Wherein it is shown that Bismarck’s protest against disrespect for constituted authority was based on certain tragic1 historical instances he would not repeat.
It is freely granted that ideas of “Liberty!” that many German patriots3 desired to see come to pass, in 1848, were not those of 1789; but elements of lawlessness, of mob-rule, of marchings to “Ca Ira!” of absurd glorification5 of the common man, and of snarlings at kings as kings, were largely in the spirit laid down by Robespierre, Danton, Marat and that crew, with their chosen gangsters6 of the guillotine. Bismarck would have none of it!
True, many of the old-line excesses were no longer used for political purposes, but Bismarck was too well-balanced, had too much common sense, in short was too strongly aligned7 with landed interests to endorse8 “popular” government on the old type from over the Vosges. His protests were all in support of authority, discipline, duty, devotion to a deliberately9 chosen monarch11, who ruled by the will of God.
In ’48 the talk of the “Rights of Man” really meant the rights of individual men—the tailor, the barber, the shoemaker—each of whom felt that the time had now come to overturn the political system of kings and to bring on the rule of the common people.[100]
Old-line hatred12 of Napoleon had passed away. The French military despot of the early part of the century was now figured as a “great democrat13,” whose wars had “all” been in the interest of the people. Could anything have been more absurdThe literary speculations14 of Rousseau, as to the status of a new society (such, for example, as running naked in the grove15 and rolling on the grass) were now replaced by loud discussions not on the Rights of Man, as a form of idealism, but the rights of all manner of men, each of whom felt that, under the new dispensation, hastened if necessary by bomb, dagger16 and poison-cup, the human race was to rise to nobler political ideals. It is not difficult to see that political theories of this sort have been indulged, in one way or other, by every generation in revolt against the settled ways of the fathers.
Let us, therefore, go back to original sources and see for ourselves just what account the common people had given of themselves, in a political way, in France at the time of her so-called political millennium17. We shall then be able to grasp Bismarck’s position clearly and be able at least to understand, if we do not support, his attitude of uncompromising severity toward popular rule, as understood at this moment in the political evolution of Germany.
If it be a mark of progress to call God a superstitious18 idol19 and to endeavor by the guillotine to enforce political rights, then the precious French key to the Door of Destiny for this human race should be duplicated and placed in the possession of nations, far and wide, as the final expression of man’s best idea of himself, his wife, his child and his country.
This 1789-93 return to National paganism, both political and social, is the mockery that Bismarck decided20 with all his almighty21 strength, nay23 his supreme24 rage, to set aside; and for him Prussian Militarism, which he so jealously set his heart on, against the rising tides of French constitutionalism, otherwise mob-rule, was at once to prove the sharp cure and the dreadful counter-blow.
It was only after St. Helena that the Napoleonic legend,[101] presenting Napoleon as the great democrat, was brought forward, to wit, that the Emperor’s many brutal26 campaigns were in the interest of the “common people” instead of gratification of his obsession27 for wars.
The transition came about in a simple way. The Emperor was dead and gone; his fate on a distant black rock added romantic interest to his lost cause; and the return of the old-line French kings after Waterloo, under the bayonets of Britain and the Allies, had proved a keen disappointment, politically, to France. It is conceded that Napoleon had promised and in many cases had applied28 liberal principles in his conquered domains29; but now that the man was dead, agitators30 of many lands, including the 39 distracted German states, began to take literally31 what the Emperor had said in a sort of huge politico-military satire32, to wit, that his blood-letting was truly in the interest of the masses.
Hence, between 1815 and 1848, agitators of Germany began ringing the changes on the glories of the French Revolution. True, the Emperor had been dead some 20-odd years; a new generation found surprising merits in his military plans, forgetful of the lure33 of loot that had been the foundation of it all; yes, for one thing the hungry desire of the landless for the lands of the Catholic church.
The exaggerated fact has been falsely set forth34 again and again that the French peasant of 1789 was down in the very mire35 of political despond, without a sou to his name; the cock called him to work at dawn, and all for the good of the aristocrats37; he was penniless, he was an absurd figure, he was not a man but a beast;—hence his righteous revolt in the sacred name of Liberty.
The fact is that at this time the French peasant was in no worse condition than the working classes of other lands, including Britain, Italy and Germany. That the Revolution first broke out in France and not in the other countries named is to be traced to journalistic and oratorical38 agitators of the ward-politician type.
The special taxes of which the peasantry complained did[102] not exceed two per cent of the products of the soil; and it is also a fact that France had a large and profitable foreign trade; but French political and journalistic agitators were afield, and the plain truth is that the landless desired to confiscate41, and did confiscate, the titles of those in possession.
No sooner was the gigantic confiscation42 of Catholic church lands, amounting to about one-third of the soil of France, or two billion five hundred million of francs in nominal43 value, ordered by Mirabeau, backed up by the Revolutionary tribunals, than the supposedly impecunious44 French peasants came forward and purchased to the extent of millions of francs; and it is a fact today (1915) that one of the secret dreads45 of the French peasantry is that some sensational46 political change may come in the stability of the French Government, a change that will forfeit47 these old land titles, based on confiscation in Revolutionary days.
The French peasantry wants no great National military hero to emerge from the war of 1915; and it is not unthinkable that should a very strong French general suddenly come forward, he would be removed by assassination48; a thing that has happened at least once before, in latter-day French politics.
This confession49 of politico-social fears on the part of the French peasantry explains why in France, take them as a group, the candidates invested with the honors of the Presidency50 are timid men, without ambitious political bias51, and why, on the whole, the modern French National instinct lives in dread25 of a military hero, who with a turn of his wrist might on the vote of his soldiers declare himself, let us say, Emperor.
Loaded down with debts incurred52 for various reasons, the French of 1789 were on the verge53 of National bankruptcy54.
This condition has usually been charged up against the excesses of the French kings, such, for example, as expending55 some 200,000,000 francs for pleasure-palaces, for the pretty women around Louis XIV; but this charge will not bear the light of modern research.
It is also a fact, on the practical side, that the much-boasted[103] support given to America by the French in America’s Revolutionary War, in a degree helped to bankrupt the French government; but Americans have forgotten or wink56 at this plain financial obligation.
Also, the French Revolution had promised in its every utterance57 the dawn of the political millennium, whereas instead it brought an era of blood, idol-worship and free-love. We are not discussing here those poetical58 French surveys of the Rights of Man. Every ward-politician in Paris had the list at his tongue’s end. There was some truth, much truth, in many of these expressions, no doubt, as mere59 expressions of humane60 sentiments. That, however, is another story.
One has but to read the Memoirs61 of President Bailly of the Revolutionary Assembly to find that mob-rule predominated from the first day of the supposed “Dawn of the political Millennium.” The mob in the gallery hissed62 or applauded each speech, and deputies were intimidated63.
Bismarck in his united Germany wanted no Jacobin Clubs, largely composed of ward-politicians, and Bismarck wanted no Marat with his vile64 newspaper, “Friend of the People,” setting class against class.
He wanted no guillotine as the German symbol of political liberty. This political method of the guillotine was at best only a cowardly form of assassination, ineffectual, barbarous. First one side used it, then the other; then still another group; each set of French political assassins prating65 of Liberty had recourse to the guillotine to be well rid of rivals much as in C?sar’s time the women of C?sar’s family, that their own might be exalted66, in turn proceeded to poison prospective67 collateral68 heirs to the Imperial throne.
Bismarck knew all about this dirty French mess, parading itself as the “voice of the people.” He was a strong man himself and he was guilty of gross ambitions in his rise to power, but on the whole Bismarck stood for self-possession and for manly69 audacity70, certainly not the French Revolution type of audacity. It is a fact that Bismarck, as a human[104] being, was a vast egotist, and had his own, ofttimes unscrupulous, way of gaining his ends, but his conception of Militarism, the force he did eventually use, was at bottom a virtuous71 effort to support, liberate10 and unify72 the Fatherland, not drag it into the mire of idolatry and bestiality.
We shall frequently say harsh things about Bismarck, in this book; we do not wish to follow French methods and endeavor to make an impossible hero of a man of clay. Bismarck, as a man and in the methods of his rise to great glory, had his gross faults, and we fearlessly point them out.
But here are some of the facts that Bismarck can never stand accused of, in the light of this much-boasted French political “Millennium” of 1789-93, and here, likewise we find the real reasons why he did struggle with all his might against a reluctant people to enforce Militarism throughout the jealous clashing 39 German states; and if Bismarck’s exercise of the strong hand, in the bosom73 of the German family was a fault, then at least it did not include these French conditions, set up to cause the world to gasp74 in admiration75.
The bull-necked Danton, the Parisian ward-heeler, in control of public opinion, came on with his guillotine; and closed the city’s gates against any man that had a dollar to pay his debts or buy a dinner.
The so-called “will of the people” was in short a spurious affair, unnaturally76 created by a political morphine that gave glorious dreams; and this wretched drug was supplied by the mob-leaders.
All the blood-letting was represented as a harmless affair, tending toward liberty and equality; all the confiscations of church-lands and redistribution among the peasants was declared a “great” political triumph.
Throughout even the loneliest country districts the word was passed that the political millennium was about to break.
The King was represented as a “monster fattening77 on crime.” His wife was called an Austrian “panthress,” and vile pamphlets were secretly passed around reflecting on her[105] character. God was represented as judging the King, and the guillotine was awaiting Louis, by Heaven’s decree.
The 26,000 priests who refused to take the oath of allegiance to the monstrous78 political farce79 were visited with all manner of persecutions; one section of Revolutionary opinion decreed that death was the just due of all offending pastors80.
The assertion of kept-historians that there was “political justification” is at once spurious and an insult to common sense.
In justice to the better French element it is granted freely that the dreadful September massacres81 did not express the real beliefs of the great decent body of the French people; but the Nation was dragged through the mire and the Nation has for years been endeavoring to explain this political Millennium of riots, murders, midnight assassinations82, despoilings of land titles.
Bismarck would have drained the poison cup rather than stand for such French Constitutional nonsense in his beloved Germany, the Germany of his dreams, the Germany for which he labored83 so many years, the Germany which he would save from itself, so to speak.
He purposed to build up German political opinion, not through blatherskite ward-heelers, in Berlin, Frankfort or Hamburg, but by a manly appeal to German common sense and German sense of respect for authority; and if Bismarck overworked his idea of Divine-right of kings, then at least this may be said: that he issued no appeal to the German people “Who Laughs on Friday, Weeps on Sunday!” (The massacres had come between!) And as to Danton, who glories in being the immediate84 instigator85 of the massacres we have these, Danton’s own words: “It was I who caused them. Rivers of blood had to flow between me and our enemies!” Finally, after these rivers of blood, the word was passed, “That the entire Nation will hasten to adopt this (guillotine) most-necessary means of public salvation86.[106]”
28
Viewing at closer range the work of the legislators of the great republic of liberty and equality; these facts Bismarck well knew, explaining his belief in militarism.
After reading five hundred pamphlets on the Revolution (as she testified at her trial) Charlotte Corday struck down Marat with a dagger; and her act has been generally condoned87 by men with a sense of fair-play. It was indeed a bloody88 murder; but when a mad-dog is running wild, a beast fattening on human blood, one passion feeds on another—and Corday is no exception. (Henderson, Symbol and Satire of the French Revolution).
Heroine or monster, take your choice; at least in her time such was the frenzy89 of the alleged90 political Millennium that Marat was soon worshipped as a martyr91. This atrocious political quack92, with all his daggers93 and his blackjacks, was likened to Jesus Christ; and among the sentiments of the hour we read, “A perfidious94 hand has snatched him away from his beloved people”; “To the immortal95 glory of Marat, the people’s friend”; “Unable to corrupt96 me, they have assassinated97 me!” “Marat, rare and sublime98 soul, we will imitate thee; we swear it on thy bloody corpse99.”
Such are some of the expressions of Liberty, Equality and Fraternity that followers100 of French Constitutionalism had years later decreed to re-enact in Germany; but Bismarck stood as a master with a rod of iron to lay over the backs of fanatical German Radicals101, who would come on with their drunken calls of “Liberty!”
All this, however, is only the mild opening chapter of this much glorified103 French Constitutionalism. The French prisons soon held about all there was of French intelligence and moderation; the brains, the blood and the beauty. It is not necessary to mention names.
If you wish to become hysterical104, read your fill of this drunken era of French Constitutionalism.[107]
At the height of the Terror, there were 8,000 political prisoners in French dungeons106; and the mobs still came on with their cries for fresh blood. One day, this expression was made: “The town of Lyons shall be destroyed; the name Lyons shall be effaced,” etc. All this meant that Lyons, weary of blood, had decided on raising an army to beat back the sons of spurious liberty.
Any man who, in the Terror, dared disagree with the mob-rulers was called a “conspirator.” In a letter from Herbois, we find this plain evidence of political lunacy masquerading as inspiration: “There are 60,000 individuals here who will never make good republicans; we must have them sent away. I have new measures in mind, weighty and effectual,* * * Heads, more heads, heads every day! * * * How you would have enjoyed seeing National justice meted107 out to two hundred and nine rogues108. What cement for the Republic! I say fete, yes, citizen president, fete is the right word. The guillotining and fusillading are not going badly!”
The Queen, now in her dungeon105, was treated with wretched dishonor. Even the petty expenses of bread and salt were begrudged109: 15 francs a day for food; three francs and 18 sous for trimming a skirt, 18 sous for a ribbon and shoe-strings; three francs for a tooth wash;—all this was kept track of. Yet in years gone by France had allowed her four million francs of pin money, and the royal allowance was twenty-five millions of francs per annum.
“Through a small window in her cell comes the light of day. * * * She is accused of being a leech110, a scourge111, a harpy and a free-lover; she is condemned112 to death.”
The political assassins, known as the Mountain, and that known as the Girondists, now began destroying each other; every patriotic113 action of the Girondists was set forth as having been instigated114 by love of vulgar applause. After some days, the Jacobin Club petitioned for freer trials, less hindered by legal formalities.[108]
“Long live the Republic!” was the cry. “Perish all traitors115!” Executions continued, day by day.
The poor king was long since dead and gone, yet his memory was detested116.
On a certain day of horrors, the tombs of his ancestors were broken open by the mob, and the bones scattered117. One corpse (or what remained of it) was stood up against a wall and the beard hacked118 off by a patriot2 of the new Regime.
All authority was now overthrown119; and as one writer adds, “the most daring enterprise of the Revolution remains120 to be chronicled: the storming of Heaven!” (Henderson.)
The leaders decided next to attack God on His throne; God was officially declared a superstitious myth.
The altars of France were hurled121 over; the Christian122 era was abolished by political decree; the Sabbath day was officially proclaimed done away with; Christ was to be henceforth banished123, officially; churches closed, pagan rites124 substituted.
Bismarck, the thinker, Bismarck, the builder, with his dream of political responsibility, of vested Authority, stood for no such facts in his protests against the rising tide of Radicalism125, in the German states.
He knew his history too well; he knew the satire of the French Revolution, the folly126 of meeting it in any way except by the sword.
Yes, Bismarck believed strongly in what has since been called Militarism; but his idea was that power was needed for the liberation and the unification of his country; and he hated French Constitutionalism and fought by fair means and by foul127 all efforts to warp128 upon Germans the political ideals of the French Revolution. So you must here and now make up your mind whether or not Bismarck was a great statesman or a great fool.
The French Convention, weary of blood-letting, began maundering in the psychology129 of religion.[109]
It was officially set forth by one of the Deputies that, after all, the idea was to invent some new form of religion, without which the proposed political Millennium had fallen short.
Marat was turned to, that choice spirit of the height of the era; though in his tomb, he was called upon in this strange language, despite his bringing in the Terror:
“O, heart of Jesus, O heart of Marat, you have an equal right to our homage130!”
A New Era was now decreed, taken in the main from the paganism of early France. The four seasons were symbolized131 by the hunt of the man for his mate: he is afield in Autumn, on horseback; in Winter, he first finds his new mate; in the Spring, the maid watches her sheep feeding on the hills; and in Summertime, the man is seen leading his mate to a couch, his arms already around her waist.
One of the leading symbols was Reason, presented as a lady petting a lion; saints’ days were replaced by days for animals, one for the cat, the dog, the sheep, and what you will; but no longer St. John’s, St. James, St. Louis.
Certain other days, dedicated132 to the “Spirit of the Revolution,” were termed “Sans culotte,” or without trousers, to wit, the French version of that great idol of the American yellow editor, who cries for justice in behalf of the man with the seat out of his trousers.
On a certain day, the Cathedral of Notre Dame133 was used as a background for the great French political drama; a mountain was erected134, a figure known as Truth was present. The Goddess Reason was also carried to the Tuileries; and later as a report written at the time says, “The President of the Convention gave the Goddess a fraternal kiss, whereupon his secretaries asked and obtained a similar privilege.”
At Rochefort the orator39 of the hour began, “Citizens, there is no future life!”
The images of saints were replaced by men of the stripe of Marat, Brutus and other tyrants135.
?Also, an ass4 was dressed in pontifical136 robes at a sort of National fete, and a few days later at a public masquerade, the President replying to praises of the New Era explained[110] himself as follows: “In one single instant you make vanish into nothingness the errors of eighteen centuries”; by which he meant to honor the paganism of the new French political Millennium.
Now comes that dangerous man, king of political charlatans137, Robespierre, who offers a private religion of his own.
The queer thing about this Robespierre, the new dictator, is his belief that he and he alone is the fountain of all political virtues138. One must be willing to sacrifice brothers, mother, sister, father to the guillotine—for the good of one’s country.
The Robespierre idea is that the supreme duty of a Nation is to repress “crime,” as well as to uphold “virtue139” and “crime” consists largely in not agreeing with the great central authority. He has had many followers since that day.
Robespierre was really a great man gone wrong; he had in many respects a brilliant mind; he was a profound orator; a born leader; but he was unsound at the core, like a rotten apple; taught bloodshed and violence, as expressions of National honor.
In one picture of the hour, he is represented as the Sun, rising over the Mountain, and Giving Light to the Universe.
The day dawns when Robespierre has his old friend and rival Danton on the scaffold. This was to be expected. Then followed many executions of Dantonists.
Robespierre now came on with his “new” religion; he boldly announced a Supreme Being and belief in immortality140!
He applied the torch to the wooden images set up by his political predecessors141. He made a speech that is unintelligible142, all wind, sound and bombast143, but was cheered to the echo.
Are you not growing weary of all these absurditiesPerhaps you think the details taken from the records of Bloomingdale Asylum144?
No; French Constitutionalism of 1789-93, the sort that the[111] Radicals of Germany had in mind, (with some variations), and often extolled145 in fiery146 speeches of the German Liberal party that Bismarck decided to crush down, with a rod of iron. True, the old offensive historical details were kept out of sight and were not fresh in men’s minds;—except reading men and thinking men, like Bismarck; men bold enough to stand out against mob-violence, called by whatever soft name you please.
A French cartoon of the Robespierre Regime made at the time by an admirer shows the earth around the guillotine heaped with heads, and at last the over-weary executioner, failing to find further victims, decides to execute himself! He is therefore seen lying under the axe40, his head rolling on the floor.
Robespierre in the end went the way of all the other political fanatics147; the day came when he was spat148 upon, struck, beaten by mobs, pricked149 with knives.
According to his own theory, he needed no trial (said his new rivals and enemies in their lust150 for power), for he has by his acts shown himself to be an enemy of his country.
They carried him down the great staircase; he fought back savagely151, like the frightful152 animal that he was.
Eighty-two of his followers died that day, on the guillotine.
“Long live the Republic! Long live Liberty!” was the loud cry of the rabble153.
Such is some of the work of the great legislators of the Republic of Equality as set forth by the various authors of the new French “political Millennium,” during those terrible years 1789-93; we have seen their ideas on a grand scale; and it is for you to judge whether in setting himself squarely in favor of Discipline and respect for constituted Authority, as exemplified by the line of Prussian kings, and the Prussian system of education, Bismarck was to show himself a man or a mouse.
Bismarck, who was a deep reader on politics, knew well the frightful excesses of French mob-rule. He may also have recognized certain general excellent principles, but he[112] would have nothing to do with the fungous growth. And as we follow his career, we see the virtue in his strong reliance on Militarism, as an arm to keep in check the turbulent German masses, also, later, this same Militarism to be used to do battle for the German Empire.
For many years, all manner of rosy154 democratic plans had been voiced by the Liberals.
The thing had been done to death. Every manner of political Utopia had been planned by theorists, but Bismarck met them all with his ironical155 speeches, and bided156 his time.
Bismarck’s idea was that the only hope for German unity157 came through accepting the King of Prussia as ordained158 of heaven.
In his arguments, he ignored the masses, the villagers, the workers, the busy-bees, the regard for individual rights.
His whole programme seemed to the masses to be anti-Christ in conception, that is to say, it harked back to political paganism.
It is very difficult for an American to comprehend this Prussian conception of Divine-right, as a political principle—but it should not be difficult from the point of human experience. Bismarck had no illusions concerning the power of the average man, and he held that the phrase “the people” was used by every political quack in Europe for any one of a thousand selfish motives159.
Bismarck had absolutely no faith in the power of the average man to govern himself—much less to govern others!—or faith in the average man doing anything above the average, outside his own small trade or craft.
Americans are accustomed to make much of an alleged saying of Lincoln: “No man is good enough to govern another without that man’s consent.” It is all a beautiful dream, false in theory and false in fact, belied160 by every record since the Lord drove Adam and Eve out of the Garden of Eden.
Beginning with that stupendous episode, certain it is that[113] this act of government was not carried out with, but against the will of the ruled; and the point at issue was not the supreme goodness of the ruler, but the power to station an angel with a flaming sword at the gates, toward which Adam ever after looked backward with longing161 eyes—but looked in vain!
In the innumerable dynasties of Babylon, Nineveh, Egypt, Greece, Arabia, Armenia, what man ruled who did not force his leadership?
It is not in the nature of human beings to accept new ideas without hostile objection.
This holds true also in the evolution of governments, for all life is founded on struggle, and the man who would rule must force his leadership or remain unknown.
Lincoln is absolutely in error, and his much-quoted words are folly. It is not a question of goodness, or badness, or fitness, on part of the man who has the ambition to rule, but it is very much a question of his courage, his craft or his cunning in compelling others to do his bidding.
Julius C?sar was not selected to rule, but he selected himself; and so did Charlemagne, and Bismarck—and so Lincoln, himself.
If some concession162 to the democratic system is sought on the ground that the voice of the people loudly “called” Lincoln, then it is to be set up that Lincoln on his part was one of the shrewdest political log-rollers this nation has ever seen; and if he did not originate the canvass163 that busies itself kissing the babies, congratulating the wives and shaking hands with the farmers, then at least Lincoln was an apt pupil.
It is inconceivable that, without his own high ambition, his long and painstaking164 endeavors to trim sail to every favoring gale165 (for example his shifting positions on the slavery question), he would have been nominated for President of these United States.
It is an amiable166 conceit167 of human nature, looking backward, to profess168 to see what it blindly ignored, looking forward; and go to any penitentiary169 in America, ask the[114] convicts, and you will find that, according to the stories, there are no guilty men behind the bars; invariably a peculiar170 complication of circumstances enabled the guilty man to escape, and justice was thereupon avenged171 by a human sacrifice; likewise in the United States Senate or in the House of Representatives, ask whom you please, “How came you to hold your seat?” and you will find no ambitious man. Some were forced to stand against their protests; others were away traveling when word was received, by telegraph, “You have been elected!” Still others appealed to the nominating committee, “For the love of God desist!”—but in vain.
Thus, without raising a finger to direct the movement of events, our leaders were selected by an omnipotent172 democracy to occupy the seats of the mighty22.
Truly, no man is good enough to rule another without that other man’s consent! Recast in terms of human experience, it would mean that we would go unruled; for no man yet has willingly selected his ruler, but has had dominion173 over him thrust upon him—even as Bismarck expressed his right to rule, backed by blood and iron.
Such is human nature since the world began; otherwise why was Christ, the gentlest ruler of all time, brought to the tree; Socrates forced to drink the hemlock174 by the very wise justice of his day; and Columbus called a madman because he wished to rule men’s minds with a new truth, showing clearly that the world is not square or flat, but round like a ball?
Bismarck had the real clue—and forced his purpose through the power of his commanding personality.
29
In spite of the dyke-captain’s denunciation of French Constitutionalism, King Fr: Wm. IV marches with the Democrats175!
The uprising of ’48 was primarily a students’ demonstration176; the hot-bloods of the universities, aided by various political enthusiasts177, were intent on doing something—and[115] doing it right away. There had been a preliminary meeting at Heidelberg, and this led to the Frankfort Convention; 600 disputatious delegates were going to build a liberal German constitution—at last!
Thus, between 1815 and 1848 German Unity had been stimulated178 by a dozen causes, religious, commercial, literary, social—but the political lagged, for the fact is that about the last thing a man learns is to govern himself.
There was a rising sense of National faith, as predicted by Arndt, the poet of German brotherhood179; also the call of blood, based on language; likewise a deep yearning180, as yet unsatisfied, for a constitutional form of government, as against the warring, insolent181 39 states.
By 1848 there were Constitutions in 23 of the states; many of these documents illiberal182 to be sure; but nevertheless a step in representative government.
But the Germans are a peculiar people. They wish to refer everything to ultimate philosophical183 causes; hence the fruitless debates of the Frankfort Convention, in which all manner of prospective Constitutions were tried by the formal rules of philosophy and ethics184. Such questions as “What is a Federal state?” were angrily debated, and the changes rung on “federation of states.”
After worlds of talking, unseen hands decided to offer to some powerful prince the German crown. How is that for democratsWilliam IV was the man selected.
Prodded185 by Bismarck, who was always explosive and satirical about democratic crowns, William spunkily refused to “pick a crown out of the gutter186!” His dignity, as a Hohenzollern was offended; but Bismarck was playing for larger stakes. William now went about canvassing187 the German princes for a crown; twenty-eight replied, one way or another; others, sticking to selfish interests, made no acknowledgment.
Now Bismarck, bellowing188 like a mastiff, set up the cry that if William accepted that democratic crown out of the Frankfort gutter, Prussia would become involved in civil war. And it was a fact! The old-line Prussian military[116] aristocracy wanted no “democratic gold, from the gutter, melted down with their old aristocratic gold of Frederick the Great”—and as a matter of fact, could you blame themWere you there, at the time, and of the land-holding privileged class, you too would have been up in arms.
Get this straight: William’s idea of “United Germany” simply meant that there should be a United Germany compounded of the thirty-nine clashing states, provided William’s beloved Prussia and not the detested Austria could front the movement.
Despite all the noble souls who write poetry on brotherhood (and Germany has her patriots, God knows!), the irony189 of fate is such that all human alignments190 of a political nature must at some stage be spattered with mud.
You see, henceforth for a quarter of a century, the realization191 of this much-prized but elusive192 and seemingly impossible Unity was to become more and more a game of politics in which the stakes were kingdoms, principalities, riches and honors unnumbered. In all card-games the result is not known till the last card is played; and in the present case the game was to be protracted193 twenty-four years. Chips were flung about in huge stacks, now piled on the Austrian side, now on the Prussian; and finally, it was to break up in a fight, in which Prussia had to tip over the table, violently seize the spoils, batter194 heads right and left, and beat off rival players with needle-guns.
Come, come, there is no need of claiming too much for human nature. The grand prize was to be gained, ultimately, by seizure195! Even the sober, common-sense William I, to whom it finally fell to be crowned German Emperor, saw the true situation early, after the church-building William IV had been gathered to his fathers. You will hear more of that as we go along.
When all intriguing196, all card-stacking, all smiling, all smooth speeches no longer serve to conceal197 the real end of this amazing game of international politics, as between Prussia and Austria, then the thing to do is to bring on “blood and iron.” The very human end that Bismarck always had in mind was German liberation and Unity, by driving the Nation’s enemies beyond the borders.[117]
The best title to lands, the surest, the most incontrovertible—let purists and pietists rage as they may—is the sharp edge of the sword.
We shall see all that more clearly as the bloody years go by.
In the critical year ’48, democratic mobs chased that old aristocrat36 and king-maker Metternich out of Vienna. Hungary, Bohemia and other intervening principalities went mad with excitement about “Liberty!” South Germany was in a turmoil198.
William IV had again practically promised a Constitution, and had ordered the troops from Berlin; he placed a sign on his castle “National Property.” At this time the king let slip these fateful words, “Prussia is to be dissolved in Germany!” Bismarck, pained beyond expression, sent a letter to the King, full of expressions of loyalty199. The King kept the letter on his desk all summer.
The giant continued to protest. He now first used a subsidized press, called well-known men to write for the “North Prussian Gazette.”
For all this, he was dubbed200 “Junker,” “Hot Head,” “Reactionary,” but he thundered away like a battleship in action.
The King was in the hands of the Liberals. Bismarck regarded this as a frightful situation. Bismarck, of the Old Regime, stood by the landlords and the titled folk. He had prodigious201 pride of station, hated to see the King make a fool of himself about paper Constitutions.
In Berlin, along in March, there were amazing scenes. The democrats were crazy for blood; William shrank with horror against fighting his beloved Berliners. But this son, the future William I, who twenty-four years later was to gain the imperial German crown, was not so squeamish. The young prince gained the popular title “Cartridge-box prince,” equivalent to saying that he was willing to blaze away at “beloved Berliners,” or at any other citizens insane with political excitements hazardous202 to “Divine-right.”
It is true that on March 18th this romantic William IV did[118] indeed enter into negotiations203 with the insurgents204; and—think of the mortification205 to one of Bismarck’s upper-class leanings!—did indeed do no less than wrap the German tricolor around his body and heading a democratic procession march around the streets, even going so far as to make a foolish speech in which he extolled the glories of the German democratic revolution.
Here we might as well close the book, were it not for Bismarck. The surly dog of a king’s man flatly refused to vote “Aye!” in the Diet, where the hot-heads were intent on passing resolutions “commending the King for his loyalty to democratic principles,” in marching ’round town with the mob. Bismarck for the time being stood like a great mastiff at bay before wolves.
His terrific speech upholding royal prerogative206 made his early and sudden fame.
It is a fact that with all their political ambitions, and their solemn belief that Germany’s political future was an open book, the Radicals in Prussia never guessed the way events were to turn out; nor for that matter the Radicals never desired the conquest of Germany by Prussia; therefore the subsequent astonishing rise of German Imperialism207 through Prussian domination, would have proved a most surprising revelation had the patriots of 1806 to 1848 returned from the other world, say in 1870, to view Prussia’s rise to glory.
The political uprisings of 1848 had parallels in Italy, France, Spain, and Germany; and the excesses cleared the way for wiser action, in years to come.
“The frenzy was a sort of tottering208 bridge between the French 1789-93 idea of democracy (that has to do with bloodshed and violence) and the purified conception expressed in modern constitutional democracy.”
The German democratic uprisings of 1820, ’30 and ’48 were planned to win a certain type of civil liberty. They failed. The question was “equality,” as well as popular “machinery209[119]” of representation. How was it to be brought aboutModern “parliamentarism” had not as yet been involved.
The patriots of ’48 had their Jacobin clubs in mild imitation of the French Revolution. Baden alone had 400, with a membership of 20,000. “Every tavern210 and brewery211, (Dahlinger, German Revolution of ’49, p. 33), became a seat of democratic propaganda.”
See, there stands the mighty Hecker, A feather in his hat, There stands the friend of the people, Yearning for the tyrants’ blood; Big boots with thick soles, Sword and pistol by his side.
Copied from French models was the word “Citizen.” We hear of Citizen Brentano, Citizen Franz Sigel, Citizen Ostenhaus, Citizen Schimmelpfennig; some of these leaders were extremely radical102; but Brentano endeavored to keep the Revolution from becoming a record of lawlessness after the French Revolution type. (Dahlinger, p. 100).
We cannot go into the various battles fought and lost. Many of the leaders were exiled, others shot. The patriots were as a rule young collegians, ambitious to rise in life, but sincerely holding to modified conceptions of French Constitutionalism. There were a large number of journalists in the thick of the struggle, also professors in high schools. These chosen leaders, by various oratorical tricks, drew political and social malcontents from every walk of life.
In the end, Prussian troops put down the patriots.
In ’48, all kings were under suspicion; it made no difference whether the king was a good king or a bad king; a king was a king, and all kings were bad.
The younger generation, especially became morbid212 over the word “Liberty!” What it really meant, in ’48, was that human nature should restrain itself, in order that all men might, immediately, enter into so-called God-given political rights.
The situation was somewhat analogous213 to that created after[120] the Civil War, in the United States. Certain political fanatics, weeping over the Negroes, now demanded universal suffrage214, literally, for the slaves, and in secret saw that by controlling the South, a “Black Republic” might be set up, side by side with our “White Republic.”
Fraternity and equality—that was the cry in ’48—glossed over by politico-religious glamour215, expressed in the idea that men “ought” do thus and so, and therefore “a people’s king” was in order. The people were to crown themselves.
For a thousand years the accepted political doctrine216 had been that kings held office by Divine-right, but now orators217 of the day harangued218 mobs proclaiming the literal belief that the voice of the people is the voice of God.
While, thus, the new apostles ridiculed219 the old idea of Divine-right, as attached to the acts of monarch, leaders of the people saw no inconsistency in asserting attributes of political divinity in the doings of the common people. Thus, a species of nebulous politico-religious humanism was pictured as the highest expression of political philosophy.
The individual wished to come into his own and the quicker the better. Reformers shocked landed proprietors220, titled folk and office-holders under kings, by demanding unconditional221 surrender of the machinery of government; zealots urged revolts against all manner of constituted authority. The point was to gain for the barber, the tailor, the shoemaker and the blacksmith more life, more political experience, more freedom of choice—and right on the next tick of the clock!
There is this about it: that the Frankfort Convention offered to William IV the “People’s Crown” as a direct symbol of belief in political idealism, not necessarily, however, the political idealism that tolerates a king but instead uses him as a popular signboard.
The Convention held that German unity “ought by right” to be established; therefore “once the grand Idea was set afloat” the cause “must by moral right come to pass.”
Probably never before in the world was there formulated222 an outright223, widespread expression of greater political idealism by men who called themselves patriots. There is a[121] noble side to the sentiment, heightened the more as we realize the inevitable224 delusion225 of it all, translated into terms of human selfishness.
Germany, so the zealots proclaimed, should by blood and language be united; and in this respect orators of the hour were correct.
Germany had a manifest destiny, the speakers continued, but in this respect they were guided by faith rather than by experience. At least, the momentary226 end of “manifest destiny” was clearly the political function; to be one and united.
So far good.
Then why “should not” this noble German Idea be “accepted”The word Idea was usually presented with a capital letter, in form of personification, so real had the thing become to German political orators.
Certainly every German was ready to testify that National Unity had been the one political dream of generations past and gone.
Had not the old wandering minstrels sung of the Fatherland, alas227, too long delayed by miserable228 human selfishness! German bull-headedness insisted on insularity229, on individualism, on particularism, on standing230 each petty monarch in his corner, with farce-comedy courtiers bowing and scraping while the rights of the peasant were forgotten. Assuredly, the day had come for this folly to cease. Then in Heaven’s name, why not a United Germany—here and now?
The petty passions of rival princes acted as a bar to the acceptance of the glorious National Idea, spelled with the big “I.”
Intense particularisms preferred loyalty to local princes, fashions, customs, dialects rather than to lose the old ways in the larger life of the German Nation.
But Bismarck did not lose heart.
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1
tragic
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| adj.悲剧的，悲剧性的，悲惨的 | |
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patriot
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| n.爱国者，爱国主义者 | |
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patriots
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| 爱国者，爱国主义者( patriot的名词复数 ) | |
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ass
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| n.驴；傻瓜，蠢笨的人 | |
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glorification
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| n.赞颂 | |
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gangsters
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| 匪徒，歹徒( gangster的名词复数 ) | |
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aligned
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| adj.对齐的，均衡的 | |
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endorse
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| vt.(支票、汇票等)背书，背署；批注；同意 | |
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deliberately
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| adv.审慎地；蓄意地；故意地 | |
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liberate
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| v.解放，使获得自由，释出，放出；vt.解放，使获自由 | |
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monarch
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| n.帝王，君主，最高统治者 | |
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hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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democrat
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| n.民主主义者，民主人士；民主党党员 | |
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speculations
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| n.投机买卖( speculation的名词复数 )；思考；投机活动；推断 | |
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grove
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| n.林子，小树林，园林 | |
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dagger
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| n.匕首，短剑，剑号 | |
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millennium
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| n.一千年，千禧年；太平盛世 | |
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superstitious
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| adj.迷信的 | |
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idol
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| n.偶像，红人，宠儿 | |
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decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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almighty
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| adj.全能的，万能的；很大的，很强的 | |
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mighty
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| adj.强有力的；巨大的 | |
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nay
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| adv.不；n.反对票，投反对票者 | |
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supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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dread
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| vt.担忧，忧虑；惧怕，不敢；n.担忧，畏惧 | |
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brutal
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| adj.残忍的，野蛮的，不讲理的 | |
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obsession
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| n.困扰，无法摆脱的思想(或情感) | |
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applied
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| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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domains
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| n.范围( domain的名词复数 )；领域；版图；地产 | |
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agitators
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| n.（尤指政治变革的）鼓动者( agitator的名词复数 )；煽动者；搅拌器；搅拌机 | |
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literally
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| adv.照字面意义，逐字地；确实 | |
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satire
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| n.讽刺，讽刺文学，讽刺作品 | |
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lure
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| n.吸引人的东西，诱惑物；vt.引诱，吸引 | |
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forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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mire
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| n.泥沼，泥泞；v.使...陷于泥泞，使...陷入困境 | |
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aristocrat
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| n.贵族，有贵族气派的人，上层人物 | |
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aristocrats
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| n.贵族( aristocrat的名词复数 ) | |
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oratorical
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| adj.演说的，雄辩的 | |
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orator
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| n.演说者，演讲者，雄辩家 | |
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axe
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| n.斧子；v.用斧头砍，削减 | |
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confiscate
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| v.没收(私人财产)，把…充公 | |
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confiscation
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| n. 没收, 充公, 征收 | |
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nominal
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| adj.名义上的；(金额、租金)微不足道的 | |
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impecunious
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| adj.不名一文的，贫穷的 | |
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dreads
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| n.恐惧，畏惧( dread的名词复数 )；令人恐惧的事物v.害怕，恐惧，担心( dread的第三人称单数 ) | |
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sensational
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| adj.使人感动的，非常好的，轰动的，耸人听闻的 | |
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forfeit
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| vt.丧失；n.罚金，罚款，没收物 | |
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48
assassination
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| n.暗杀；暗杀事件 | |
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49
confession
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| n.自白，供认，承认 | |
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50
presidency
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| n.总统(校长，总经理)的职位(任期) | |
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51
bias
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| n.偏见，偏心，偏袒；vt.使有偏见 | |
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52
incurred
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| [医]招致的，遭受的； incur的过去式 | |
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53
verge
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| n.边，边缘；v.接近，濒临 | |
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54
bankruptcy
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| n.破产；无偿付能力 | |
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55
expending
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| v.花费( expend的现在分词 )；使用（钱等）做某事；用光；耗尽 | |
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56
wink
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| n.眨眼，使眼色，瞬间；v.眨眼，使眼色，闪烁 | |
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57
utterance
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| n.用言语表达，话语，言语 | |
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58
poetical
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| adj.似诗人的；诗一般的；韵文的；富有诗意的 | |
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59
mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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60
humane
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| adj.人道的，富有同情心的 | |
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61
memoirs
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| n.回忆录；回忆录传( mem,自oir的名词复数) | |
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62
hissed
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| 发嘶嘶声( hiss的过去式和过去分词 )； 发嘘声表示反对 | |
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63
intimidated
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| v.恐吓；威胁adj.害怕的；受到威胁的 | |
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64
vile
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| adj.卑鄙的，可耻的，邪恶的；坏透的 | |
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prating
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| v.（古时用语）唠叨，啰唆( prate的现在分词 ) | |
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66
exalted
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| adj.(地位等)高的，崇高的；尊贵的，高尚的 | |
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67
prospective
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| adj.预期的，未来的，前瞻性的 | |
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68
collateral
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| adj.平行的；旁系的；n.担保品 | |
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69
manly
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| adj.有男子气概的；adv.男子般地，果断地 | |
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70
audacity
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| n.大胆，卤莽，无礼 | |
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71
virtuous
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| adj.有品德的，善良的，贞洁的，有效力的 | |
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72
unify
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| vt.使联合，统一；使相同，使一致 | |
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73
bosom
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| n.胸，胸部；胸怀；内心；adj.亲密的 | |
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gasp
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| n.喘息，气喘；v.喘息；气吁吁他说 | |
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75
admiration
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| n.钦佩，赞美，羡慕 | |
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76
unnaturally
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| adv.违反习俗地；不自然地；勉强地；不近人情地 | |
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77
fattening
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| adj.（食物）要使人发胖的v.喂肥( fatten的现在分词 )；养肥（牲畜）；使（钱）增多；使（公司）升值 | |
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monstrous
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| adj.巨大的；恐怖的；可耻的，丢脸的 | |
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79
farce
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| n.闹剧，笑剧，滑稽戏；胡闹 | |
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80
pastors
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| n.（基督教的）牧师( pastor的名词复数 ) | |
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81
massacres
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| 大屠杀( massacre的名词复数 )； 惨败 | |
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82
assassinations
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| n.暗杀( assassination的名词复数 ) | |
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83
labored
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| adj.吃力的，谨慎的v.努力争取(for)( labor的过去式和过去分词 )；苦干；详细分析；（指引擎）缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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84
immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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85
instigator
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| n.煽动者 | |
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86
salvation
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| n.（尤指基督）救世，超度，拯救，解困 | |
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87
condoned
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| v.容忍，宽恕，原谅( condone的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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88
bloody
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| adj.非常的的；流血的；残忍的；adv.很；vt.血染 | |
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89
frenzy
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| n.疯狂，狂热，极度的激动 | |
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90
alleged
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| a.被指控的，嫌疑的 | |
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91
martyr
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| n.烈士，殉难者；vt.杀害，折磨，牺牲 | |
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92
quack
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| n.庸医；江湖医生；冒充内行的人；骗子 | |
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93
daggers
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| 匕首，短剑( dagger的名词复数 ) | |
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94
perfidious
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| adj.不忠的，背信弃义的 | |
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95
immortal
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| adj.不朽的；永生的，不死的；神的 | |
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96
corrupt
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| v.贿赂，收买；adj.腐败的，贪污的 | |
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97
assassinated
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| v.暗杀( assassinate的过去式和过去分词 )；中伤；诋毁；破坏 | |
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98
sublime
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| adj.崇高的，伟大的；极度的，不顾后果的 | |
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99
corpse
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| n.尸体，死尸 | |
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100
followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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101
radicals
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| n.激进分子( radical的名词复数 )；根基；基本原理；[数学]根数 | |
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102
radical
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| n.激进份子，原子团，根号；adj.根本的，激进的，彻底的 | |
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103
glorified
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| 美其名的，变荣耀的 | |
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104
hysterical
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| adj.情绪异常激动的，歇斯底里般的 | |
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105
dungeon
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| n.地牢，土牢 | |
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106
dungeons
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| n.地牢( dungeon的名词复数 ) | |
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107
meted
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| v.（对某人）施以，给予（处罚等）( mete的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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108
rogues
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| n.流氓( rogue的名词复数 )；无赖；调皮捣蛋的人；离群的野兽 | |
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109
begrudged
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| 嫉妒( begrudge的过去式和过去分词 )； 勉强做； 不乐意地付出； 吝惜 | |
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110
leech
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| n.水蛭，吸血鬼，榨取他人利益的人；vt.以水蛭吸血；vi.依附于别人 | |
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111
scourge
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| n.灾难，祸害；v.蹂躏 | |
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112
condemned
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| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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113
patriotic
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| adj.爱国的，有爱国心的 | |
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114
instigated
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| v.使（某事物）开始或发生，鼓动( instigate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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115
traitors
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| 卖国贼( traitor的名词复数 )； 叛徒； 背叛者； 背信弃义的人 | |
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116
detested
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| v.憎恶，嫌恶，痛恨( detest的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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117
scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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118
hacked
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| 生气 | |
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119
overthrown
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| adj. 打翻的，推倒的，倾覆的 动词overthrow的过去分词 | |
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120
remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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121
hurled
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| v.猛投，用力掷( hurl的过去式和过去分词 )；大声叫骂 | |
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122
Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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123
banished
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| v.放逐，驱逐( banish的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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124
rites
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| 仪式，典礼( rite的名词复数 ) | |
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125
radicalism
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| n. 急进主义, 根本的改革主义 | |
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126
folly
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| n.愚笨，愚蠢，蠢事，蠢行，傻话 | |
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127
foul
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| adj.污秽的；邪恶的；v.弄脏；妨害；犯规；n.犯规 | |
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128
warp
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| vt.弄歪，使翘曲，使不正常，歪曲，使有偏见 | |
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129
psychology
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| n.心理，心理学，心理状态 | |
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130
homage
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| n.尊敬，敬意，崇敬 | |
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131
symbolized
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| v.象征，作为…的象征( symbolize的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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132
dedicated
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| adj.一心一意的；献身的；热诚的 | |
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133
dame
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| n.女士 | |
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134
ERECTED
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| adj. 直立的，竖立的，笔直的 vt. 使 ... 直立，建立 | |
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135
tyrants
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| 专制统治者( tyrant的名词复数 )； 暴君似的人； （古希腊的）僭主； 严酷的事物 | |
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136
pontifical
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| adj.自以为是的，武断的 | |
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137
charlatans
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| n.冒充内行者，骗子( charlatan的名词复数 ) | |
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138
virtues
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| 美德( virtue的名词复数 )； 德行； 优点； 长处 | |
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139
virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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140
immortality
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| n.不死，不朽 | |
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141
predecessors
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| n.前任( predecessor的名词复数 )；前辈；（被取代的）原有事物；前身 | |
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142
unintelligible
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| adj.无法了解的，难解的，莫明其妙的 | |
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143
bombast
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| n.高调，夸大之辞 | |
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144
asylum
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| n.避难所，庇护所，避难 | |
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145
extolled
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| v.赞颂，赞扬，赞美( extol的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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146
fiery
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| adj.燃烧着的，火红的；暴躁的；激烈的 | |
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147
fanatics
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| 狂热者，入迷者( fanatic的名词复数 ) | |
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148
spat
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| n.口角，掌击；v.发出呼噜呼噜声 | |
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149
pricked
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| 刺，扎，戳( prick的过去式和过去分词 )； 刺伤； 刺痛； 使剧痛 | |
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150
lust
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| n.性(淫)欲；渴(欲)望；vi.对…有强烈的欲望 | |
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151
savagely
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| adv. 野蛮地，残酷地 | |
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152
frightful
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| adj.可怕的；讨厌的 | |
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153
rabble
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| n.乌合之众，暴民；下等人 | |
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154
rosy
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| adj.美好的，乐观的，玫瑰色的 | |
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155
ironical
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| adj.讽刺的，冷嘲的 | |
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156
bided
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| v.等待，停留( bide的过去式 )；居住；等待；面临 | |
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157
unity
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| n.团结，联合，统一；和睦，协调 | |
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158
ordained
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| v.任命（某人）为牧师( ordain的过去式和过去分词 )；授予（某人）圣职；（上帝、法律等）命令；判定 | |
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159
motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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160
belied
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| v.掩饰( belie的过去式和过去分词 )；证明（或显示）…为虚假；辜负；就…扯谎 | |
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161
longing
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| n.（for）渴望 | |
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162
concession
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| n.让步，妥协；特许(权) | |
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163
canvass
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| v.招徕顾客，兜售；游说；详细检查，讨论 | |
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164
painstaking
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| adj.苦干的；艰苦的，费力的，刻苦的 | |
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165
gale
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| n.大风，强风，一阵闹声（尤指笑声等） | |
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166
amiable
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|
| adj.和蔼可亲的，友善的，亲切的 | |
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167
conceit
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| n.自负，自高自大 | |
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168
profess
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| v.声称，冒称，以...为业，正式接受入教，表明信仰 | |
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169
penitentiary
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| n.感化院；监狱 | |
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170
peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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171
avenged
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|
| v.为…复仇，报…之仇( avenge的过去式和过去分词 )；为…报复 | |
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172
omnipotent
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| adj.全能的，万能的 | |
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173
dominion
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| n.统治，管辖，支配权；领土，版图 | |
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174
hemlock
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| n.毒胡萝卜，铁杉 | |
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175
democrats
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| n.民主主义者，民主人士( democrat的名词复数 ) | |
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176
demonstration
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| n.表明，示范，论证，示威 | |
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177
enthusiasts
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| n.热心人，热衷者( enthusiast的名词复数 ) | |
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178
stimulated
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| a.刺激的 | |
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179
brotherhood
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| n.兄弟般的关系，手中情谊 | |
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180
yearning
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| a.渴望的；向往的；怀念的 | |
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181
insolent
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| adj.傲慢的，无理的 | |
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182
illiberal
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| adj.气量狭小的，吝啬的 | |
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183
philosophical
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| adj.哲学家的，哲学上的，达观的 | |
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184
ethics
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| n.伦理学；伦理观，道德标准 | |
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185
prodded
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| v.刺，戳( prod的过去式和过去分词 )；刺激；促使；（用手指或尖物）戳 | |
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186
gutter
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| n.沟，街沟，水槽，檐槽，贫民窟 | |
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187
canvassing
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| v.（在政治方面）游说( canvass的现在分词 )；调查（如选举前选民的）意见；为讨论而提出（意见等）；详细检查 | |
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188
bellowing
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| v.发出吼叫声，咆哮（尤指因痛苦）( bellow的现在分词 )；（愤怒地）说出（某事），大叫 | |
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189
irony
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| n.反语，冷嘲；具有讽刺意味的事，嘲弄 | |
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190
alignments
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| 排成直线( alignment的名词复数 )； （国家、团体间的）结盟 | |
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191
realization
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| n.实现；认识到，深刻了解 | |
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192
elusive
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| adj.难以表达(捉摸)的；令人困惑的；逃避的 | |
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193
protracted
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| adj.拖延的；延长的v.拖延“protract”的过去式和过去分词 | |
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194
batter
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| v.接连重击；磨损；n.牛奶面糊；击球员 | |
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195
seizure
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| n.没收；占有；抵押 | |
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196
intriguing
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| adj.有趣的；迷人的v.搞阴谋诡计(intrigue的现在分词)；激起…的好奇心 | |
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197
conceal
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| v.隐藏，隐瞒，隐蔽 | |
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198
turmoil
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| n.骚乱，混乱，动乱 | |
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199
loyalty
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| n.忠诚，忠心 | |
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200
dubbed
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|
| v.给…起绰号( dub的过去式和过去分词 )；把…称为；配音；复制 | |
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201
prodigious
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| adj.惊人的，奇妙的；异常的；巨大的；庞大的 | |
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202
hazardous
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| adj.(有)危险的，冒险的；碰运气的 | |
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203
negotiations
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| 协商( negotiation的名词复数 )； 谈判； 完成（难事）； 通过 | |
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204
insurgents
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| n.起义，暴动，造反( insurgent的名词复数 ) | |
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205
mortification
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| n.耻辱，屈辱 | |
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206
prerogative
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| n.特权 | |
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207
imperialism
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| n.帝国主义，帝国主义政策 | |
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208
tottering
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| adj.蹒跚的，动摇的v.走得或动得不稳( totter的现在分词 )；踉跄；蹒跚；摇摇欲坠 | |
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209
machinery
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| n.(总称)机械，机器；机构 | |
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210
tavern
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| n.小旅馆，客栈；小酒店 | |
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211
brewery
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| n.啤酒厂 | |
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212
morbid
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| adj.病的；致病的；病态的；可怕的 | |
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213
analogous
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| adj.相似的；类似的 | |
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214
suffrage
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| n.投票，选举权，参政权 | |
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215
glamour
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| n.魔力，魅力；vt.迷住 | |
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216
doctrine
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| n.教义；主义；学说 | |
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217
orators
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| n.演说者，演讲家( orator的名词复数 ) | |
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218
harangued
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| v.高谈阔论( harangue的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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ridiculed
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| v.嘲笑，嘲弄，奚落( ridicule的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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220
proprietors
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| n.所有人，业主( proprietor的名词复数 ) | |
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221
unconditional
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| adj.无条件的，无限制的，绝对的 | |
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222
formulated
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| v.构想出( formulate的过去式和过去分词 )；规划；确切地阐述；用公式表示 | |
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223
outright
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| adv.坦率地；彻底地；立即；adj.无疑的；彻底的 | |
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224
inevitable
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| adj.不可避免的，必然发生的 | |
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225
delusion
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| n.谬见，欺骗，幻觉，迷惑 | |
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226
momentary
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| adj.片刻的，瞬息的；短暂的 | |
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227
alas
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| int.唉(表示悲伤、忧愁、恐惧等) | |
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228
miserable
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| adj.悲惨的，痛苦的；可怜的，糟糕的 | |
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229
insularity
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| n.心胸狭窄；孤立；偏狭；岛国根性 | |
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230
standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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