolution. “Everywhere,” says Zimmermann, (Germany, p. 1618), “one felt the morning breeze of the new dispensation.” The cry of the people had to be answered, and the common man wanted to know not only “Why!” but “When!”
For the ensuing 85 years clamor, disruption and disunion continue often accompanied by bloodshed; till through Bismarck’s[48] great work over which he toiled37 for 40-odd years, came the final answer of the Imperial democracy, 1871.
It is to be the labor of years with confusion worse confounded, as we go along. The Feudal38 system, with which Germany has been for centuries petrified39, must be thrown off; the peasant laborers40 freed in some sort, whether social or political, the absurd restrictions of countless41 customs houses walling-in each petty principality, must be destroyed. Before a new Germany may emerge, if Germany is to emerge at all, a National faith must be stimulated42, fighting blood stirred, wars waged. Then, and then only, may this idea of German Unity, long the puzzling mental preoccupation of the fathers, become a geographical actuality and a political fact.
The German peasants’ sense of respect for vested authority, even when held by hated kings, made the common people of the various German states almost ox-like in their patience under harsh political conditions.
Between the power of petty tyrants44 and of foreign despots, there was no freedom worthy45 of the name.
The German lived for himself, aloof46, suspicious, not caring particularly to change his condition.
Compromise after compromise, failure after failure, sorrow after sorrow must be recorded in the great story; but do not despair. In amazing manner, through blood and iron, Otto von Bismarck, our blond Pomeranian giant, will face, fight and finally conquer the bewildering cross-forces of his time—till “German national faith” is supreme.
Paying no attention to its neighbor, each German state stood off by itself; each princeling had his army, in some instances only 25 men; each ruler had his castle, in imitation of Versailles; each state its custom house, its distinct court and rural costumes.
To go ten miles north or south was to find yourself in a new world; you could scarcely understand the mush-talk of the peasants, whereas the various Liliputian courts chattered47 in mongrel French, aped from Versailles.
The minor courts of Germany imitated the excesses of Versailles;[49] had dancing teachers from Paris, French barbers, French governesses, and French prostitutes.
Every young man of wealth was sent to Paris to acquire what was called “bon ton,” that is to say, familiarity with the vices48 of the day; the etiquette49 of the fan and the study of new ways to spend money wrung50 from over-taxed peasants of German provinces was also regarded as very important.
Even to speak German was held a mark of vulgarity; and what more despicable than to be ashamed of one’s ancestry51?
Unmoved by the sufferings of the peasants, Augustus III of Saxony applied52 himself to grand operas, written by queens of French society. While the peasants were living like beasts, Frederick Augustus, the successor, spent his time hunting red deer. The dukes of Coburg and Hildburghausen were miserable53 bankrupts. As a result of social excesses, Charles VII of Bavaria left a debt of forty millions. Charles Theodore, in some respects an enlightened monarch54, is particularly remembered for three strange facts: That he once gave an opera in German and not in French; that he tried to sell off Bavaria, his inheritance, and move to a more congenial locality; and third, that he hired Rumford, the great chemist, to invent a soup, at low cost, to feed the poor, whose miseries55 had been growing on account of the bad government.
Nor should we overlook the monarch at Zweibrucken, the Pfalzgraf Charles. His mania56 took the form of collecting pipes and toys, of which he had innumerable specimens57 from the ends of the earth. He kept also one thousand five hundred horses and a thousand dogs and cats. Every traveler had to take off his hat and bow at sight of the spire58, on pain of being beaten by the Count’s constable59.
Charles Eugene, of Wuertemberg, slave to luxury, played pranks60 when he was not indulging in vices. He liked to alarm peasants at night with wild cries; and when a woman stuck her head out of the window, the monarch would throw a hoop61 and try to drag her outside. In a deep forest he built his castle “Solitude.”
On his 50th birthday, he wrote to his subjects, promising62 to mend his life; the letter was read in all the churches.[50] The people decided63 that he was in earnest, promised him more money, of which he was in sore need. His first step was to contract a left-handed marriage with Francisca von Bernedin, whom he raised to the rank of countess.
His next step was to build a queer bird-cage for his new mate. Menzel says of this episode: “Records of every clime and of every age were here collected. A Turkish mosque64 contrasted its splendid dome5 with the pillared Roman temple and the steepled Gothic church. The castled turret65 rose by the massive Roman tower; the low picturesque66 hut of the modern peasant stood beneath the shelter of the gigantesque remains67 of antiquity68; and imitations of the pyramids of Cestius, of the baths of Diocletian, a Roman senate-house and Roman dungeons69, met the astonished eye.”
Another amiable70 peculiarity71 of French-mongering German princelings in their petty monarchies72, was man-stealing. Hard-pressed for funds, the practice was to kidnap peasants and sell them into foreign military service. The vile73 trade was dignified74 by court authority; followers75 of the game were known as “man merchants.”
The Wuertemberg monarch in order to raise funds to complete the absurd castle for his mistress, took it into his head to sell 1,000 peasants to the Dutch, for the war in the Indies; and so deep lay the curse of tyranny that no public protest was raised. It is true that Schiller, the noble poet, who at this time was a student at Charles College, fled in disgust, but Schaubert, another poet, was not so fortunate; he was seized and imprisoned76 for ten years.
The vile practice of man-stealing from the wretched peasantry long continued as a monarchical77 privilege. The Landgrave Frederick of Hesse-Cassel, on one occasion sent 12,800 Hessians to the British, to fight in America. English commissioners78 came over and inspected the captive men as though picking out stock at a cattle show. Should a parent protest, a son, a wife or a widow, the answer was the lash79. Hanau furnished 1200 of these slave-soldiers, Waldeck several hundred. Seume, who was himself a victim to the system,[51] deported80 to America, tells us in his Memoirs81: “No one was safe; every means was resorted to, fraud, cunning, trickery, violence. Foreigners were thrown into prison, and sold.”
“There is a Hessian prince of high distinction,” says Huergelmer. “He has magnificent palaces, pheasant-preserves, at Wilhelmsbad, operas, mistresses, etc. These things cost money. He has, moreover, a hoard82 of debts, the result of the luxury of his sainted forefathers83. What does the prince do in this dilemmaHe seizes an unlucky fellow in the street, expends84 fifty dollars on his equipment, sends him out of the country, and gets a hundred dollars for him in exchange.”
Frederick of Bayreuth expended85 all his revenues in building a grand opera house, for giving balls, parties, receptions and official functions to aristocrats86. His successor Alexander fell under the sway of Lady Craven, a British adventuress, who led the peasants a merry chase for the cash; man-stealing was the old game; and one order alone from the British government called for 1,500 peasants.
But why continue the recital87 of man’s inhumanities?
Charles of Brunswick, a spendthrift, who sold subjects into captivity88, paid his ballet-master 30,000 a year. Frederick of Brunswick on one occasion sold 4,000 peasants to Britain, for the army.
The terrible famine of 1770-72 added to the discontent of the common man, throughout Germany; he began to feel that it was the duty of kings to feed the hungry; bark, grass, leaves, carrion89 were eaten; disease spread; emigrations depopulated the Rheinlands; 20,000 left Bavaria alone; while upwards90 of 180,000 Bavarians died of hunger; in Saxony, the number that starved to death is placed at 100,000. Other kingdoms suffered heavily.
In many of the provinces were laws to prevent immigration; those who tried to get Bavarians to leave the country were guilty of a crime, punishable by hanging. A similar punishment was exacted for marrying out of one’s native province.[52]
Also, the wretched condition of the roads added to the isolation91 of the various German provinces. Exacting92 customs’ duties, military espionages, a weak postal93 system, contributed to keep Germans unacquainted, except with near neighbors. He, indeed, was a bold man who had gone over the mountains or beyond his native valley. Even a journey of two days caused grave anxieties; the carriage was almost certain to be overturned in some deep rut and the travelers injured or killed; robbers lay in wait in the mountains; protection was almost unheard of; life and property were insecure; every traveler had to be his own policeman, and never issued forth94 on a journey without dagger95, pistol and sword.
Thus, 300 princelings, great or small, were determined96 to rule in their individual capacities; there was no Germany in fact, and that much of the German Empire that had outlived the gradual ruin of the old Holy Roman Empire, the great-ancestor of Germany, was now approaching complete dissolution.
The power lay no more in states, but in 300-odd local political bureaus, scattered97 everywhere, dominated often enough by an ambitious French prostitute, or by some lucky ballet-master.
Then, there was August of Saxony, who is said to have been the father of 300 children. This foolish fellow’s fetes cost thalers by the wagon-load; one set of Chinese porcelains98 ran into the millions, and it cost 6,000 thalers to gild99 the gondolas100 for a night in June, to say nothing of the fancy ball.
The Baden monarch, Charles William, built Carlsruhe in the deep forest, the better that his orgies be kept from prying101 eyes.
Eberhardt of Wuertemberg gave the whole conduct of his government over to women and Jews—and by the way the Jews were the only saving force. As for the Graevenitz woman, she was king in petticoats. She mortgaged crown lands and raised hell generally. One day in church she made a fuss about not being mentioned among royal rulers, and the pastor102 immediately replied: “Madam, we mention you[53] daily in our prayers when we say: ‘O Lord, deliver us from all evil!’” Once, in time of famine, Charles William scattered loaves of bread; the rabble103 maddened by hunger fought to the death for the dole104!
Also, there were Ernest of Hanover and Tony of Brunswick, two precious rascals105, with all their retinue106 of mistresses, mistresses’ maids, mothers, hangers-on, and pimps. Carl Magnus had his Grehweiler palace costing 180,000 guelden. He grew so desperate that the Emperor sent him to a fortress107 for ten years’ imprisonment108, for forging documents to raise the wind. Count Limburg-Styrum was a princeling whose army consisted of one colonel, six officers and two privates! Count William of Bueckeburg had a fort with 300 guns, defending a cabbage patch. Count Frederick of Salm-Kyrburg swindled the churches; and in tiny Schwarzburg-Sondershausen, only 15 miles square, was a royal palace of 350 rooms with clocks of all sizes, great and small, in each apartment. This count went mad over clocks, but was popular with the working class; often he would take a man off a job in order to laugh and joke.
Also, Frederick had original taste in military affairs; his army comprised 150 soldiers, with 28 guards on horseback. The prince prided himself on being a wrestler109, and one day when a yokel110 threw the prince, the prince set up a great cry, “I slipped on a cherry stone!”—and this regardless of the fact that it was not the time of the year for cherries.
There was another local ruler, Ludwig Guenther, who was fond of painting horses, and on his death 246-odd horse pictures adorned111 the walls of his palace.
“Show a German a door and tell him to go through, and he will try to break a hole in the wall.”
“Here, every one lives apart in his own narrow corner, with his own opinions; his wife and children round him; ever suspicious of the Government, as of his neighbor; judging everything from his personal point of view, and never from general grounds.”
“The sentiment of individualism and the necessity for contradiction are developed to an inconceivable degree in the German.[54]”
The problem of directing this intense individualism is the problem of German unity.
With rough manners, blunders, extravagances, absurdities112, the hereditary113 princes continued to sponge on the peasants, generation after generation, till wretchedness spread far over the German lands. They had their chateaux, their dancing girls, their dogs, horses, cats, mistresses and their royal armies.
The misery114 of centuries of oppression existed; petty monarchs115 exercised powers of life and death.
The South German mocked the North German’s pronunciation. One set vowed116 that the “g” in “goose” is hard, the other proclaimed that the “g” is soft. One side went about mumbling117 with hard “g’s,” “A well-baked goose is a gracious gift of God,” whereupon the other side replied that all the “g’s” are “j’s,” that the “gute ganz” is really “jute janz,” and “Gottes” “Jottes.” And duels118 were fought over it.
Nor was this all. An intense local pride expressed itself in grotesque119 dialects, unsoftened by intercourse120 with the outer world; also, there were outlandish fashions in dress and other domestic affairs.
In Brunswick the women wore green aprons121, curious black caps, the men buff coats, red vests with four rows of buttons, caps with crazy pompons, buckled122 slippers123 and gay ribbon garters.
In lower Saxony the women wore flat straw hats, like a dinner plate, hair plastered down, head-dresses of gigantic black ribbons, aprons of gay stripes, and ten petticoats coming only a little below the knee. The men wore farce-comedy costumes, not unlike coachmen.
In Pomerania-Rugen the women admired scarlet124 petticoats, knee-length, capes125 like turko-rugs, black veils, green garters and blue stockings. The men wore aprons like butchers, caps and long-tailed coats.
The Hessian women preferred turbans of red, vestees of gay stuffs, blue, green or yellow knee-length skirts.
[55]
The Baden men folk liked reds, greens and yellows, vests adorned with many ribbons, top boots, high white collars and funny-looking black coats. The women had their green aprons, puffed126 sleeves, and ten short petticoats.
In East Prussia men wore double and triple vests. As for the women, they looked like animals in the zoo.
In Wuertemberg, a typical landlord wore a blue peajacket with two rows of large silver buttons, two vests of high contrasting colors, a black sash, salmon-colored trousers, polished boots;—and carried a meerschaum pipe.
In Bavaria one saw green vests, yodlers’ hats with tiny feathers, green leggings, or military boots; and among the women gay vestees, bright shawls and white kerchiefs.
Thus, the dead-weight of centuries still lay like a mountain on the various German states.
This dead-weight of olden times kept the German states bickering127 among themselves.
For long years past, the people were divided by political brawls128, altercations129, affrays, squabbles, feuds, often with the loss of life. The general disposition130 was choleric131, pugnacious132, litigious.
There was bad blood over principles and procedure, policies and plans.
To transform aloofness133 to neighborliness, tumult134 to conciliation135, quarreling to friendliness136, hostility137 to good will, dissent138 must give way to assent139, distrust to faith, denial to admission, misgiving140 to conviction, political atheism141 to political revelation.
Such are some of the peculiarities142 of the human animal; and in political life human animals are prone143 to fight for self-interest, like dogs over a bone.
We are not going to try to tell you of the many efforts by rash reformers, in the half-century of the dead-weight, leading to the rise of Prussia.
Again and again, far-sighted Germans, sick unto death at the way things were going, urged equality for all men before[56] the law, equal taxation144, restriction12 of the power of the nobles.
Strange as it may seem, the peasants themselves stood in the way. They did not care to change their condition, miserable as it was. They dreaded145 the future, preferred present miseries than to risk new ills. For example, on one occasion, a certain political idealist excited the peasants in revolt, assassinated146 120 nobles, destroyed 264 castles. This was in the time of Joseph II, of Austria, the ruler filled with amazing ideas of equality. The peasants themselves were the first to protest, much as they detested147 the nobles; and the unsupported leaders died on the wheel, while 150 miserable followers were buried alive.
And yet, at that very moment, the idealistic Joseph, who with an excess of zeal148, tried for political equality, made enemies of his nobles, enemies of his peasants, likewise. The great reformer was held a fanatic149, intent on destroying government. Too far ahead of his time, his plans for political semi-equality failed.
This monarch, thinking to make a lesson, had swindling nobles placed in the stocks, like common thieves.
Joseph was one of the first great democrats150, in the modern sense. To him, the cause of the common man was sacred. He believed in genuine equality, but alas151, he did not know how to bring about the political Millennium152.
He threw open the parks to the people; he proclaimed free speech and free thought; he abolished serfdom; he labored153 to construct a state-machine with one system of justice and one National plan.
Joseph, though overbrimming with emotions for the common man’s political salvation154, failed to allow for the ignorance of his people, their stubborn avowal155 of local self-interests.
And it fell out that his people thought that Joseph was trying to enslave them the more; ingratitude156 and misapprehensions followed, destroying the liberal reformer’s most cherished plans for his beloved Austria-Germany.
The word was passed alone that Joseph was a tyrant43. You see, as frequently happens, the people preferred old abuses[57] to new ways. The general population hugged their chains and refused to be delivered.
This singular belief in the past, rather than in the future, is indeed a human weakness and has checked and restrained the rise of intellectual freedom since the world began.
It might all have been a good lesson to republicans, but the nobility assumed a threatening attitude and the peasants did not understand a monarch like Joseph.
Their idea of a king was a man going upstairs on horseback and eating spiders. A king must have powers of life and death and bags of gold. A citizen king was absurd.
The peasantry, on whom Joseph had endeavored to bestow157 many large democratic privileges, rose against him. He died Feb. 20, 1790, “a century too early,” says Jellenz, and as Remer adds, “misunderstood by a people unworthy of such a sovereign.”
Germany, in the sad period between 1750 and 1806 had long been a European political jest; these are hard words, but it is the language of truth.
She had sunk so low that she saw no degradation158 in going off to fight French or British wars, while at home remaining a mere political nonentity159.
She had sunk so low, under French influences, and through her own lack of self-control, that she forgot her great ancestors and her noble traditions.
She had sunk so low that her very children were brought up to despise the language of the Fatherland; the children scoffing160 at the parents, aped foreign ways rather than support German originality161, strength and national genius; young men coming of age preferred to leave the land of their birth, mocked the simple German virtues162, and occupied themselves in idle dalliance in Paris, or failing in this, set up imitations of French courts in the petty German monarchies.
Thus, finally Germany became insensible, indifferent and debased by stupid and selfish ideals from beyond the Vosges; till at last Germany became, literally163, a land without a people, a people without a land.[58]
Worse still, the time came when, under these false teachings, a sense of shame no longer lived, to arouse great national interests and to recall degenerate164 sons to their solemn duties to their Fatherland.
Hundreds of noble Germans, at one time or another, during these dark years, tried in vain by voice or pen to restore national consciousness, but failed. The problem of German liberty seemed incapable165 of solution; and as for the still larger problem of German unity—that became a mere dream.
We glorify166 here and now, the genius and the manhood of Bismarck as the one man who had the strength of purpose to recall to Germans the heroic tale of a free and united Fatherland.
It took him thirty years or more, through well-nigh superhuman striving; he preached, he cursed, he vilified167, he used the iron rod.
He would have absolutely nothing to do with the political ideas from over the Vosges; he knew too well the curse of olden times, and his one great central emotion was to end that condition—as he hoped forever.
You are to read of the battles of a giant, filled with immense compassion168 for the follies169 and weaknesses of his misled countrymen, filled, too, with fanatical zeal to punish, that good might come of it at last.
Bismarck used the strong military arm, the hell fires and the lightnings.
His nature scorned any further mere palliation of the weaknesses of human nature. Like all supermen, Bismarck struck straight from the shoulder; in turn to be misunderstood, cursed and reviled170 by the very people he would serve; but in the end aroused German manhood to a just comprehension of the power and dignity of a free and united Fatherland.
For upwards of 100 years before Bismarck’s great hour, the French had been accustomed to exploit Germany. To fill the pocketbook, to provide soldiers for wars, or to afford opportunities for buccaneering expeditions, were all the same.[59]
We do not say this to bring up any “moral” issue, but we make the statement merely as one uses the word dung or manure171.
That is to say, certain historical facts stink172 to heaven.
Annexations173, concessions174, raids, riots at the hands of the French conspired175 to keep Germany disunited, belligerent176 and mutinous177; and as the years passed Germany, to a large extent, seduced178 by French ways, lost a sense of her dignity. France had looked to Germany to furnish allies to help fight Prussia, Austria or England; then England turned the trick against France. It is discouraging to add that even the great Goethe was so seduced by the glamour179 of Napoleon’s genius that he wrote these strange words in praise of the French tyrant:
Doubts that have baffled thousands, he has solved: Ideas o’er which centuries have brooded, His giant mind intuitively compressed.
Thus, you have before you this spectacle: Germany’s greatest poetical180 genius forgets the sad reality of his broken, dispirited and disrupted country and leaves her to her wretched fate; passing his time as a sentimental181 voluptuary in the splendor182 of the Weimar court, where he concerns himself with such works as “Elective Affinities,” a frank endorsement183 of adultery.
On the other side, the noble Schiller, poet of the people, recalled to his fellow countrymen the faded glory of Germany. “Schiller stands forth,” says Menzel, “as the champion of liberty, justice and his country.”
In a word, it took Germany 100 years to learn by suffering that if she is ever to regain184 her fallen prestige as a nation, she must fight her enemies at home and abroad; she must restore the military ideal of ancient times. And here, in a nutshell, is the very root of all this cry about militarism: The man who will not fight for what he regards as his political rights, remains a slave his whole life long; for it is the essential nature of man to exercise tyrannous power over human lives, whenever such practice holds out promise of advantage.[60]
Therefore, Bismarck again trained Germany to be a fighting nation; and if an ideal of a free and united people is no justification185, then words have no meaning.
15
The French peasant’s son, returning from the wars brings his wife a diamond necklace.
The cross-angles of politics, for years, lead as far as one cares to go, in this German family fight. Each petty state has its intrigues186 and its grievances187; you become befuddled188; it is all weariness of the flesh.
However, behind all the political jargon189, mighty190 forces are taking form; and little by little, certain outstanding facts come to view, involving every king, knight191, bishop6, prince and pauper192 on the German map, from the North Sea to the Black Sea.
After 1789, the German was down with that new disease, French constitutionalism; liberty, fraternity and equality. No human being knew exactly what it meant. It was a political fever that had to be gone through with; and blood-letting was the only cure.
Monarchs seemingly secure on their thrones from the days of old, now shivered like ghosts as the mobs marched the streets of Vienna and Berlin, waiving193 new flags and crying “Liberty!”
The word “liberty” went to the crook-backed German peasant’s brain like wine; he grew mad with the idea of an impossible world, in which he could decree as he desired and all would bow to him, though he in return would bow to nobody; in short, liberty for him, but death to the others; and were it possible to confiscate194 the property of the princes and redistribute the loot among the peasants, so much the better.
Before we go into this thing, let us remember that as the French armies marched over Europe, the doom195 of kings had been cracking and rumbling196.
The soldiers carried everywhere the idea of French equality, that is to say, to the popular mind an opportunity to share[61] the loot. Napoleon himself, reflecting on his own career and on the follies of the French revolution, said: “Let us now turn ourselves to something practical; the bombastic197 ideas of the Revolution have exhausted198 themselves in grotesque efforts at self-government. All the Revolution means is an opportunity for a man of talents to show what he can do.”
And the French soldiers, returning from the wars, brought their wives and daughters gold rings, bracelets199 and diamond necklaces, the loot of the capitals of Europe.
As for Napoleon, he, of course, took the lion’s share; but a diamond necklace to a soldier’s wife is indeed a powerful argument on the importance of the new democratic era, in which peasants’ sons wear gold lace and their womankind ride in carriages.
Also, many of the generals of France were sons of peasants; and an account of Napoleon’s marshals would show the humble200 origin of men of the hour, sons of soap boilers201, tavern202 keepers, stable-bosses.
One may imagine the result of such surprising overturnings of caste, in old-world conditions. Henceforth the peasants of all lands will naturally regard their respective kings as so many dogs, to be shot to death at the first splendid opportunity! And Germany is no exception.
Forward march, ye sons of the soil, there are stormy days ahead for you, through your “new” ideas.
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geographical
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unity
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dome
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bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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7
minor
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| adj.较小(少)的，较次要的；n.辅修学科；vi.辅修 | |
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8
borough
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| n.享有自治权的市镇；(英)自治市镇 | |
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9
distressing
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| a.使人痛苦的 | |
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10
feuds
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| n.长期不和，世仇( feud的名词复数 ) | |
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restrictions
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| 约束( restriction的名词复数 )； 管制； 制约因素； 带限制性的条件（或规则） | |
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12
restriction
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| n.限制，约束 | |
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13
statute
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| n.成文法，法令，法规；章程，规则，条例 | |
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labor
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| n.劳动，努力，工作，劳工；分娩；vi.劳动，努力，苦干；vt.详细分析；麻烦 | |
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15
penal
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| adj.刑罚的；刑法上的 | |
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16
persecution
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| n. 迫害,烦扰 | |
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17
brotherhood
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| n.兄弟般的关系，手中情谊 | |
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18
supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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19
transformations
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| n.变化( transformation的名词复数 )；转换；转换；变换 | |
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20
doctrine
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| n.教义；主义；学说 | |
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21
hoary
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| adj.古老的；鬓发斑白的 | |
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22
foes
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| 敌人，仇敌( foe的名词复数 ) | |
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23
foe
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| n.敌人，仇敌 | |
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24
conserves
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| n.（含有大块或整块水果的）果酱，蜜饯( conserve的名词复数 )v.保护，保藏，保存( conserve的第三人称单数 ) | |
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25
miser
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| n.守财奴，吝啬鬼 (adj.miserly) | |
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26
scoffer
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| 嘲笑者 | |
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27
compulsory
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| n.强制的，必修的；规定的，义务的 | |
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28
mightily
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| ad.强烈地；非常地 | |
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29
economized
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| v.节省，减少开支( economize的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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30
prudent
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| adj.谨慎的，有远见的，精打细算的 | |
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31
cane
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| n.手杖，细长的茎，藤条；v.以杖击，以藤编制的 | |
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32
allied
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| adj.协约国的；同盟国的 | |
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33
domain
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| n.(活动等)领域，范围；领地，势力范围 | |
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34
administrative
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| adj.行政的，管理的 | |
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35
prudence
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| n.谨慎，精明，节俭 | |
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36
scoffed
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| 嘲笑，嘲弄( scoff的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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37
toiled
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| 长时间或辛苦地工作( toil的过去式和过去分词 )； 艰难缓慢地移动，跋涉 | |
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38
feudal
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| adj.封建的，封地的，领地的 | |
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39
petrified
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|
| adj.惊呆的；目瞪口呆的v.使吓呆，使惊呆；变僵硬；使石化(petrify的过去式和过去分词) | |
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40
laborers
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| n.体力劳动者，工人( laborer的名词复数 )；（熟练工人的）辅助工 | |
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41
countless
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| adj.无数的，多得不计其数的 | |
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42
stimulated
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| a.刺激的 | |
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43
tyrant
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| n.暴君，专制的君主，残暴的人 | |
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44
tyrants
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| 专制统治者( tyrant的名词复数 )； 暴君似的人； （古希腊的）僭主； 严酷的事物 | |
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45
worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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46
aloof
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| adj.远离的；冷淡的，漠不关心的 | |
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47
chattered
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| （人）喋喋不休( chatter的过去式 )； 唠叨； （牙齿）打战； （机器）震颤 | |
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48
vices
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| 缺陷( vice的名词复数 )； 恶习； 不道德行为； 台钳 | |
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49
etiquette
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| n.礼仪，礼节；规矩 | |
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50
wrung
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| 绞( wring的过去式和过去分词 )； 握紧（尤指别人的手）； 把（湿衣服）拧干； 绞掉（水） | |
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51
ancestry
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| n.祖先，家世 | |
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52
applied
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| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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53
miserable
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| adj.悲惨的，痛苦的；可怜的，糟糕的 | |
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54
monarch
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| n.帝王，君主，最高统治者 | |
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55
miseries
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| n.痛苦( misery的名词复数 )；痛苦的事；穷困；常发牢骚的人 | |
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56
mania
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| n.疯狂；躁狂症，狂热，癖好 | |
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57
specimens
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| n.样品( specimen的名词复数 )；范例；（化验的）抽样；某种类型的人 | |
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58
spire
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| n.(教堂)尖顶，尖塔，高点 | |
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59
constable
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| n.(英国)警察，警官 | |
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60
pranks
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| n.玩笑，恶作剧( prank的名词复数 ) | |
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61
hoop
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| n.（篮球）篮圈，篮 | |
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62
promising
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| adj.有希望的，有前途的 | |
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63
decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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64
mosque
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| n.清真寺 | |
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65
turret
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| n.塔楼，角塔 | |
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66
picturesque
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| adj.美丽如画的，（语言）生动的，绘声绘色的 | |
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67
remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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68
antiquity
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| n.古老；高龄；古物，古迹 | |
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69
dungeons
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| n.地牢( dungeon的名词复数 ) | |
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70
amiable
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| adj.和蔼可亲的，友善的，亲切的 | |
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71
peculiarity
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| n.独特性，特色；特殊的东西；怪癖 | |
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72
monarchies
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| n. 君主政体, 君主国, 君主政治 | |
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73
vile
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| adj.卑鄙的，可耻的，邪恶的；坏透的 | |
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74
dignified
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| a.可敬的，高贵的 | |
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75
followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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76
imprisoned
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| 下狱，监禁( imprison的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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77
monarchical
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| adj. 国王的，帝王的，君主的，拥护君主制的 =monarchic | |
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78
commissioners
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| n.专员( commissioner的名词复数 )；长官；委员；政府部门的长官 | |
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79
lash
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| v.系牢；鞭打；猛烈抨击；n.鞭打；眼睫毛 | |
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80
deported
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| v.将…驱逐出境( deport的过去式和过去分词 )；举止 | |
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81
memoirs
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| n.回忆录；回忆录传( mem,自oir的名词复数) | |
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82
hoard
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| n./v.窖藏，贮存，囤积 | |
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83
forefathers
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| n.祖先，先人；祖先，祖宗( forefather的名词复数 )；列祖列宗；前人 | |
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84
expends
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| v.花费( expend的第三人称单数 )；使用（钱等）做某事；用光；耗尽 | |
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85
expended
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| v.花费( expend的过去式和过去分词 )；使用（钱等）做某事；用光；耗尽 | |
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86
aristocrats
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| n.贵族( aristocrat的名词复数 ) | |
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87
recital
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| n.朗诵，独奏会，独唱会 | |
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88
captivity
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| n.囚禁；被俘；束缚 | |
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89
carrion
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| n.腐肉 | |
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90
upwards
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| adv.向上，在更高处...以上 | |
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91
isolation
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| n.隔离，孤立，分解，分离 | |
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92
exacting
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| adj.苛求的，要求严格的 | |
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93
postal
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| adj.邮政的，邮局的 | |
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94
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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95
dagger
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| n.匕首，短剑，剑号 | |
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96
determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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97
scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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98
porcelains
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| n.瓷，瓷器( porcelain的名词复数 ) | |
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99
gild
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| vt.给…镀金，把…漆成金色，使呈金色 | |
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100
gondolas
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| n.狭长小船( gondola的名词复数 )；货架（一般指商店，例如化妆品店）；吊船工作台 | |
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101
prying
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| adj.爱打听的v.打听，刺探（他人的私事）( pry的现在分词 )；撬开 | |
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102
pastor
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| n.牧师，牧人 | |
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103
rabble
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| n.乌合之众，暴民；下等人 | |
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104
dole
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| n.救济，（失业）救济金；vt.（out）发放，发给 | |
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105
rascals
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| 流氓( rascal的名词复数 )； 无赖； （开玩笑说法）淘气的人（尤指小孩）； 恶作剧的人 | |
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106
retinue
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| n.侍从；随员 | |
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107
fortress
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| n.堡垒，防御工事 | |
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108
imprisonment
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| n.关押，监禁，坐牢 | |
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109
wrestler
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| n.摔角选手，扭 | |
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110
yokel
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| n.乡下人；农夫 | |
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111
adorned
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| [计]被修饰的 | |
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112
absurdities
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| n.极端无理性( absurdity的名词复数 )；荒谬；谬论；荒谬的行为 | |
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113
hereditary
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| adj.遗传的，遗传性的，可继承的，世袭的 | |
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114
misery
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| n.痛苦，苦恼，苦难；悲惨的境遇，贫苦 | |
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115
monarchs
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| 君主，帝王( monarch的名词复数 ) | |
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116
vowed
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| 起誓，发誓（vow的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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117
mumbling
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| 含糊地说某事，叽咕，咕哝( mumble的现在分词 ) | |
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118
duels
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| n.两男子的决斗( duel的名词复数 )；竞争，斗争 | |
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119
grotesque
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| adj.怪诞的，丑陋的；n.怪诞的图案，怪人（物） | |
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120
intercourse
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| n.性交；交流，交往，交际 | |
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121
aprons
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| 围裙( apron的名词复数 )； 停机坪，台口（舞台幕前的部份） | |
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122
buckled
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| a. 有带扣的 | |
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123
slippers
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| n. 拖鞋 | |
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124
scarlet
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| n.深红色，绯红色，红衣；adj.绯红色的 | |
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125
capes
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| 碎谷； 斗篷( cape的名词复数 )； 披肩； 海角； 岬 | |
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126
puffed
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| adj.疏松的v.使喷出( puff的过去式和过去分词 )；喷着汽（或烟）移动；吹嘘；吹捧 | |
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127
bickering
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| v.争吵( bicker的现在分词 )；口角；（水等）作潺潺声；闪烁 | |
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128
brawls
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| 吵架，打架( brawl的名词复数 ) | |
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129
altercations
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| n.争辩，争吵( altercation的名词复数 ) | |
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130
disposition
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| n.性情，性格；意向，倾向；排列，部署 | |
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131
choleric
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| adj.易怒的，性情暴躁的 | |
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132
pugnacious
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| adj.好斗的 | |
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133
aloofness
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| 超然态度 | |
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134
tumult
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| n.喧哗；激动，混乱；吵闹 | |
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135
conciliation
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| n.调解，调停 | |
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136
friendliness
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| n.友谊，亲切，亲密 | |
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137
hostility
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| n.敌对，敌意；抵制［pl.］交战，战争 | |
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138
dissent
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| n./v.不同意，持异议 | |
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139
assent
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| v.批准，认可；n.批准，认可 | |
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140
misgiving
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| n.疑虑，担忧，害怕 | |
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141
atheism
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| n.无神论，不信神 | |
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142
peculiarities
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| n. 特质, 特性, 怪癖, 古怪 | |
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143
prone
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| adj.(to)易于…的，很可能…的；俯卧的 | |
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144
taxation
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| n.征税，税收，税金 | |
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145
dreaded
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| adj.令人畏惧的；害怕的v.害怕，恐惧，担心( dread的过去式和过去分词) | |
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146
assassinated
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| v.暗杀( assassinate的过去式和过去分词 )；中伤；诋毁；破坏 | |
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147
detested
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| v.憎恶，嫌恶，痛恨( detest的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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148
zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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149
fanatic
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| n.狂热者，入迷者；adj.狂热入迷的 | |
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150
democrats
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| n.民主主义者，民主人士( democrat的名词复数 ) | |
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151
alas
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| int.唉(表示悲伤、忧愁、恐惧等) | |
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152
millennium
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| n.一千年，千禧年；太平盛世 | |
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153
labored
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| adj.吃力的，谨慎的v.努力争取(for)( labor的过去式和过去分词 )；苦干；详细分析；（指引擎）缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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154
salvation
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| n.（尤指基督）救世，超度，拯救，解困 | |
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155
avowal
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| n.公开宣称，坦白承认 | |
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156
ingratitude
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| n.忘恩负义 | |
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157
bestow
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| v.把…赠与，把…授予；花费 | |
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158
degradation
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| n.降级；低落；退化；陵削；降解；衰变 | |
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159
nonentity
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| n.无足轻重的人 | |
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160
scoffing
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| n. 嘲笑, 笑柄, 愚弄 v. 嘲笑, 嘲弄, 愚弄, 狼吞虎咽 | |
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161
originality
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| n.创造力，独创性；新颖 | |
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162
virtues
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| 美德( virtue的名词复数 )； 德行； 优点； 长处 | |
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163
literally
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| adv.照字面意义，逐字地；确实 | |
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164
degenerate
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| v.退步，堕落；adj.退步的，堕落的；n.堕落者 | |
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165
incapable
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| adj.无能力的，不能做某事的 | |
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166
glorify
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| vt.颂扬，赞美，使增光，美化 | |
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167
vilified
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| v.中伤，诽谤( vilify的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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168
compassion
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| n.同情，怜悯 | |
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169
follies
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| 罪恶，时事讽刺剧； 愚蠢，蠢笨，愚蠢的行为、思想或做法( folly的名词复数 ) | |
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170
reviled
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| v.辱骂，痛斥( revile的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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171
manure
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| n.粪，肥，肥粒；vt.施肥 | |
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172
stink
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| vi.发出恶臭；糟透，招人厌恶；n.恶臭 | |
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173
annexations
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| n.并吞，附加，附加物( annexation的名词复数 ) | |
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174
concessions
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| n.（尤指由政府或雇主给予的）特许权( concession的名词复数 )；承认；减价；（在某地的）特许经营权 | |
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175
conspired
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| 密谋( conspire的过去式和过去分词 )； 搞阴谋； （事件等）巧合； 共同导致 | |
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176
belligerent
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| adj.好战的，挑起战争的；n.交战国，交战者 | |
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177
mutinous
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| adj.叛变的，反抗的；adv.反抗地，叛变地；n.反抗，叛变 | |
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178
seduced
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| 诱奸( seduce的过去式和过去分词 )； 勾引； 诱使堕落； 使入迷 | |
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179
glamour
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| n.魔力，魅力；vt.迷住 | |
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180
poetical
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| adj.似诗人的；诗一般的；韵文的；富有诗意的 | |
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181
sentimental
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| adj.多愁善感的，感伤的 | |
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182
splendor
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| n.光彩；壮丽，华丽；显赫，辉煌 | |
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183
endorsement
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| n.背书；赞成，认可，担保；签(注)，批注 | |
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184
regain
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| vt.重新获得，收复，恢复 | |
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185
justification
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| n.正当的理由；辩解的理由 | |
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186
intrigues
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| n.密谋策划( intrigue的名词复数 )；神秘气氛；引人入胜的复杂情节v.搞阴谋诡计( intrigue的第三人称单数 )；激起…的好奇心 | |
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187
grievances
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| n.委屈( grievance的名词复数 )；苦衷；不满；牢骚 | |
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188
befuddled
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| adj.迷糊的，糊涂的v.使烂醉( befuddle的过去式和过去分词 )；使迷惑不解 | |
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189
jargon
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| n.术语，行话 | |
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190
mighty
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| adj.强有力的；巨大的 | |
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191
knight
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| n.骑士，武士；爵士 | |
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192
pauper
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| n.贫民，被救济者，穷人 | |
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193
waiving
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| v.宣布放弃( waive的现在分词 )；搁置；推迟；放弃（权利、要求等） | |
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194
confiscate
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| v.没收(私人财产)，把…充公 | |
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195
doom
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| n.厄运，劫数；v.注定，命定 | |
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196
rumbling
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| n. 隆隆声, 辘辘声 adj. 隆隆响的 动词rumble的现在分词 | |
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197
bombastic
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| adj.夸夸其谈的，言过其实的 | |
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198
exhausted
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| adj.极其疲惫的，精疲力尽的 | |
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199
bracelets
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| n.手镯，臂镯( bracelet的名词复数 ) | |
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200
humble
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| adj.谦卑的，恭顺的；地位低下的；v.降低，贬低 | |
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201
boilers
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| 锅炉，烧水器，水壶( boiler的名词复数 ) | |
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202
tavern
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| n.小旅馆，客栈；小酒店 | |
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