The voice in the Wilderness1 proclaims the God-given glory of Kings, vicegerents of Christ on this earth.
The French Revolution brought to Paris adventurers and patriots2 from every part of Europe. Among these was a young Corsican who, with his mother and sisters, had been driven out of his native island. This man, Napoleon Bonaparte, was in the course of a few years to become Emperor of France and Master of Europe.
There is a classical picture of young Napoleon, at the time of the early riots in Paris.
Standing3 on a curbstone, to one side, he watches the passing of liberty-crazed mobs, armed with pikes—the self-same common people on whose shoulders Napoleon himself was later to ride into amazing power.
Thus, likewise, in another time of political crisis, (1847-48) men were flocking to Berlin to debate anew the well-worn theme, “The Rights of Man.”
Quietly looking on was another man of destiny, Otto von Bismarck, burly dyke5-captain of the Elbe, up to that time a farmer on his ancestral estates in Pomerania. What this young blond giant saw before him was somewhat of this extraordinary order:
The universal theme was once more “Liberty,” and the din4 not only in Berlin but throughout German states, was ear-splitting. Of course, there were patriots who stood on broad National grounds, but the purely6 personal point of view was still very much in evidence.[84]
Every man had his say, often accompanied by brandishing7 of fists or the laying on of canes8; all dignified9 by the name “patriotism10,” but in truth it exhibited the old struggle of human nature for supremacy11.
The masses were fighting to unseat kings, whose dogma of “Divine-right” had by the French Revolution been shown to be only insidious12 political quackery13, in the past sustained largely by the sword. The common people were wrestling to grasp this monarchic15 sword away, and here and there had already seized the hilt or the blade—it mattered not which!—and the dynasties of Hohenzollern, Hapsburg, Wittelsbach, and all the lesser16 swarm17, were suddenly put on the defensive18. Hotly pursued sovereigns kept their heads only by some concession19 to popular fury; again, by flight. The people were intoxicated20 with the wine of their newly found power!
And what would they do with their new bauble21, liberty, fraternity and equalityThe centre of the stage was occupied by a struggling mass of kings, fighting not only for their crowns but for the very clothes on their backs! There were poets in fine frenzy22 declaiming; grenadiers firing muzzle-loaders; priests invoking23 the wrath24 of God; kings shouting out that they were the only accredited25 earthly representatives of Heaven; historians hotly insisting that all were in error, and that the scroll26 showed this or that; law-givers pleading for the old forms; lunatics laughing in demoniacal glee; peasants armed with pitchforks jabbing right and left; demagogues calling on Heaven to witness their lofty and disinterested27 leadership; while around the edges of the scene mountebanks, camp-followers28, renegades, whores and political blacklegs, were waiting for their share of the plunder29, let victory fall where it may.
What a magnificent scramble30 for place, pelf32 and power! It were blasphemy33 to call this riot the desire for progress for the masses. It were equal blasphemy to call it stupidity and reaction, on the part of the contending monarchs34, as against crushing with iron heel the hopes of the people for political and intellectual life. Either one of these diagonally opposed[85] interpretations35 of the time is too extreme. The truth is in neither view. As a matter of fact, behind the seething36 mass of human forms was the age-old motive37 of human selfishness; and while here and there some lofty soul may have glimpsed in his fervid38 imagination a United Germany, based on a “German national faith,” in which the rights of each citizen should be no more or no less than the rights of all others, with each man working for all men and all men for each man, this poetical39 idea was only another evidence of how the noblest minds place the illusion and the dream before the appalling40 fact of human selfishness in the universal struggle for personal aggrandizement41.
The merging42 of the various German states, or the transference of land from one German monarch14 to another, in the ensuing political struggle for power, is, after all, as nothing compared with the change in ideas, now close at hand; what may be called the “mind” of Germany was about to undergo a veritable French Revolution! However, it was not to be a French Revolution in the sense of mob-rule. We shall make this clear as we come more especially to tell you, in details, of a certain political millennium43 which Bismarck scorned, although courageously44 pressed upon him by leaders of the party of the people.
On the whole, however, the drift of events was toward “German national faith,” bringing in turn some form of representative government, as against the doctrine45 of Divine-right of kings. The monarchs were placed more and more on the defensive; it was to be their last stand, not only for their crowns but for their very lives!
And now face to face with the gigantic problem of a United Germany, again we study our last hope of kings—our Prussian Strafford von Bismarck. In some respects he is the historical foil of Strafford of Charles I, whose money-needs compelled the calling of the Long Parliament; and the help Strafford had given to the king in ruling without a parliament had mortally offended the Commons; Strafford was[86] declared guilty of high treason—and despite Charles’ efforts, Strafford went to the block!
Will Bismarck come to a similar end on the scaffold of the Prussian liberals?
We see before us a giant in form and in mental strength; a monster of will-power, with the iron ambition to compel men to do his individual bidding; a political superman.
He had spent his time more with cattle, horses and dogs than he had with men.
His spirit was high, untrammelled, rebellious46. He ironically despised the common people; the burden-bearers in all forms of government were in this giant’s opinion not good enough to sit beside kings.
Morose47, obstinate48, self-opinionated, with an enormous capacity for liquor, Bismarck was an intellectual as well as physical glutton49.
Most of all, this strange man, half-beast, half-seer, was to turn out to be the very voice of the old decaying kingcraft. He had an immovable belief in the Feudal50 right of royalty51 to rule over its subjects as it pleased; and by his amazing power of intrigue52 supported by supreme53 abilities exercised during the ensuing thirty years, Bismarck at last rose to a height that overshadowed the monarchs whom he served—and ruled!
We wish to emphasize, again, that Bismarck’s conception of kingcraft was no mere54 despotic thing. To him, a king was truly a man of great practical as well as moral responsibilities, akin55 to father, hence should be obeyed.
24
Our young blond giant appears at Third Estates’ Assembly—The King’s predicament—Bismarck’s opportunity.
Behold56 Otto Edward Leopold von Bismarck, the country squire57, straight from his cow-sheds and his hunting dogs; a young blond German giant, 32 years old, in the very prime[87] of his massive strength and endurance; plentiful58 hair cropped short, ruddy face, blond beard, bright blue eyes, big fists; high, shrill59 voice, strangely out of keeping with his physical bulk. For years afterward60, this peculiar61 voice became the stock in trade of newspaper writers. However, it was what the giant said!
Bismarck wore a broad-brimmed slouch hat, military boots and his dykeman’s overcoat. This rough, yellow-colored garment, for which he afterwards became famous, was long, baggy62 and loose. He used to wear it when floods were high along the River Elbe. In Berlin, at the time were only three notables who wore these yellow overcoats: the first, Bismarck; the second, the immortal63 Baron64 von Herteford, the last of his race, hereditary65 grand huntsman at Cleve, and the third was worn by Geo. Hesekiel, the German historian.
Bismarck, who was now to receive his first experience in handling men in political alignments66, had inherited a country estate from the old family domains67 and was living the life of a squire; hunting foxes, with dogs and gay companions, passing nights in taverns68, drinking heavily, eating like a glutton, amusing himself as he pleased; a giant in intellect and in stomach; turbulent, tempestuous69, rough, a bad man to cross, believe me, but among his cronies voted a prince of good fellows. Such is our German hero as he comes upon the great stage of affairs.
When this burly Bismarck made his first entrance at the Diet, or Assembly of the Three Estates, held in the “White Saloon” of the Royal Palace at Coelin on the Spree, our future empire-maker and throne-overturner knew by practical experience absolutely nothing about the diagonal of political cross-purposes.
However, he was now taking up his great life-study, entering all unknowingly upon a magnificent career leading in after years to his fair renown70 as Father of the German Empire.
He had, as we have seen, thus far passed the time as a practical farmer; hale fellow well met, with upper-class leanings.[88]
After taking his doctor’s degree at Goettingen, he had made a few journeys, one to Italy, another to the island of Heligoland, on a shooting trip; had crossed the English Channel, and had brought back with him a smattering of Shakespeare, which he afterwards improved by considerable study; and by the way throughout the crises in his career, Bismarck often found refuge in apt Shakespearian quotations71.
Then he had done a little governmental clerical work in the lower courts of his country, but his peculiar ideas of independence and his abruptness72 in speaking his mind unfitted him for this work. Glad to be rid of his job, he returned to the country. He knew nothing of administrative73 or executive life, and aside from the fact that he was a student of history, with a penchant74 for making historical parallels, there was nothing to show the bent75 of his powerful mind.
Yet, there is a great man before us! And since it is not based on his training, then it must come inherently from his natural endowment.
His master-mind was to unseat and seat princes, kings and emperors, in the fullness of time, rearranging the map of Germany to suit himself; engaging in three wars of ambition, signally victorious76 in each; and winning for himself imperishable fame during his active career of forty years.
By a singular turn, Bismarck knew or cared so little for politics, at this time, that his very entry into the “White Saloon,” in which the Liberals decided77 to settle with this stubborn King Fr: Wm. IV, was wholly by accident.
The Saxon Provincial78 Diet at Meresburg had chosen Dyke Captain von Brauchitsch of Scharteuke, in the Circle of Jerichow, as Deputy at the United Diet, and had selected Dyke Captain von Bismarck of Schoenhausen as his proxy79. As Herr von Brauchitsch was very ill, his substitute was summoned.
Bismarck appeared as representative of the Knight’s Estate of Jerichow, and vassal80 and chivalric81 servitor of the King. How go the Fates! If the eminent82 von Brauchitsch had not[89] had the toothache, that day, there might not have been a United Germany—is it not true?
In the group that gathered in the “White Saloon” at Coelin on the Spree, Bismarck met many men whose opinions were well known to him; his brother, the Landrath, his cousins, the Counts von Bismarck-Bohlen and von Bismarck-Briest; his future father-in-law, Herr von Puttkammer; von Thadden, von Wedell, and many others. Says Hesekiel:
“Unfortunately these gentlemen in general, as Herr von Thadden once bluntly said of himself, were not even bad orators83, but no orators at all. Nor could the two Freiherrs von Manteuffel contend in eloquence84 with the brilliant rhetorics of the Liberals, such as Freiherr von Vincke, Camphausen, Mevissen, Beckerath, and others.
“Few persons today can read those speeches of the First United Diet, once so celebrated85, without a melancholy86 or satirical smile. Those were the blossom-days of liberal phraseology, causing an enthusiasm of which we cannot now form any adequate idea!”
Troublous times indeed; and the King an autocrat87 of autocrats88, forced by the liberal ideas of the hour, breaking everywhere. We can imagine William saying angrily:
“Confound the impudence89 of the Liberals with their crazy liberty, fraternity and equality. We supposed that all this nonsense was blown to bits by the guns at Waterloo!”
The bedeviled King began to show a streak90 of Prussian stubbornness; in these angry words he incautiously addressed those delegates who had dared to ask for a Constitution:
“I refuse to allow to come between Almighty91 God in Heaven and this Prussian land so much as a blotted92 piece of parchment to rule us with paragraphs, and to replace thereby93 the sacred bond of ancient loyalty94!”
The widening gulf95 between monarchy96 and French constitutionalism was now manifest to almost any thoughtful Prussian, but, like the ostrich97, our timid William continued to hide his head under the sand and believed himself safe.[90]
25
For one whole month, burly Bismarck sits with his mouth shut, seemingly stricken dumb at the sacrilegious ideas of the Democrats98.
Now this giant dyke-captain, this lover of dogs, horses and cattle, sat for one whole month, stricken dumb it seemed by the political heresies99 that he heard. For one solid month, he never opened his mouth! Then he could stand it no longer. He pleaded vigorously for the Middle Ages feudal system, and for the right of his own aristocratic class! In truth, without knowing it, he was expressing the King’s sentiments, was a genuine King’s Man.
The future prince’s first speech swept like a hurricane over a garden in June—withering, blasting, uprooting100. He began by denying, absolutely, that the great victory of 1813 which expelled for Prussia the French invaders101 was based on so low a consideration as the promise of a paper Constitution. Not at all! It was an exhibition of pure patriotism. In his historical reference, Bismarck, in this instance, was in error. In no sense was “the people” to be credited with the great Prussian victory of 1813; it came about largely through military tactics, training and general preparedness, in which “the people” had no part except to do their plain duty.
For his remarkable102 utterance103, Bismarck was promptly104 hissed105 down by the Liberal side. Undaunted, Bismarck loaded his heaviest guns against this thing called “Liberalism,” with all its mock-heroics of liberty, fraternity and equality. Would it not endanger our King’s sacred throneThat was enough for Herr Bismarck.
Thus the doughty106 Dyke-captain from the Elbe endeavored to perform a political miracle—new wine in old bottles—and as fast as the bottles popped, he put the wine in still other old bottles. Was there ever more follyDid a young champion of the Crown ever make greater fool of himself?
And with all Europe bawling107 for liberty, fraternity and equality; with thrones tottering108 in every direction; with 23 of the 39 German states already joyously109 exhibiting their[91] new ConstitutionsHere was a voice in the wilderness crying for monarchy and the Divine-right of kings! And what’s more, gentlemen, he has before him a 30-years’ fight, but in the end will ram31 it down your throats.
His cry at this moment is that ancient Prussian slogan, “Mitt Gott fuer Koenig und Vaterland!” The question on the proposed Constitution—the right of petition and certain specified110 control over state finance by the people—simple as all this seems today, created a terrible storm! The nobility, led by the Dyke-captain, felt uneasy; a parliament of the people was indeed a needless concession. And were the people prepared by education for this great changeWas it not hasty?
Meantime, the King was in truth a sort of broken reed, stirred by every blast that swept from the “White Saloon.”
Fr: Wm. IV was a “Hamlet-hesitating monarch,” who had it not been for the burly giant Bismarck would have been swept into oblivion by the first whiff of gunpowder111. A stickler112 for religious dogma, the pietists adored him, but the classes despised him; he was one of those men who discuss trifles with elegant ease, but who have no conception of what is behind this present widespread demand for a constitution. This King Fr.: Wm. IV lived in a mystic medi?val dreamland; he restored the cathedral of Cologne; sent a missionary113 band to spread his beloved Lutheran doctrines114 to the Chinese, and established a Protestant bishop115 at Jerusalem. The political literature of the time is overwhelmingly against William. He did not understand the drift of events. Without Bismarck, the King’s head would soon have rolled into the basket!
26
Bellowing117 his defiance118, though the Liberals bring the rope—The new man explains his novel position, not as a politician but as a Prussian in deadly earnest—The Jew, and time’s revenge.
There were three sessions of the Baby Parliament, and Bismarck was soon looked upon as the conservative leader.[92] Perhaps conservative is not the word; reactionary119 would be closer. There was no Conservative party, nor a Liberal party for that matter. The obstinate fight with Bismarck was not because he wished to prevent the common people from having a share in their Prussian government, but because the change, if ever it came, would set up a peculiar type of Prussian government; a state-government, as it were, as against the old-time liege-lord master-and-servant conception of Hohenzollern “Divine-right” policy.
The very word “people” threw Herr Bismarck into hysterical120 frenzy! He determined121 upon resisting the heresy122 with all the virile123 courage of his colossal124 bulk.
It had been his duty, as Elbe dyke-captain, to protect his country against torrential waters; now he would do similar service against the rising floods of revolution. He set up the historical agreement that the edifice125 of Prussia, under an aristocratic form of rulership, was firmer toward foreign foes126, firmer than was possible under the leader rule of the people.
A conservative deputy from Pomerania, addressing the administration member for West Havelland, said: “We have conquered!”
“Not so!” replied Bismarck, coolly. “We have not conquered, but we have made an attack, which is the principal thing. Victory is yet to come, but it will take years!”
These words accurately127 convey the nature of the situation. Bismarck was master of short phrases in which complex situations are summed up.
He had dog-like love for his master, the King: “No word,” he exclaimed, “has been more wrongly used in the past year than the word ‘people.’ Each man has held it to mean just what suits his individual view.”
“We are Prussians,” was his eternal keynote, “and Prussia is all-sufficient. Our hosts follow the Prussian flag and not the tricolor; under the black and white they joyfully128 die for their country. The tricolor has been, since the March riots, recognized as the color of their opponents. The accents of the Prussian National Anthem129, the strains of the Dessau and[93] Hohenfriedberg March are well known and beloved among them; but I have never yet heard a Prussian soldier sing, ‘What is the German Fatherland?’ The nation whence this army has sprung, and of which the army is the truest representative in the happy and accurate words of the president of the First Chamber130, Rudolph von Auerswald, does not need to see the Prussian monarchy melt away in the filthy131 ferment132 of South German immorality133. We are Prussians, and Prussians we desire to remain! I know that in these words I utter the creed134 of the Prussian army, the creed of the majority of my fellow-countrymen, and I hope to God that we shall continue Prussians, when this bit of paper is forgotten like the withered135 leaf of autumn!”
Yes, Bismarck, any day the mob may bring the rope; but you still bellow116 your defiance, your face of brass136 unabashed. Man among men—wrong though you be, Bismarck, you will have your say though the Heavens fall.
“I am proud to be a Prussian Junker, and feel honored by the appellation137. Whigs and Tories were terms which once also had a very mean signification; and be assured, gentlemen, that we shall on our part bring Junkerdom to be regarded with honor and respect.”
Aristocrats138 were delighted; von Thadden exclaimed: “I am enthusiastic over this man Bismarck!” Geo. v. Wincke, the Westphalian high official, short, fat, red-headed, never admired the burly giant Bismarck, smelling of the cow-sheds.
For twenty years, off and on, the testy139 v. Wincke indulged in invective140, his theme ever being “The rule of law.” This George v. Wincke in spite of his medals and his family tree was on the liberal side, bag and baggage.
There was a strain of bitter eloquence about this red-headed champion of the people’s rights. He had read Guizot and talked much of Hampden, the Long Parliament, and all that. George had the legal side of the argument, especially since the French revolution had set liberty bells a-ringing everywhere, even in solemn old Prussia; but the doughty Bismarck would come thundering back with his “unlimited crown” and rulership over the people “by the grace of God,[94]” royal prerogative141 and general disdain142 for the masses;—as in the régime of Louis the Magnificent at Versailles, when the convicts worked to build the $200,000,000 palace to shelter art, wit and pretty women, while the people starved. How out of tune143, Bismarck; how hopelessly reactionary!
Bismarck voted against every new privilege. His speeches read like reports of personal rows! He was frank, fearless and frenzied144, and in turn his volleys excited groans145 and hisses146.
Was ever mortal so utterly147 out of touch with the prevailing148 French conception of liberty, equality and fraternityHere is the way he summed up political equality:
“The goosequill arguments of newspaper writers!” “Relics of pot-houses!” “The emancipation149 of the people does not mean progress!” “A royal word is more than volumes of law!” “The Prussian sovereigns are in possession of a crown by God’s grace!” “The king has said he did not wish to be coerced150 or driven!” “Let there be a period of four years, at least, before another such stupid meeting as this is held.”
It was a curious situation. Bismarck was both rude and crude!
His style of delivery was lame151, his voice improperly152 placed, his mannerisms grotesque153. Despite his hobbling oratory154, however, Bismarck was soon a marked man; he held his audience by his sensational155 ideas and his dogged courage!
Why did Bismarck vote against every new privilegeThis may not be decently answered in a word; you must read on in detail; there was a great principle behind Bismarck’s political attitude. True, it was crudely conceived and expressed, at this period; but he will improve with time.
Bismarck well remembered the excesses of German Jacobins, in the southwest, during the turbulent years of the French Revolution. Alsace and Lorraine had welcomed massacres156 as signs of political equality; mob leaders destroyed castles and monasteries157; Jew-baiters went mad; Schneider, the tyrant158 of Strassburg, took charge of the guillotine, but[95] not making enough blood flow, was soon aided by professional executioners, straight from Paris.
There was also the lunatic “Feast of Reason.” Stark-mad Germans paraded with Marat’s statue, attacked churches, wrecked159 altars, heaped up images of saints, crosses, pews, pulpits, and priests’ garments, touched the match, and danced around the fire;—while Schneider harangued160 the mob on the joys of reason, as against revealed religion; solemnly assuring his thousands of listeners that Christianity was now a thing of the past.
Thus the mad war of liberty burst forth162, accompanied by many extraordinary episodes. Nor were the followers confined exclusively to the rabble163; we find many noted164 teachers, scholars and politicians endorsing165 the French guillotine as a remedy for all political ills—men like Blau, Wedekind, Hoffmann, Foster, Stamm, Dorsch, not overlooking the spectacular John Mueller, who in the cause of the people committed unheard-of follies166 with his pen, as a necessary support for the sword.
There was also a stark-mad leader named Cloots, who usually signed his bulletins “Cloots, Personal Enemy of Jesus of Nazareth.” His object was the union of all mankind, literally167 speaking; no halfway168 measures for him, no long delays; he wanted his political salvation169 here and now.
So inflamed170 were the people that the discharge of a tailor’s apprentice171, in Breslau, precipitated172 a riot and the artillery173 was brought into play.
In Saxony, 18,000 peasants demanded a democratic constitution; but the authorities replied by sending the messenger to a mad-house.
Thus, in various directions, the crack-brained revolutionists played their parts; nor should history overlook the contribution of the learned Dr. Faust, of Buckelburg, whose profound treatise174, “Origin of Trousers,” was read in Paris as a sort of historical endorsement175 of the great democratic party that gloried in the equality, not to say liberty, exhibited by casting trousers aside.
Now what do you thinkThis King’s Man, sprung up of[96] a sudden, coming from his fox-hunting and his cow-sheds, hits right and left at the Jews! Yes, as against his “beloved Christians176.” Here is a new note indeed—old yet new.
We had not supposed Jew-baiting a thing of the past; but in these tempestuous times it did seem that race-prejudice had no place in a plain attempt to keep a king’s crown.
“I will pass,” Bismarck thundered, “to the question itself. I am no enemy of Jews, and if they are enemies to me, I will forgive them. Under certain circumstances, I even love them. I would grant them every right—save that of holding superior office posts in a Christian161 country.
“I admit I am full of prejudices, sucked in with my mother’s milk. If I think of a Jew, face to face with me as a representative of the king’s sacred majesty177, and have to obey him, I must confess that I should feel myself deeply broken and depressed178. The sincere self-respect with which I now attempt to fulfil my duties toward the state would leave me! I share these feelings with the mass of large strata179 of people, and I am not ashamed of their society.”
Thus, now at this supreme moment, when with voice of brass our Bismarck is making his entry into the world of affairs with his sharp words on Christians and Jews, and more especially with his uncompromising conception that kings are indeed the personal representatives of God on this earth, we do see that Bismarck stems from a fighting race. All his years, this Bismarck was a frightful180 hater.
With the sorry figure of the world-oppressed Jew in our eyes and the malignancy of this new Jew-baiter, it is well that at the very outset this be made clear: That whatever Bismarck was or was not, at least he was no hypocrite. His words always fall like the wrath of God.
It is a solemn fact that he changed his point of view many, many times—even as you and I—but there is always the ring of sincerity181 about it that even the acid test of long time is unable to dissolve.
It was this tremendous earnestness—this sincerity—that made Bismarck feared, hated and despised.[97]
Against your will, you are forced to believe what this giant says, no matter how mocking, how insolent182, how absurd his charges!
Some tell us that Bismarck’s ancestry183 stems from Bohemia, others trace the Bismarcks to Russia, still others assert Jewish origin.
This much is a fact: from a geographical184 point, the family name comes from the little river Biese, near Stendal.
Bismarck’s passion and prejudice against Jews was proverbial. It did indeed often turn him, for the time being, into a mad dog!
Near the close of life, in retirement185 at Friedrichsruh, some candid186 friend desecrated187 the great man’s retirement by sending him a copy of a book by an anonymous188 writer, “Bismarck, the Jew.”
Ordinarily, Bismarck paid no attention to social lampoons189, but on this day as he read the book aloud to guests, his anger became black and terrifying!
“I am determined to have the law on the audacious writer!” Bismarck’s guests saw the old man in one of his moods of frightful rage.
But next day something intervened—and Bismarck never brought suit for damages.
Here is one thing that you must never forget in studying great men: That it is possible, nay190 inevitable191, for a man to be at once very great and very small.
At the very beginning of his career, we find Bismarck ringing the solemn changes on “Christian,” and we behold him in a characteristically unamiable mood over “Jews.” Yet all the time he was endeavoring to lay down the dogma that the proper aim of the state is the realization192 of the Christian ideal!
If now you can understand this mental contradiction, you are in a position to grasp one of the strange paradoxes193 with which Bismarck’s life is literally filled.
You see here, at once, why he has been so often accused of double-dealing, of stacking the cards, of changing his mind,[98] of going ahead by going backwards194, winning ultimately by fair means or by foul195.
And now for the sequel. Many years later, Bismarck was exceedingly glad to be guided by the advice of Jews, more especially the Jewish banker Bleichroder.
On one side of the table sits Bismarck, the Pomeranian Junker, and on the other side the sallow-faced, undersized Jew, Bleichroder.
Great friends they are today, to be sure; and between them is a mound196 of treasury197 reports, telling in minute detail the financial resources of Louis the Little, now a helpless prisoner of war. France is at the Prussian’s mercy, and a Jew is called in—a despised Jew!
Bleichroder and Bismarck coolly examined the balance sheets of France, the present state of her debts.
The money cost turns out to be the stupendous sum of five thousand millions of francs.
Literary and journalistic France, in book, editorial and oration198 made a great outcry at the moment, declaring dramatically that Prussian barbarians199 had decided “to bleed France white”—attributing to Bismarck a figure of speech borrowed from the butcher’s block! Well and good, but France paid the indemnity200 in surprisingly short time; and had many millions left to go on her way rejoicing, had it not been for the miserable201 obsession202, “Ravanche!” that kept her in hot water for years.
Bismarck was correctly quoted in this respect: That gold is as necessary in war as gunpowder; and the best way to keep a quarrelsome would-be Napoleon out of war is to empty his pockets.
The Jewish feature, however, shows Bismarck, through and through; and we could not present him without this surprising scene. Make the most of it.
“I do not much like the piety203 that proclaims itself,” said Louis XIII. A similar remark may be made concerning[99] Bismarck’s life-long belief that the Lord was on Bismarck’s side—Jew-baiter and all.
“The longer I work in politics,” he once remarked, summing up his many political difficulties, “the smaller my belief in human calculation. I look at the affair according to my human understanding, but gratitude204 for God’s assistance so far raises in me the confidence that the Lord is able to turn our errors to our own good; that I experience daily, to my wholesale205 humiliation206.”
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1 wilderness | |
n.杳无人烟的一片陆地、水等,荒漠 | |
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2 patriots | |
爱国者,爱国主义者( patriot的名词复数 ) | |
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3 standing | |
n.持续,地位;adj.永久的,不动的,直立的,不流动的 | |
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4 din | |
n.喧闹声,嘈杂声 | |
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5 dyke | |
n.堤,水坝,排水沟 | |
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6 purely | |
adv.纯粹地,完全地 | |
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7 brandishing | |
v.挥舞( brandish的现在分词 );炫耀 | |
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8 canes | |
n.(某些植物,如竹或甘蔗的)茎( cane的名词复数 );(用于制作家具等的)竹竿;竹杖 | |
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9 dignified | |
a.可敬的,高贵的 | |
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10 patriotism | |
n.爱国精神,爱国心,爱国主义 | |
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11 supremacy | |
n.至上;至高权力 | |
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12 insidious | |
adj.阴险的,隐匿的,暗中为害的,(疾病)不知不觉之间加剧 | |
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13 quackery | |
n.庸医的医术,骗子的行为 | |
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14 monarch | |
n.帝王,君主,最高统治者 | |
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15 monarchic | |
国王的,君主政体的 | |
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16 lesser | |
adj.次要的,较小的;adv.较小地,较少地 | |
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17 swarm | |
n.(昆虫)等一大群;vi.成群飞舞;蜂拥而入 | |
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18 defensive | |
adj.防御的;防卫的;防守的 | |
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19 concession | |
n.让步,妥协;特许(权) | |
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20 intoxicated | |
喝醉的,极其兴奋的 | |
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21 bauble | |
n.美观而无价值的饰物 | |
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22 frenzy | |
n.疯狂,狂热,极度的激动 | |
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23 invoking | |
v.援引( invoke的现在分词 );行使(权利等);祈求救助;恳求 | |
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24 wrath | |
n.愤怒,愤慨,暴怒 | |
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25 accredited | |
adj.可接受的;可信任的;公认的;质量合格的v.相信( accredit的过去式和过去分词 );委托;委任;把…归结于 | |
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26 scroll | |
n.卷轴,纸卷;(石刻上的)漩涡 | |
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27 disinterested | |
adj.不关心的,不感兴趣的 | |
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28 followers | |
追随者( follower的名词复数 ); 用户; 契据的附面; 从动件 | |
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29 plunder | |
vt.劫掠财物,掠夺;n.劫掠物,赃物;劫掠 | |
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30 scramble | |
v.爬行,攀爬,杂乱蔓延,碎片,片段,废料 | |
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31 ram | |
(random access memory)随机存取存储器 | |
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32 pelf | |
n.金钱;财物(轻蔑语) | |
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33 blasphemy | |
n.亵渎,渎神 | |
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34 monarchs | |
君主,帝王( monarch的名词复数 ) | |
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35 interpretations | |
n.解释( interpretation的名词复数 );表演;演绎;理解 | |
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36 seething | |
沸腾的,火热的 | |
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37 motive | |
n.动机,目的;adv.发动的,运动的 | |
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38 fervid | |
adj.热情的;炽热的 | |
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39 poetical | |
adj.似诗人的;诗一般的;韵文的;富有诗意的 | |
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40 appalling | |
adj.骇人听闻的,令人震惊的,可怕的 | |
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41 aggrandizement | |
n.增大,强化,扩大 | |
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42 merging | |
合并(分类) | |
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43 millennium | |
n.一千年,千禧年;太平盛世 | |
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44 courageously | |
ad.勇敢地,无畏地 | |
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45 doctrine | |
n.教义;主义;学说 | |
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46 rebellious | |
adj.造反的,反抗的,难控制的 | |
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47 morose | |
adj.脾气坏的,不高兴的 | |
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48 obstinate | |
adj.顽固的,倔强的,不易屈服的,较难治愈的 | |
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49 glutton | |
n.贪食者,好食者 | |
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50 feudal | |
adj.封建的,封地的,领地的 | |
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51 royalty | |
n.皇家,皇族 | |
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52 intrigue | |
vt.激起兴趣,迷住;vi.耍阴谋;n.阴谋,密谋 | |
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53 supreme | |
adj.极度的,最重要的;至高的,最高的 | |
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54 mere | |
adj.纯粹的;仅仅,只不过 | |
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55 akin | |
adj.同族的,类似的 | |
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56 behold | |
v.看,注视,看到 | |
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57 squire | |
n.护卫, 侍从, 乡绅 | |
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58 plentiful | |
adj.富裕的,丰富的 | |
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59 shrill | |
adj.尖声的;刺耳的;v尖叫 | |
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60 afterward | |
adv.后来;以后 | |
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61 peculiar | |
adj.古怪的,异常的;特殊的,特有的 | |
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62 baggy | |
adj.膨胀如袋的,宽松下垂的 | |
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63 immortal | |
adj.不朽的;永生的,不死的;神的 | |
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64 baron | |
n.男爵;(商业界等)巨头,大王 | |
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65 hereditary | |
adj.遗传的,遗传性的,可继承的,世袭的 | |
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66 alignments | |
排成直线( alignment的名词复数 ); (国家、团体间的)结盟 | |
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67 domains | |
n.范围( domain的名词复数 );领域;版图;地产 | |
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68 taverns | |
n.小旅馆,客栈,酒馆( tavern的名词复数 ) | |
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69 tempestuous | |
adj.狂暴的 | |
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70 renown | |
n.声誉,名望 | |
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71 quotations | |
n.引用( quotation的名词复数 );[商业]行情(报告);(货物或股票的)市价;时价 | |
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72 abruptness | |
n. 突然,唐突 | |
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73 administrative | |
adj.行政的,管理的 | |
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74 penchant | |
n.爱好,嗜好;(强烈的)倾向 | |
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75 bent | |
n.爱好,癖好;adj.弯的;决心的,一心的 | |
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76 victorious | |
adj.胜利的,得胜的 | |
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77 decided | |
adj.决定了的,坚决的;明显的,明确的 | |
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78 provincial | |
adj.省的,地方的;n.外省人,乡下人 | |
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79 proxy | |
n.代理权,代表权;(对代理人的)委托书;代理人 | |
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80 vassal | |
n.附庸的;属下;adj.奴仆的 | |
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81 chivalric | |
有武士气概的,有武士风范的 | |
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82 eminent | |
adj.显赫的,杰出的,有名的,优良的 | |
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83 orators | |
n.演说者,演讲家( orator的名词复数 ) | |
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84 eloquence | |
n.雄辩;口才,修辞 | |
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85 celebrated | |
adj.有名的,声誉卓著的 | |
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86 melancholy | |
n.忧郁,愁思;adj.令人感伤(沮丧)的,忧郁的 | |
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87 autocrat | |
n.独裁者;专横的人 | |
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88 autocrats | |
n.独裁统治者( autocrat的名词复数 );独断专行的人 | |
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89 impudence | |
n.厚颜无耻;冒失;无礼 | |
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90 streak | |
n.条理,斑纹,倾向,少许,痕迹;v.加条纹,变成条纹,奔驰,快速移动 | |
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91 almighty | |
adj.全能的,万能的;很大的,很强的 | |
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92 blotted | |
涂污( blot的过去式和过去分词 ); (用吸墨纸)吸干 | |
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93 thereby | |
adv.因此,从而 | |
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94 loyalty | |
n.忠诚,忠心 | |
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95 gulf | |
n.海湾;深渊,鸿沟;分歧,隔阂 | |
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96 monarchy | |
n.君主,最高统治者;君主政体,君主国 | |
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97 ostrich | |
n.鸵鸟 | |
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98 democrats | |
n.民主主义者,民主人士( democrat的名词复数 ) | |
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99 heresies | |
n.异端邪说,异教( heresy的名词复数 ) | |
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100 uprooting | |
n.倒根,挖除伐根v.把(某物)连根拔起( uproot的现在分词 );根除;赶走;把…赶出家园 | |
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101 invaders | |
入侵者,侵略者,侵入物( invader的名词复数 ) | |
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102 remarkable | |
adj.显著的,异常的,非凡的,值得注意的 | |
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103 utterance | |
n.用言语表达,话语,言语 | |
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104 promptly | |
adv.及时地,敏捷地 | |
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105 hissed | |
发嘶嘶声( hiss的过去式和过去分词 ); 发嘘声表示反对 | |
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106 doughty | |
adj.勇猛的,坚强的 | |
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107 bawling | |
v.大叫,大喊( bawl的现在分词 );放声大哭;大声叫出;叫卖(货物) | |
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108 tottering | |
adj.蹒跚的,动摇的v.走得或动得不稳( totter的现在分词 );踉跄;蹒跚;摇摇欲坠 | |
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109 joyously | |
ad.快乐地, 高兴地 | |
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110 specified | |
adj.特定的 | |
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111 gunpowder | |
n.火药 | |
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112 stickler | |
n.坚持细节之人 | |
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113 missionary | |
adj.教会的,传教(士)的;n.传教士 | |
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114 doctrines | |
n.教条( doctrine的名词复数 );教义;学说;(政府政策的)正式声明 | |
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115 bishop | |
n.主教,(国际象棋)象 | |
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116 bellow | |
v.吼叫,怒吼;大声发出,大声喝道 | |
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117 bellowing | |
v.发出吼叫声,咆哮(尤指因痛苦)( bellow的现在分词 );(愤怒地)说出(某事),大叫 | |
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118 defiance | |
n.挑战,挑衅,蔑视,违抗 | |
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119 reactionary | |
n.反动者,反动主义者;adj.反动的,反动主义的,反对改革的 | |
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120 hysterical | |
adj.情绪异常激动的,歇斯底里般的 | |
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121 determined | |
adj.坚定的;有决心的 | |
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122 heresy | |
n.异端邪说;异教 | |
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123 virile | |
adj.男性的;有男性生殖力的;有男子气概的;强有力的 | |
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124 colossal | |
adj.异常的,庞大的 | |
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125 edifice | |
n.宏伟的建筑物(如宫殿,教室) | |
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126 foes | |
敌人,仇敌( foe的名词复数 ) | |
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127 accurately | |
adv.准确地,精确地 | |
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128 joyfully | |
adv. 喜悦地, 高兴地 | |
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129 anthem | |
n.圣歌,赞美诗,颂歌 | |
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130 chamber | |
n.房间,寝室;会议厅;议院;会所 | |
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131 filthy | |
adj.卑劣的;恶劣的,肮脏的 | |
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132 ferment | |
vt.使发酵;n./vt.(使)激动,(使)动乱 | |
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133 immorality | |
n. 不道德, 无道义 | |
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134 creed | |
n.信条;信念,纲领 | |
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135 withered | |
adj. 枯萎的,干瘪的,(人身体的部分器官)因病萎缩的或未发育良好的 动词wither的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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136 brass | |
n.黄铜;黄铜器,铜管乐器 | |
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137 appellation | |
n.名称,称呼 | |
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138 aristocrats | |
n.贵族( aristocrat的名词复数 ) | |
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139 testy | |
adj.易怒的;暴躁的 | |
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140 invective | |
n.痛骂,恶意抨击 | |
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141 prerogative | |
n.特权 | |
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142 disdain | |
n.鄙视,轻视;v.轻视,鄙视,不屑 | |
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143 tune | |
n.调子;和谐,协调;v.调音,调节,调整 | |
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144 frenzied | |
a.激怒的;疯狂的 | |
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145 groans | |
n.呻吟,叹息( groan的名词复数 );呻吟般的声音v.呻吟( groan的第三人称单数 );发牢骚;抱怨;受苦 | |
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146 hisses | |
嘶嘶声( hiss的名词复数 ) | |
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147 utterly | |
adv.完全地,绝对地 | |
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148 prevailing | |
adj.盛行的;占优势的;主要的 | |
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149 emancipation | |
n.(从束缚、支配下)解放 | |
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150 coerced | |
v.迫使做( coerce的过去式和过去分词 );强迫;(以武力、惩罚、威胁等手段)控制;支配 | |
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151 lame | |
adj.跛的,(辩解、论据等)无说服力的 | |
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152 improperly | |
不正确地,不适当地 | |
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153 grotesque | |
adj.怪诞的,丑陋的;n.怪诞的图案,怪人(物) | |
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154 oratory | |
n.演讲术;词藻华丽的言辞 | |
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155 sensational | |
adj.使人感动的,非常好的,轰动的,耸人听闻的 | |
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156 massacres | |
大屠杀( massacre的名词复数 ); 惨败 | |
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157 monasteries | |
修道院( monastery的名词复数 ) | |
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158 tyrant | |
n.暴君,专制的君主,残暴的人 | |
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159 wrecked | |
adj.失事的,遇难的 | |
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160 harangued | |
v.高谈阔论( harangue的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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161 Christian | |
adj.基督教徒的;n.基督教徒 | |
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162 forth | |
adv.向前;向外,往外 | |
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163 rabble | |
n.乌合之众,暴民;下等人 | |
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164 noted | |
adj.著名的,知名的 | |
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165 endorsing | |
v.赞同( endorse的现在分词 );在(尤指支票的)背面签字;在(文件的)背面写评论;在广告上说本人使用并赞同某产品 | |
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166 follies | |
罪恶,时事讽刺剧; 愚蠢,蠢笨,愚蠢的行为、思想或做法( folly的名词复数 ) | |
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167 literally | |
adv.照字面意义,逐字地;确实 | |
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168 halfway | |
adj.中途的,不彻底的,部分的;adv.半路地,在中途,在半途 | |
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169 salvation | |
n.(尤指基督)救世,超度,拯救,解困 | |
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170 inflamed | |
adj.发炎的,红肿的v.(使)变红,发怒,过热( inflame的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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171 apprentice | |
n.学徒,徒弟 | |
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172 precipitated | |
v.(突如其来地)使发生( precipitate的过去式和过去分词 );促成;猛然摔下;使沉淀 | |
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173 artillery | |
n.(军)火炮,大炮;炮兵(部队) | |
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174 treatise | |
n.专著;(专题)论文 | |
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175 endorsement | |
n.背书;赞成,认可,担保;签(注),批注 | |
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176 Christians | |
n.基督教徒( Christian的名词复数 ) | |
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177 majesty | |
n.雄伟,壮丽,庄严,威严;最高权威,王权 | |
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178 depressed | |
adj.沮丧的,抑郁的,不景气的,萧条的 | |
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179 strata | |
n.地层(复数);社会阶层 | |
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180 frightful | |
adj.可怕的;讨厌的 | |
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181 sincerity | |
n.真诚,诚意;真实 | |
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182 insolent | |
adj.傲慢的,无理的 | |
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183 ancestry | |
n.祖先,家世 | |
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184 geographical | |
adj.地理的;地区(性)的 | |
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185 retirement | |
n.退休,退职 | |
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186 candid | |
adj.公正的,正直的;坦率的 | |
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187 desecrated | |
毁坏或亵渎( desecrate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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188 anonymous | |
adj.无名的;匿名的;无特色的 | |
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189 lampoons | |
n.讽刺文章或言辞( lampoon的名词复数 )v.冷嘲热讽,奚落( lampoon的第三人称单数 ) | |
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190 nay | |
adv.不;n.反对票,投反对票者 | |
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191 inevitable | |
adj.不可避免的,必然发生的 | |
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192 realization | |
n.实现;认识到,深刻了解 | |
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193 paradoxes | |
n.似非而是的隽语,看似矛盾而实际却可能正确的说法( paradox的名词复数 );用于语言文学中的上述隽语;有矛盾特点的人[事物,情况] | |
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194 backwards | |
adv.往回地,向原处,倒,相反,前后倒置地 | |
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195 foul | |
adj.污秽的;邪恶的;v.弄脏;妨害;犯规;n.犯规 | |
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196 mound | |
n.土墩,堤,小山;v.筑堤,用土堆防卫 | |
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197 treasury | |
n.宝库;国库,金库;文库 | |
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198 oration | |
n.演说,致辞,叙述法 | |
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199 barbarians | |
n.野蛮人( barbarian的名词复数 );外国人;粗野的人;无教养的人 | |
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200 indemnity | |
n.赔偿,赔款,补偿金 | |
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201 miserable | |
adj.悲惨的,痛苦的;可怜的,糟糕的 | |
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202 obsession | |
n.困扰,无法摆脱的思想(或情感) | |
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203 piety | |
n.虔诚,虔敬 | |
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204 gratitude | |
adj.感激,感谢 | |
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205 wholesale | |
n.批发;adv.以批发方式;vt.批发,成批出售 | |
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206 humiliation | |
n.羞辱 | |
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