William I writes his abdication1, and is about to quit in disgust; Bismarck says, “Tear that letter up!”
Along about 1857, our poor William IV lost his mind; for four years he continued a nervous wreck2; his brother, William I, was the sick man’s representative as Prussian king; and in ’61, when William IV died, William I became sovereign ruler of pugnacious3 Prussia.
The common people welcomed William I with open arms, that is to say, adoring a fighting man, and long disappointed[154] by the timidity and vacillation4 of kind-hearted William IV, with his church-building plans and his Jerusalem bishoprics, it seemed as though the reactionary5 character of Prussian political life might now come to an end.
Frederick’s many-sidedness was in sharp contrast to William’s one-sidedness; Frederick’s unfixed decision is now expressed by William’s unvarying will. Where Frederick had been brilliant and imaginative, William was cold and solid.
William was now over sixty, at which age men’s lives, as a rule, are in eclipse.
Yet this man of destiny had still in store the making of a modern C?sar. He was to become king of kings, ruler of an empire whose individual units were commanded not by democrats6 trying new ambitions; but instead, many monarchs8 were to proclaim, “William, Emperor of United Germany!”
This son of Queen Louise, mother of Prussia, was now to justify9 the sacrifices of the great German foster-mother; for as she had labored10 with Scharnhorst to perfect the Prussian military, and in the hour of Prussia’s extremity11 dared to confront even the great Napoleon himself, likewise her son William was now to complete, years later, the mother’s ideals.
Where she scattered12 seed on fallow ground, the son was to reap his abundant harvest of Prussian glory.
“Whoever wishes to rule Germany must conquer it; and that cannot be done with phrases,” wrote William, 22 years before he was crowned at Versailles.
We have seen all manner of Hohenzollerns—robber-knight Hohenzollerns—landscape-gardening Hohenzollerns—church-building Hohenzollerns—and Hohenzollerns tied to a woman’s apron13 string.
A brave, practical, common-sense Hohenzollern is now head of the distinguished14 Prussian house.
William I is flatly opposed to Liberalism, but is shrewd enough to have a moderate Liberal among his kingly advisers15; for William realizes the political weakness of further constitution-tinkering.[155]
Finally, we have before us a man as obstinate16 as Bismarck, but without Bismarck’s creative imagination; a Prussian King reared in the army, who loved the army, who understood the army;—even as Bismarck understood political intrigue17. The combination was unique!
Also, we have here a William of enormous ambition, little suspected under his rather conventional innocent-appearing German mask.
We come now to a place where furious political torrents18 begin beating down the ancestral forests of Germany; torn by flashes of lightning and the ominous19 roll of thunders, the air is filled with broken boughs20, flying leaves and clouds of dust.
Bismarck, god of thunder, rides upon the furious storm.
Let us closely follow the general track of the hurricane now raging in Prussia, more especially in the Prussian Chamber21.
In ’59, William had appointed von Roon Minister of War; the people objected, declaring it another evidence of William’s reactionary principles. The plan was to increase the army from 130,000 in peace and 215,000 in war to 190,000 in peace and 450,000 in war.
It really meant universal military service for Prussia, with 63,000 recruits each year, practically doubling the service, making it possible within a decade to call possibly 1,200,000 soldiers!
The Chamber of Deputies opposed the plan, vigorously. However, the Chamber in a patriotic23 moment had voted army money on condition that the increase was only incidental, but William while saying little of his plans acted as though his army appropriations24 were to be permanent, henceforth.
Over this question, a bitter controversy26! The King took the ground that it was the duty of the Deputies to raise the cash in such sums as were required for state purposes—whatever these might be, in the opinion of the King.
It was conceded that, in military matters, William’s judgment27 was good, but the Liberals did not much like these great military expenses.[156]
William even thought of breaking the deadlock28 by abolishing parliament and ruling alone, or abdicating29 his throne!
He had already written out his abdication, so the story goes, and it was lying on his desk, all signed, awaiting the moment of proclamation.
At the eleventh hour, William bethought himself of an invincible30 fighting man, Otto von Bismarck, widely known for boldness and independence.
“I am willing to carry out your policy, whether Parliament is agreed or not! I will rather perish with my King than forsake31 Your Majesty32 in the contest with Parliamentary government!”
And William tore up the abdication paper and replied, “Let’s get down to business!”
42
The four years’ conflict era—Here Bismarck is at last revealed in his true character—King’s Man supreme33!
Ten years of rough-and-tumble fighting in the blind alleys34 of political intrigue have now prepared Otto von Bismarck for great things. In the solemn years to come, all is yet to be dignified35 by the formation of an Empire, through blood and iron.
The King’s ambition grew on what it fed upon—a desire for Prussian aggrandizement36, at all hazards, and the ultimate solution of the German problem through Prussian power of arms. He made up his mind, accordingly, that he ought to reorganize the army; for this purpose he had asked the Chamber for 12,000,000 thalers.
The cat slipped out of the bag, in spite of precautions. This 12,000,000 thalers was to be used to buy needle-guns and powder, in the oncoming War of the Brothers.
Our William I, whatever he might be, was at least no namby-pamby sentimentalist. That honest German face, those kindly37 blue eyes, his high complexion38, made him look as guileless as a happy school boy; but he had his deep desire for place and power, side by side with Bismarck.[157]
It was a most fortunate day for this hard-headed unimaginative William that Otto von Bismarck, in the Autumn of 1862, accepted the Portfolio39 of Prussian Minister. William wanted a strong man to fight the hostile radical40 deputies for that 12,000,000 thalers, for the war-chest.
There is no use casting about for fair words to butter parsnips. The long-deferred irrepressible War of the Brothers was determined41 upon; and the Prussian dynasty was to wade42 through seas of blood to the heights of glory; and the purpose was ever to end this age-old German family strife43.
William I is deservedly a great German national hero. He is the true father of his country.
We see nothing to criticise44. The situation is very human; and the leading actors play their difficult parts with discrimination. In your own life’s conquests, do you do any more, and often do you not do lessIs it not true in your own life that you have to fight for what you achieveTruly, the world belongs to him who seizes it. William knew this; Bismarck certainly knew it; and in this respect the two great men were agreed. So far, good. In broad outline the plan was to make the Prussian dynastic government rule over territorial46 United Germany; but it must come with the consent of the rulers of the independent German states and not through decrees of people’s parliaments or the howlings of mobs.
As for Bismarck, he was the one man of the hour for black situations. His schooling47 in human nature had progressed amazingly. For the past ten years, at Frankfort, at St. Petersburg, at Paris, at Vienna, Bismarck had fallen afoul of all leading political strategists of Europe, men gloating over the problem of annexing49 to their private estates the divided German thirty-nine states: Bismarck had studied the individual line of battle of Frenchman, Russian, Italian, Dane, Briton, to say nothing of the ambitions of princelings, counts, deputies, margraves, prelates, poets, and political hen-coop makers;—knew too, how at the critical moment to block their individual games and just when to give his own deadly knockout—either above or below the belt![158]
During his period of preparation, as we have seen, for twenty years Bismarck had consistently preached “Divine-right,” stood for what he called “Christian50 monarchy51.”
For years, also, it appeared that the thing was for Prussia to enter into a close political union with Austria, but now Bismarck was convinced that he must fight Austria. Fight or shake hands were the same to the giant Otto; the thing was to win, if not in one way then in another! Otto, after his Frankfort experiences saw clearly Austria’s under-play to dominate the political situation; and in turn felt himself called upon to check Austrian ambition in favor of his liege lord, the Margrave of Brandenburg, the King of Prussia.
Finally, Bismarck’s great chance came. William asked Bismarck to force the army bill.
Now indeed will the giant rage, snapping his teeth in the face of the hurricane,—yes, four long years he is to rule without color of law.
43
On comes the storm—Not by speechmaking but by blood and iron are the great questions to be decided52, says Bismarck!
At least, we admit that William I was a thoroughbred Hohenzollern in innate53 admiration54 of the iron fist!
Now this was the situation: The secret war-chest against Austria had to be filled in one way or another; but the difficulty was found in the fact that the common people, acting55 under a mysterious instinct not to be explained but very real withal, had already begun to show unrest about an approaching War of the Brothers, as the sentimentalists called the irrepressible conflict between Austria and Prussia. The upshot was that Bismarck’s political secrets while not definitely understood in detail, were quite generally divined by close students of the German problem. The Liberals were intent on their own interests, in Prussia, and believed that their political solution depended on hampering56 the King, regardless of his cause. Hence the Liberal deputies of the[159] Chamber spunkily stood out against William’s heavy demands for cannon57 and gunpowder58.
Bismarck, as King’s Minister, had to face the political storm. He did not dare to say that he wanted the money for war; he wanted the money—was not that enough?
Thereupon, Bismarck proceeded to domineer over the delegates.
The Chamber was willing to do something, but how about the rumor59 that these huge appropriations are to be hereafter a permanent item in the budgetBismarck would not make the delegates’ minds easy; he wanted money, much money, 12,000,000 thalers in fact, for the army—and the least the delegates could do was to vote the funds. If they did not give the cash gracefully60, why he would coerce61 the deputies—that was all!
“It is not by speechifying and majorities,” he thundered, “that the great questions of the time will be decided—that was the great mistake in ’48 and in ’49,—BUT BY BLOOD AND IRON.”
Members of the Chamber shrank in horror.
There were extremely powerful and learned men there, to combat Bismarck’s point of view, and our political conspirator62 on his emperor-hunt had to listen to some of the most merciless rebukes63 he was ever to hear, during his long and highly exciting career. But he took them all, without a whimper.
“We have too many Catalines existing among us that have an interest in social uprisings,” Bismarck thundered. “Germany considers not the Liberalists of Prussia, but her own power. Bavaria, Wuertemberg and Baden may flirt64 with liberalism, but no German would think on that account of asking them to assume the r?le of Prussia. Prussia must brace65 herself, for the fitter moment. Prussia’s borders are not favorable to the development of a healthy state.”
The giant Pomeranian King’s Man with his turbulent support of his monarch7, now advanced reasons to show his side, and concluded by mocking his hearers to do their worst.[160]
“What matter if they hang me, provided the rope binds66 this new Germany more firmly to the throne?”
A few days after this sensational67 defiance68 of Democratic leaders, Bismarck announced his decision: “We shall carry on the finances of the state without the conditions provided for in the Constitution.”
Bismarck was not surprised at the storms of protest. “Some progressive journals hope to see me picking oakum for the benefit of the state.” The comic newspapers pictured Bismarck as a ballet dancer, pirouetting over eggs marked Right, Law, Order, Reform, Constitution.
The King became alarmed.
“I see how this will end,” said the King. “Over there, near the opera house, in front of my windows, they will cut off your head, and mine a little afterwards.”
“And after that, sire?” asked Bismarck spunkily.
“After that, why we shall be dead!”
“Oh, well, all must die,” cut in Bismarck indifferently, “and the question is can a man die more honorably than for his countryI am fighting for your cause, and you are sealing with your own blood your rights as King, by the grace of God.
“Your Majesty is bound to fight! You cannot capitulate! You must, even at the risk of bodily danger, go forth25 to meet any attempt at coercion69!”
As Bismarck spoke70, the King grew more and more animated71. “He began to assume the part of one fighting for kingdom and fatherland,” wrote Bismarck, in explaining the situation.
The giant’s very soul glowed with fiery72 indignation. It was not in his nature to hesitate, as to means. He wanted these 12,000,000 thalers for the army—and was not that enoughTrue, he could not say in the open that he wished to expel Austria—but must an elephant step on your foot?
He had no scruples73, moral or material; such are for lesser74 men. Hamlet-questioning princes, if you please, may soliloquize on life and its inner meaning; but not your Otto von[161] Bismarck, with his clear view of the little lives of men and with his correct conviction that if the intervening thirty-nine German states are to be made a unit in a German Empire, then under Heaven or under Hell, the thirty-nine states must be seized, even in a hurricane of bullets if necessary. Could anything be simplerHad not the “German problem,” as it was called, been talked to death generation after generation, and had not lawyers, poets, preachers, philosophers and petty princes unnumbered come and gone with their impossible enterprises looking to National glory and political legitimacy75?
Bismarck was, as usual, everlastingly76 correct in his political instincts; and furthermore he had the iron will to power to support him in this great Prussian conflict; yes, and the wizardry in manipulating human nature that, in the end, would cause even obstinate, opposed political leaders to do our giant’s bidding.
What he demanded was absolute, blind, unquestioning obedience77 from this Assembly; then, the Prussian army must fight like fiends; and lastly, he would take personal responsibility for the issue. Mahommet himself never urged war on Christian dogs with more zeal78 than did this fiery Bismarck, battling with his own German kind. To shame them, to beat them over their backs with hot irons if necessary—anything would he do to force Prussia to fight Austria, and arouse thus with a sense of blood-brotherhood the thirty-nine states, for Germany’s great glory. This was his religion—and do you now get the man behind it?
Of course, it was all cleverly masked under the plea of Prussian army reforms, pure and simple, and in general the fight between Bismarck and the Chamber seemed to turn on the right of a Minister to force appropriations for the support of the government, regardless of parliamentary unwillingness80. Bismarck held to his general principle that the Deputies had no authority to refuse the King funds to enlarge the army. The deputies were pledged to support the government, not to starve or ignore it, was Bismarck’s contention81.[162]
The Liberals raged and stormed, called him “demented Bismarck,” “Napoleon worshiper,” “hollow braggart,” “a country gentleman of moderate political training, inconsistent, nonchalant, insolent82 to a degree;—pray when did Bismarck ever express a political thought?”
King William’s choice was exceedingly unpopular, but between Von Roon and Bismarck there was now to be set up the most efficient military instrument known to history; that is to say, an all-powerful Prussian army of gigantic proportions, armed with the newly-invented needle-guns. Such was to be Von Roon’s contribution. Bismarck’s was to arouse at home the slumbering83 great “German National sentiment” that made failure impossible, at the front. Under God, Bismarck believed in the justness of his cause.
In the interim84, before the first cannon was to roar, Bismarck, the political wizard, was to tie the hands of every other European monarch—either by bribes85, idle promises or what you will—that the war might be fought to a finish without hazard of Allies coming to the rescue of the Emperor on the South.
The parliamentary debaters who thundered against Bismarck came on with all manner of attacks. The learned v. Sybel, the great authority on the French revolution, cried out his many historical warnings; Dr. Virchow, known for his work on skeletons of the mammoth86, battled along other historical lines; Dr. Gneist, the very learned member, exclaimed in a burst of moral indignation, “This army reorganization of yours has the marks of Cain on its brow!” And to this insulting speech, von Roon immediately replied, “That speech of yours bears the stamp of arrogance87 and impudence88!” Virchow challenged Bismarck to a duel89, for defamatory remarks on the doctor’s scientific attainments90. To this Bismarck replied:
“I am past the time of life when one takes advice from flesh and blood, in such things as now confront us. When I stake my life for a matter, I do so in that faith which I have strengthened by long and severe struggling—but also[163] in honest and humble91 prayer to God, a faith which no word of man, even that of friend in Christ and servant of his church, can overthrow92!”
Magnificent, magnificent you are, at this supreme moment, you big bull-dog Bismarck, and you can whip them three to one, when the great day comes.
Bismarck gained in power as he exercised his strength. He kept Prussia steady during the perilous93 times of the Crimean war; even urged an alliance with the French—think of that!—to gain secret ends for Prussia; but the Prussian king, who hated rulers of revolutionary origin, was opposed to Bismarck’s master-scheme; that is to say, William held in contempt Napoleon III, hero of the trick, known as the coup94 d’etat, which won a crown. But Bismarck had no such scruples.
At St. Petersburg, Bismarck won the Czar—for which the liberals hated Otto the more. His arts of diplomacy95 were expanding in all directions.
Foreshadowing the war with Austria, Bismarck planned to keep Italy, France, Russia, England and Belgium quiet by various intrigues96 of politics—and how well he succeeded we shall learn later on.
44
The storm increases—Bismarck decides to defy the Chamber and rule alone!
In the general turmoil97, along comes a fanatic98 named Cohen, who attempts to kill Bismarck.
This was in May, 1866. The war broke within thirty days! Cohen fired point-blank three shots, and there was a personal struggle. The giant coolly handed the would-be murderer over to the guards, then went home. His greeting to his wife was characteristic. “They have tried even to kill me, my dear, but do not mind, no harm has been done. Let us go out to dinner.”
It was a time of assassins and their plots follow. Struck down by the police, Ferd Cohen, step-son of Karl Blind, meets in the eyes of the Democrats a martyr’s death; his[164] body is crowned with flowers, as though the corpse99 were a consecration100 of Prussian Liberalism on the altar of liberty.
The frenzy101 takes still other forms; suicide cults102 become notorious; here and there, we read that some lunatic patriot22 “seeks voluntary death, for the sacred cause of the people.”
And as for Cohen, ladies of high degree bring flowers, soldiers of the common cause wear on their coats his picture crowned with oak leaves. The cult45 of murder, with Bismarck as the arch enemy in the centre of the picture, was indulged to prevent what was termed the War of the Brothers.
“I believe,” rumbled103 the granite104 rock Bismarck, with frowning clouds around his brow, “I do solemnly believe in victory—whether or not I shall live to see it!” This speech was regarded as little short of blasphemy105!
Bismarck now spoke more than ever of God, and of high German convictions. There was always grave danger of ingratitude106, of insufficiency of time and place, but he certainly thought God on his side.
What lashed107 Bismarck into fury was the contention that the Crown and the two Chambers108 were equal, in political legitimacy.
“All constitutional life,” roared Bismarck, “is based on constitutional compromises.”
Day after day, Bismarck, the Prussian bull-dog, and von Roon, the terrifying drill-master, would appear at the Chamber, on the oak bench in full view of the angry deputies. Time and again, through political jugglery109, angry members attempted to oust110 the Minister, but Bismarck was equal to every occasion. He actually ruled for four years without a legal budget. He conceded that point, too. He set up that it was his solemn sworn duty to support his King, and since the Chamber refused to vote the 12,000,000 thalers, why, it became the Minister’s duty to get the money, by fair means or by foul48.
And get it, he did!
It was all wretchedly unconstitutional—of this there is no doubt. Bismarck never made any pretenses111 on that score.[165] After the Austrian war, an act of “immunity” was passed, in his behalf.
From quarreling about the secret war-chest, the disputants next began a mighty113 wrangling114 about rules. Bismarck’s points were always ingenious. He averred115 that, as King’s Minister, he was “in” the parliament but not “of” it. “Ministers must always be listened to with respect,” he contended. Thus, he forced the unwilling79 Radicals116 to listen to his bellowing117, in behalf of the Brothers’ War.
Bismarck construed118 in his own favor every blessed rule brought up to oust him. The Minister was exempt119 from the Chamber’s dominations, he insisted in a hundred ways.
Violent scenes followed. The King sent long messages endorsing120 his fighting man; the Liberal press took up the cry, in support of Parliament; and thereupon Bismarck promptly121 muzzled122 the press.
Our Otto is now becoming the best-hated man not only in Prussia but in all Europe.
The deputies were brow-beaten, legislative123 officials intimidated124 with threats.
The climax125 came on that day of hubbub126 when angry members, swarming127 around Bismarck and von Roon, were sent back by von Roon’s thunderous defiance. Pointing to the gangway before his bench, he hissed128, “Thus far and no farther!”
The real reason why Bismarck fought the Chamber for four long years so desperately129 for the 12,000,000 thalers, to be used against Austria, was this: On one hand he wished to nullify the importance of the Prussian Parliament, and especially in the matter of dictation to the King, either under the Constitution or not; also, to thrust at the same time, Austria out of the German body of the nation.
He became a fanatic on the subject of expelling Austria from Germany! He had no scruples, stopped at nothing, paused at nothing; and at the right moment defied the Chamber, smashed the Prussian Constitution that would restrain the King’s action in peace or war—and ruled alone!
There are few parallels in history of a stronger man.[166]
Looked at in a large way, we are forced to conclude that the German masses were not ready to believe, at this moment, in Bismarck’s Old Testament130 faith in a God of Battles. To fulfil the Bismarckian political ideal, there was essential an implied humility131 on part of the people; and this attitude of submission132 and renunciation was a sin against the spirit of ’48. Bismarck’s idea of political efficiency was also by no means worked out in detail; it had yet to find a place for the tailor, the shoemaker and the barber, side by side with the King of Prussia; even that miracle was ultimately accomplished133, but at the present hour the street-bred people felt it their solemn duty to get up and howl, and to profess134 to know nothing of political efficiency, wherever kings were concerned.
At all times, the speeches of the crowd in the market-place were blatant135 enough, but there was also an unrecognized undercurrent of courage and patriotism136 passing with the flood that was to mean much to Germany, in days to come. The cause of the crowd was really an early form of our vital modernist democratic movement, not to be put down nor yet shut out; all political life was to be revalued, also all new ideas of political happiness were to be henceforth tested by their virility137 and actuality, cutting away completely bookish ideals.
The part that lagged was this: leaders of the people were soon over-engaged, so to say, with the many-sided aspects and problems of the new political leadership; the German compatriots failed at this time to realize their obligations to a German Empire, to be; the people’s politicians were still insular138 with little or no consciousness of the great German National destiny just around the bend of the road. Thus, Bismarck’s function was to force the people to join the National movement—do so as it were in spite of themselves; and when Bismarck fought back and called the people fools, he did not pause there, but stopped at nothing to lead a hitherto indifferent people to warlike patriotism over the Austrian question—over which they had gabbled and slept[167] for years. Bismarck’s unity112 of purpose for the Fatherland deftly139 combined sordid140 as well as exalted141 motives142.
And the demands Bismarck finally made on German character were not in vain. For years, however, he was looked upon as an ogre in the eyes of the masses, who misread his patriotism for jingoism143 in behalf of the King of Prussia.
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abdication
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| n.辞职；退位 | |
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wreck
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| n.失事，遇难；沉船；vt.(船等)失事，遇难 | |
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pugnacious
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| adj.好斗的 | |
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vacillation
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reactionary
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| n.反动者，反动主义者；adj.反动的，反动主义的，反对改革的 | |
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democrats
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| n.民主主义者，民主人士( democrat的名词复数 ) | |
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monarch
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| n.帝王，君主，最高统治者 | |
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monarchs
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| 君主，帝王( monarch的名词复数 ) | |
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justify
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| vt.证明…正当(或有理)，为…辩护 | |
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labored
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| adj.吃力的，谨慎的v.努力争取(for)( labor的过去式和过去分词 )；苦干；详细分析；（指引擎）缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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extremity
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scattered
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apron
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| n.围裙；工作裙 | |
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distinguished
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advisers
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| 顾问，劝告者( adviser的名词复数 )； （指导大学新生学科问题等的）指导教授 | |
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obstinate
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intrigue
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torrents
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ominous
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boughs
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chamber
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patriot
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patriotic
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| adj.爱国的，有爱国心的 | |
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appropriations
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forth
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controversy
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judgment
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deadlock
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| n.僵局，僵持 | |
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29
abdicating
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| 放弃（职责、权力等）( abdicate的现在分词 )； 退位，逊位 | |
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30
invincible
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| adj.不可征服的，难以制服的 | |
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31
forsake
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| vt.遗弃，抛弃；舍弃，放弃 | |
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32
majesty
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| n.雄伟，壮丽，庄严，威严；最高权威，王权 | |
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33
supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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34
alleys
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| 胡同，小巷( alley的名词复数 )； 小径 | |
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35
dignified
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| a.可敬的，高贵的 | |
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36
aggrandizement
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| n.增大，强化，扩大 | |
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37
kindly
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| adj.和蔼的，温和的，爽快的；adv.温和地，亲切地 | |
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38
complexion
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| n.肤色；情况，局面；气质，性格 | |
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39
portfolio
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| n.公事包；文件夹；大臣及部长职位 | |
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40
radical
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| n.激进份子，原子团，根号；adj.根本的，激进的，彻底的 | |
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41
determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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42
wade
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| v.跋涉，涉水；n.跋涉 | |
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43
strife
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| n.争吵，冲突，倾轧，竞争 | |
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44
criticise
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| v.批评，评论；非难 | |
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45
cult
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| n.异教，邪教；时尚，狂热的崇拜 | |
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46
territorial
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| adj.领土的，领地的 | |
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47
schooling
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| n.教育；正规学校教育 | |
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48
foul
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| adj.污秽的；邪恶的；v.弄脏；妨害；犯规；n.犯规 | |
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49
annexing
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| 并吞( annex的现在分词 )； 兼并； 强占； 并吞（国家、地区等） | |
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50
Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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51
monarchy
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| n.君主，最高统治者；君主政体，君主国 | |
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52
decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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53
innate
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| adj.天生的，固有的，天赋的 | |
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54
admiration
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| n.钦佩，赞美，羡慕 | |
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55
acting
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| n.演戏，行为，假装；adj.代理的，临时的，演出用的 | |
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56
hampering
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| 妨碍，束缚，限制( hamper的现在分词 ) | |
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57
cannon
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| n.大炮，火炮；飞机上的机关炮 | |
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58
gunpowder
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| n.火药 | |
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59
rumor
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| n.谣言，谣传，传说 | |
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60
gracefully
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| ad.大大方方地；优美地 | |
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61
coerce
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| v.强迫，压制 | |
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62
conspirator
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| n.阴谋者，谋叛者 | |
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63
rebukes
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| 责难或指责( rebuke的第三人称单数 ) | |
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64
flirt
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| v.调情，挑逗，调戏；n.调情者，卖俏者 | |
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65
brace
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| n. 支柱,曲柄,大括号; v. 绷紧,顶住,(为困难或坏事)做准备 | |
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66
binds
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| v.约束( bind的第三人称单数 )；装订；捆绑；（用长布条）缠绕 | |
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67
sensational
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| adj.使人感动的，非常好的，轰动的，耸人听闻的 | |
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68
defiance
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| n.挑战，挑衅，蔑视，违抗 | |
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69
coercion
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| n.强制，高压统治 | |
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70
spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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71
animated
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| adj.生气勃勃的，活跃的，愉快的 | |
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72
fiery
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| adj.燃烧着的，火红的；暴躁的；激烈的 | |
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73
scruples
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| n.良心上的不安( scruple的名词复数 )；顾虑，顾忌v.感到于心不安，有顾忌( scruple的第三人称单数 ) | |
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74
lesser
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| adj.次要的，较小的；adv.较小地，较少地 | |
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75
legitimacy
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| n.合法，正当 | |
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76
everlastingly
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| 永久地，持久地 | |
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77
obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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78
zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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79
unwilling
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| adj.不情愿的 | |
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80
unwillingness
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| n. 不愿意，不情愿 | |
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81
contention
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| n.争论，争辩，论战；论点，主张 | |
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82
insolent
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| adj.傲慢的，无理的 | |
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83
slumbering
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| 微睡，睡眠（slumber的现在分词形式） | |
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84
interim
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| adj.暂时的，临时的；n.间歇，过渡期间 | |
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85
bribes
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| n.贿赂( bribe的名词复数 )；向（某人）行贿，贿赂v.贿赂( bribe的第三人称单数 )；向（某人）行贿，贿赂 | |
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86
mammoth
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| n.长毛象；adj.长毛象似的，巨大的 | |
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87
arrogance
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| n.傲慢，自大 | |
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88
impudence
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| n.厚颜无耻；冒失；无礼 | |
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89
duel
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| n./v.决斗；(双方的)斗争 | |
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90
attainments
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| 成就，造诣； 获得( attainment的名词复数 )； 达到； 造诣； 成就 | |
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91
humble
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| adj.谦卑的，恭顺的；地位低下的；v.降低，贬低 | |
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92
overthrow
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| v.推翻，打倒，颠覆；n.推翻，瓦解，颠覆 | |
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93
perilous
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| adj.危险的，冒险的 | |
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94
coup
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| n.政变；突然而成功的行动 | |
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95
diplomacy
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| n.外交；外交手腕，交际手腕 | |
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96
intrigues
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| n.密谋策划( intrigue的名词复数 )；神秘气氛；引人入胜的复杂情节v.搞阴谋诡计( intrigue的第三人称单数 )；激起…的好奇心 | |
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97
turmoil
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| n.骚乱，混乱，动乱 | |
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98
fanatic
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| n.狂热者，入迷者；adj.狂热入迷的 | |
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99
corpse
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| n.尸体，死尸 | |
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100
consecration
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| n.供献，奉献，献祭仪式 | |
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101
frenzy
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| n.疯狂，狂热，极度的激动 | |
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102
cults
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| n.迷信( cult的名词复数 )；狂热的崇拜；（有极端宗教信仰的）异教团体 | |
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103
rumbled
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| 发出隆隆声，发出辘辘声( rumble的过去式和过去分词 )； 轰鸣着缓慢行进； 发现…的真相； 看穿（阴谋） | |
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104
granite
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| adj.花岗岩，花岗石 | |
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105
blasphemy
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| n.亵渎，渎神 | |
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106
ingratitude
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| n.忘恩负义 | |
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107
lashed
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| adj.具睫毛的v.鞭打( lash的过去式和过去分词 )；煽动；紧系；怒斥 | |
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108
chambers
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| n.房间( chamber的名词复数 )；（议会的）议院；卧室；会议厅 | |
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109
jugglery
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| n.杂耍，把戏 | |
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110
oust
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| vt.剥夺，取代，驱逐 | |
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111
pretenses
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| n.借口（pretense的复数形式） | |
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112
unity
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| n.团结，联合，统一；和睦，协调 | |
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113
mighty
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| adj.强有力的；巨大的 | |
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114
wrangling
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| v.争吵，争论，口角( wrangle的现在分词 ) | |
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115
averred
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| v.断言( aver的过去式和过去分词 )；证实；证明…属实；作为事实提出 | |
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116
radicals
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| n.激进分子( radical的名词复数 )；根基；基本原理；[数学]根数 | |
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117
bellowing
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| v.发出吼叫声，咆哮（尤指因痛苦）( bellow的现在分词 )；（愤怒地）说出（某事），大叫 | |
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118
construed
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| v.解释（陈述、行为等）( construe的过去式和过去分词 )；翻译，作句法分析 | |
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119
exempt
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| adj.免除的；v.使免除；n.免税者，被免除义务者 | |
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120
endorsing
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| v.赞同( endorse的现在分词 )；在（尤指支票的）背面签字；在（文件的）背面写评论；在广告上说本人使用并赞同某产品 | |
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121
promptly
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| adv.及时地，敏捷地 | |
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122
muzzled
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| 给（狗等）戴口套( muzzle的过去式和过去分词 )； 使缄默，钳制…言论 | |
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123
legislative
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| n.立法机构，立法权；adj.立法的，有立法权的 | |
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124
intimidated
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| v.恐吓；威胁adj.害怕的；受到威胁的 | |
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125
climax
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| n.顶点；高潮；v.(使)达到顶点 | |
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126
hubbub
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| n.嘈杂；骚乱 | |
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127
swarming
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| 密集( swarm的现在分词 )； 云集； 成群地移动； 蜜蜂或其他飞行昆虫成群地飞来飞去 | |
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128
hissed
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| 发嘶嘶声( hiss的过去式和过去分词 )； 发嘘声表示反对 | |
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129
desperately
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| adv.极度渴望地，绝望地，孤注一掷地 | |
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130
testament
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| n.遗嘱；证明 | |
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131
humility
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| n.谦逊，谦恭 | |
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132
submission
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| n.服从，投降；温顺，谦虚；提出 | |
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133
accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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134
profess
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| v.声称，冒称，以...为业，正式接受入教，表明信仰 | |
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135
blatant
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| adj.厚颜无耻的；显眼的；炫耀的 | |
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136
patriotism
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| n.爱国精神，爱国心，爱国主义 | |
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137
virility
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| n.雄劲，丈夫气 | |
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138
insular
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| adj.岛屿的，心胸狭窄的 | |
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139
deftly
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| adv.灵巧地，熟练地，敏捷地 | |
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140
sordid
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| adj.肮脏的，不干净的，卑鄙的，暗淡的 | |
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141
exalted
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| adj.(地位等)高的，崇高的；尊贵的，高尚的 | |
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142
motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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143
jingoism
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| n.极端之爱国主义 | |
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