Bismarck tricks them all—and by under-play matches King against King.
Von Roon had the soldiers up at 4 o’clock in the morning, incessantly1 drilling for the oncoming War of the Brothers. The deadly needle-guns—von Roon’s secret—were relied on to do superior work in the impending2 great crisis.
Blood and iron—yes, that is the thing!
About this time, Bismarck executes another master-stroke. He decides to intervene in Poland, in favor of Russia; and certainly he has now to face a “word of wrath4.”
England sets up a cry, “Stop thief!” Exeter Hall statesmen, “brotherhood5 of man” type, begin tearful whinings.
Louis Napoleon tries to form an alliance between England and Austria, and England offers gold for a copy of the Russo-Prussian agreement, affecting Poland. Spies were everywhere.
Well, 10,000 Poles perish in the sacred cause of liberty, but mark: That in helping6 Russia Bismarck is laying the foundation for Russia’s neutrality in the coming master-stroke against Austria. What do the lives of 10,000 Poles weigh in the balance beside the great strategic necessities to encompass7 Bismarck’s idea of a United GermanyWe do believe that Bismarck has the only practical solution, let nominal8 Christians9 say what they will.
The next step, to bribe10 France, is brought about craftily11, through a customs’ arrangement; and when some of the German[168] states object, Bismarck replies: “You go my way or go your own way, alone!”
Also, Italy has to be quieted by soothing12 promises!
Austria now sets up more wind-baggery and gold lace, in the form of a new parliament, but Bismarck counters with a “proposed German parliament”—a spurious affair to be sure, but the scare has its weight.
Dark and intricate diplomacy13 here passes before the eyes. Austria fails in her Congress of Sovereigns, and is anxious likewise to retrieve14 her losses in the Italian war. Bismarck at least knows that Austria henceforth is powerless to inflame16 German states against Prussia, also that the growth of Liberalism, within Austria’s own domains17, is again keeping her very busy.
Cast your eyes toward Paris. Louis the Little is secretly plotting with both sides—Bismarck’s spies tell all to the old man up in Berlin! Secretly, Louis feels that Prussia will be defeated; the French Emperor aims at what he calls the balance of power—by which he means that while the two big dogs are fighting, he will slip in and steal the boneExactly that!
Many years later, Bismarck writing of this period, makes this confession18:
“Napoleon secretly thought that if Austria and Prussia clashed, Austria would win and then France would step in and ‘protect’ Prussia; later on, in return for the price of her French favor, Napoleon III believed he could make such terms as he wished with our Prussia.”
Thus, up to the decisive battle of Sadowa, or Koeniggraetz, France remains19 politely bowing and scraping to both sides—while having her understanding with each side.
Napoleon feels that he will in time be asked to intervene, and for his help he will take a slice of the Rhineland.
Bismarck did not undeceive France—mark that well! Later in life, the Man of Blood and Iron, taunted21 with the charge of attempting to give away German territory, made a strong “diplomatic” defense22. He fearlessly produced the draft of a proposed treaty showing that France was conniving23 to acquire Belgium, through the under-play of politics, aided by Bismarck.[169]
The amusing part was Bismarck’s solemn reply, “The treaty was drawn24 up by Napoleon himself, and was offered to me for signature!”
Also, to show that he is disinterested25, Napoleon now proposes that the “differences” between Prussia and Austria be settled by a European congress. Austria hangs back, although England and Russia join to ask for the Congress of Settlement.
46
1864-1866—Prussian domination essential in all Bismarck’s plans—Consistent in his inconsistencies.
The difficulties of Bismarck’s position are not to be ascribed to the fact that, first and foremost, he desired to re-establish confidence in the Feudal26 theory of Divine-right of kings. His life-long plans had to do with increasing the power of Prussia and he preached the legitimacy27 of his loyal master’s house as an American politician is wont28 to eulogize the services of the “grand old Republican party,” or “the great principles of Jefferson,” or boasts that he is “progressive and independent,” whatever that may mean.
In each case, the appeal is to a given audience, with the hope of adding to the following.
The logic29 of hereditary30 influences placed Bismarck squarely in line as King’s Man; and to his credit be it said that he consistently preached one gospel throughout his long political life.
But his alignment31 with kings was more than mere32 opportunism, as too often is the case in America, among the “people’s” leaders.
Bismarck honestly believed that the logic of events precluded33 any change in rulership over the Prussian people; and in his larger view Prussian domination must eventually spread over the German states, uniting them in one country—as they were already united by blood and by languages.
That he battled with Austria, the rival for the good will of the German states, is easily explained. It is not human[170] nature for any man to yield what to him promises to turn out an advantage.
That the sovereigns of Prussia held their crown upon the principle of Divine-right, was construed34 also to impose obligations; and it was part of the theory that the King and his advisers35 must see to it that the land is used for the common good. The King of Prussia swore to “Divine-right to the soil; swore to defend it; swore to improve it, for the benefit of all.”
Furthermore, the old-time German political idealism in which brother was supposed to shake hands with brother, sung by the poet Arndt, in his romantic semi-religious lyrics36 of liberty, was through the recent German revolution (1848) replaced by a new type of positivist German, intent on money-success, business affairs, economic achievements.
The century-long dreams of National unity37 based on idealistic speeches, poetry, romantic phrase-mongering, was now slowly to yield to a new spirit; and believers in German Unity came to see that Prussian supremacy38 held all there was, in a practical way, of possible German centralization. Bismarck certainly saw it very clearly and acted accordingly in his future political appeals and alignments39.
Prussia had early led in the practical business of clearing the Chinese-walls that had bound many of the petty states; the Zollverein or customs’ union, begun in 1818, as heretofore explained, grew in power with the extension of Prussian railroads and telegraphs; the Prussian capitalistic middle-classes, intent on building up the family fortunes, had prospered40 in proportion as the customs’ union had been extended, under Prussian domination; and accordingly in 1849 Bismarck, as soon as Prussia had been placed herself at the head of this Business union, began scheming as never before to win German Unity through economic as well as patriotic41 arguments.
For one thing, Bismarck henceforth studied to put himself on even terms with the commercial interests in the 39 jealous states. The leaders of Liberalism were, as a rule, men of theoretical rather than practical ideas; essentially42 a cultured élite, as it were, engaged in babbling43 about German Constitutions,[171] German fraternal alignments and impossible German peace-parliaments.
True, the good faith of patriots44 opposed to Bismarck is undisputed; but the King’s Man was a man with an exceedingly strong will and with immense practical common sense to support his own ideas; a man who to bring about his beneficent plan of German Unity followed his flag even through three great wars.
This will of iron was exercised for the National good; and on the whole exercised wisely. He went on with his schemings for many years, from day to day making the best use of the material at hand; with well-nigh infallible instinct seizing on the very forces that were essential in years to come to the realization45 of his ultimate dream.
Little by little he set aside the professorial class, and the cultured élite politicians, and the theoretical constitution-makers; in their places he brought forward hard-headed middle-class capitalists, on one side, and the supreme47 military and landed Prussian aristocracy, on the other side; and after overcoming gigantic obstacles made clear to the average German peasant that both wealth and authority were to be properly sustained in the old thorough-going German fashion only by having no more to do with semi-spiritual, politico-idealistic aims and purposes; also, that through Bismarck’s proposed new type of Unity the peasant on one side and the King on the other could rise to even higher worldly positions without setting aside safe old lines of respect for authority through a Divine-right king, at the same time sharing the royal power with a great and essentially democratic public opinion. Thus, Bismarck’s German National enterprise, although not thoroughly48 understood for many years, was found at last to support in every particular the ancient German tradition of a strong fighting man, as leader of a free people.
That Bismarck was proud and old-fashioned he made his boast, his joy, his strength.
Opponents held him up to obloquy49, picturing his ideas as prehistoric50, even antediluvian51; but Bismarck stood the prick52 of[172] honor; as King’s Man he insisted in numberless arguments, far and wide, that behind the Divine-right idea was not only a sentimental53 but a practical side. At any rate, the King’s Man was everlastingly54 against any movement that looked like French mob-rule.
As time passed, Bismarck learned gradually that he need not hesitate to throw himself fearlessly forward, with this Divine-right as a leverage55, to express the legitimacy of the royal house for which he battled.
In the final analysis he was secretly fortified56 by his instinctive57 knowledge of the peculiar58 political idiosyncrasies of Prussians; how dog-like in the final analysis is their submission59 to the political conception of the Over-man who rules by Divine-right.
It was to this National faith that Bismarck was constantly addressing himself—this loyalty60 to a paternalistic idea—and his attitude was much the same as that of the Chinese in their worship of ancestors, or of an American who preserves his family record.
Bismarck was urging family unity among quarreling German sons and daughters; and as is the case in all family feuds61, the intrinsic merits of the controversy62 were often overlooked and the time taken in an endeavor to inflict63 personal humiliations.
Bismarck was essentially appealing to National honor, which he placed higher than absolutism or republicanism, tyranny or democracy. By National honor, he meant the German conception of an over-lord for a ruler, preferably one with a strong military record.
Herein, we touch the core of Bismarck’s strength, the measure of his greatness.
When a man fights, on honor, for institutions which his forefathers64 slowly fostered and sustained through six hundred years of strife65, the question of his rights or his wrongs is merged66 into the larger question of chivalry67.
If there were no other gift which might be set up to justify68 for Bismarck a commanding position among the world’s[173] great figures, his conception of National honor, based on powerful personal convictions, his inheritance, bone of his bone, flesh of his flesh—utterly69 apart from the French mob-rule idea of liberty expressed in license—Bismarck’s plea for the National honor of Prussia, as the custodian70 of ancient German traditions, suffices to stamp Bismarck as the true custodian of German political tradition of his age.
To this might reasonably be added another claim which in our broad view of Bismarck’s character we here demand for him as one of the world’s great men—courage of the bull-dog type, not altogether unselfish, but courage and remarkable71 consistency72; standing20 the acid test of self-sacrifice during thirty-odd years’ vexatious delays in attaining73 his goal; a period of probation74 certainly long enough to try the stoutest75 heart.
With qualities of this supreme order, far outside average human nature, Bismarck at last prepared himself to win his surprising fight for a United Germany; incidentally stamping himself, his power and his purpose high among the great Germans of all time, from Charlemagne down.
To understand these ideas, let us for the moment look forward as well as backward. Let us speak in general terms, along the lines of the realistic politics, that Bismarck was maturing, as against the old-time German sentimental idealism, once the political hope of Unity.
47
Bismarck’s whole message turns on the urgency of faith among the German people; his idea, that United Germany must be achieved by faith, alone!
Bismarck had the well-nigh impossible task of organizing and inspiring a common political faith in 25,000,000 people, divided by religious, climatic and personal differences. That at times he utterly failed to meet the situation except by political hypocrisy76, is merely to say that in addition to being a warrior77 and ultimately the conqueror78 of a continent, he[174] always kept within hailing distance of human nature; for when he could not win his way with a kiss, he gained it with a curse.
In the final analysis he won, largely because of stirring faith in the German states.
With faith, what can a nation not do: If the United States, today, had deathless belief in the destiny of the Republic that Americans emphasize in their worship of the Golden Calf79, a bloodless revolution for a higher standard of political thought would take place over night.
The difficulty is that with the average American National faith is dead.
He has come to the conclusion that he has no stake in the Government, that in short he is a victim to the machinations of plutocrats.
To read the American point of view, (1915) we, today, no less than the Prussians and the Austrians, in Bismarck’s time, are also about to spring at each other’s throats! There is little sentiment for National unity; it is the East against the West, in Congress, and in the newspapers it is the people against the plutocrats.
Bismarck’s career affords a classical instance, in these poor times, of what a strong man, with faith in himself and his cause, can do against all manner of obstacles.
Faith in himself was the essence of his power. Over and over, he made clear that he regarded himself in God’s hands, doing God’s work, but on what specific evidence he based this profound conclusion no human being knows beyond Bismarck’s own assertion. However, that power urged him on. Naturally, in turn, the fire kindled80 by faith in himself at last stimulated81 faith in a people, numbering some twenty-five millions; a people who in the main had up to this time been political atheists to Bismarck’s dogma of a United Germany. This idea of faith is a fact of such vast import that we dare not pass it lightly by.
By an almighty82 wave of faith in themselves the German people ceased playing the political craven; came out boldly for what they hold to be their too long deferred84 birthright![175]
Here, the mental attitude of the German people passes beyond the dogmas of politics or social intercourse85 whatsoever86; it merges87 into a mysterious world of reality, close and near yet baffling to describe; expressing itself in an invincible88 National faith, now about to burst forth15, at last, and sweep all before it!
This mental phenomenon exists in various forms, but the animating89 impulse is ever the same.
The hymn-singing of Charles and John Wesley, whose appeals to religious emotionalism filled the fields of England with tens of thousands of weeping, shouting men and women, vastly excited as to the state of their souls, is a type of faith beginning in a small way and attaining National proportions. No historian could write adequately the history of England without crediting great changes to the work of the Wesley psalm-singers; women tearing off their jewels; men rising in the multitude and calling on God to witness that henceforth their lives would be pure and unsullied by sin; while under the excitement murderers came forward and confessed crimes known only to themselves.
Oh, this German National faith that Frederick the Great so gloriously began; that Louise fostered and sustained; that the poet Arndt set to hymns90; that the great von Humboldt in his own peculiar way saw from afar; that the German students apostrophied; that William III figured to himself in his church-building; that von Stein discerned vaguely91; that William I emphasized in his cold-blooded, clear-eyed manner of the soldier; that von Sybel fought for; that scores, nay92, hundreds and thousands of noble men and women, utterly apart from political chicanery93, did indeed long for with all the fervor94 of their earnest God-fearing German nature; Bismarck stands in the centre, here and now!
It is true that he is not as yet accepted, but he is biding95 his time; he is looked on with suspicion, but he fronts the scorn of the rabble96, in the end to beat the doubters into submission, against their own will.
This newly awakened97 German National faith was really a very old German faith that had never died, although for[176] years forgotten; the longing98 for the Fatherland was always there.
Through love of home, through worship of ancestry99 and through respect for constituted authority in church and state, that is by “German national faith,” Bismarck touched the chord that made his life-work possible. The stimulus100 of three great wars, presented by Bismarck as sanctified by God, finally did the business.
He knew that in all Germans is a certain generosity101 of character which when appealed to in the right way made them eager to take the chance of death on the battlefield.
Bismarck played the positive as well as the negative side of this psychological fact. On the negative side, he stirred men with the idea that social ostracism102 rests on the man who in times of National danger tries to avoid the draft.
Bismarck’s work thus shows him to be the great constructive103 poet of his time. He placed war before his fellow man in such a way that it was held a sweet privilege to die for one’s land, which interpreted means Bismarck’s idea of a new territorial104 arrangement of the map of Europe.
There was race prejudice behind his deeper plans. He made much of the fact that within a given area the German language was spoken, whereas while there were millions of German-speaking people in Austria there were also Slavs, Czechs, Bohemians and mongrel races.
The idea of brotherhood based on blood and language finally prevailed over the idea of the confraternity of races. Make as much out of this as you will, but the basic fact is incontestible.
Some 80,000 men perished to sustain Bismarck’s peculiar conception of United Germany. Through the turmoil105 and misery106 of these three wars he had his way, and being at last successful, he suddenly became the most popular man in Europe, idolized by the millions who a little while before had reviled107 his name as the enemy of the Democrats108.
Such is human nature.
Perhaps, after all, German National faith is only another name for the tremendous earnestness that set the whole land[177] ablaze109 with singleness of purpose, consecrated110 to a high cause.
Bismarck in a very real sense because of faith in himself and in his ultimate cause, directed this National faith in the Fatherland and won thereby111 a magnificent United Germany. If we do not grasp the significance of this unseen but gigantic National German faith, as expressed in the increasing unity of will of the whole people, harked on by Prussia, we might as well close the book on Bismarck—and know him not.
To comprehend, somewhat, the firm roots of racial strength, as expressed by German National faith, let us for the moment pass from the 1840’s, ’50’s and ’60’s, which we are now endeavoring to present with their psychological message of faith, and turn our eyes to the year 1914, when Germany and Austria, no longer enemies, now battle side by side, against armed forces of the world—British, Russian, Italian, Servian, French, Australian, East Indian, African, Belgian, Canadian, and Japanese!
The sustaining spirit in this life-and-death struggle, as in the wars that made Germany an empire, is bulwarked on German National faith.
For Germans are no longer soft-hearted heroes of lyrical poetry, as depicted112 by Arndt! They are men of blood and iron.
Bismarck’s mother threw her wedding ring into the public melting pot for the benefit of the War Fund of 1813 and received in exchange a ring of iron; and thousands of German women did the same; and Bismarck’s wife exchanged her gold ring for one of iron, for the War Fund of ’66. Tens of thousands of German women did likewise, not only in Germany, but in foreign lands, wherever hearts beat for the Fatherland.
They did it in 1813, and in 1864, and in 1866, and in 1870;—and again in 1914!
For example, in the great war of 1914, Baroness113 von Ropp, granddaughter of Geo. Ebers, Germany’s most foremost woman novelist, cries out for her country in the accents of[178] true German nationality, the self-same spirit which Arndt stimulated in days of French and Austrian domination. And since it is this elusive114 spirit that we are endeavoring to bring home to you, in grasping the higher significance of Bismarck’s work, and its true inner meaning, we quote freely from a private letter penned by the Baroness, from Magdeburg, August, 1914.
Ilse Hahn-Ropp did not write for publication, and therefore her words have the more weight.
“On the first day of mobilization I traveled to Magdeburg to say farewell to my husband, who was leaving for France. I had three hours; then I had to take the last train out of town. From that time only military trains were running. Shall I ever forget that rideIt was as though we were living in another world. People were standing in the cars closely packed together; but not a word of complaint. Each one felt he was no longer an individual—but a German! Rich and poor, nobles and peasants, talked together as brothers. Each had the deep conviction that this war had been forced upon us, and that every one must throw his whole strength into the scales, for victory.
“Ceaselessly, military trains roll by, crowded with soldiers in gala uniforms, burning to reach the enemy. I hear them all night long from my parents’ home—those wheels rolling, rolling westward115; no hurry, no confusion; the mighty83 machine moves majestically116 on its way. Show us another nation which could duplicate that spectacle!
“And then, from a thousand throats, rose ‘Die Wacht am Rhein.’ It was overpowering—irresistible. This mighty anthem117, from the lips of soldiers going out to battle!
“It was thus that both my brothers left us. I shall never, never forget. Every one gives his all gladly. I could not keep my husband with me, although exempt118 through his profession from military duty. He went as a volunteer, and I would not have held him if I could, though you can guess the cost of that parting!
“One hears not a single complaint from the women of the Fatherland. We are all too thoroughly roused over the insults offered our loved country. Working each waiting moment[179] for our wounded—for our soldiers—we have no time for tears.
“We will not give in until all are defeated, even though we women should have to take up the sword to defend the Fatherland. Were it not for my baby daughter I should be with my husband, as a nurse.
“You cannot picture how great, how noble, how grave this time is. Human nature is transfigured. Individual fate is lost, in the fate of the Nation.
“I am at home with my parents. Scarcely a year has passed since my happy, peaceful wedding day. And now my home is bare and desolate119, and I am again the daughter of my father—I can write no more. My feelings are stifling120 me. The bells are ringing a new victory. Unfurl the black-white-red banner. Always lovingly yours,
ILSE.”
A postscript121 reads:
“Oct. 6.—For six weeks I have been trying to send this letter—in vain. In the meantime both my brothers have died fighting for the Fatherland. My husband still lives, but—we must, we shall and must win!”
48
Bismarck balances between tempestuous122 outbursts and inscrutable silence; biding his time in the great game of German Unity.
In the gigantic project of creating an Empire for a king who solemnly protested that he was directly accountable to God for the throne, “and would never consent to have so much as a sheet of paper (constitution) between my people and my Maker46.” Bismarck was under tremendous nervous pressure for years; and he meant that his political secrets for United Germany should not become too early known. Not only were the people as yet unwilling123 to help, but Austria was watching with jealous eyes the possibility of plunder124 for herself;—for where the carrion125 is there will the vultures wheel.
Bismarck’s ambition bit him by day and by night, and there was for him no rest; he required a continent to turn ’round[180] in, and nothing less would suffice. It was now only a question of waiting for the psychological moment to electrify126 the inert127 mass of the people to rally to his cause.
Naturally you ask, “Was this Bismarck then a beast?” Not at all. He was merely a human being who wanted a continent to turn around in.
In the gigantic project, Bismarck was exercising his own peculiar gifts in his own way—for none stood ready to give him what he wanted, without fighting for it—even as you or I lay out lesser128 plans to beg, or coax129, or force the world to give us not what we think we need but what we are strong enough to obtain.
In this attitude, Bismarck needs neither apology nor defense—for, after all, he is Bismarck.
Through thirty-odd years of din3 and roar and battle largely of his own making Bismarck knew neither rest nor peace; returning again and again to the attack and wearing down his enemies by the sheer brute130 force of courage. His idea was United Germany, through Prussian military power; at the same time, Prussia must hold her dynastic over-lordship, and must yield it finally only in a territorial German Empire.
Unquestionably there was, incidentally, a large element of injustice131 in his plans and purposes, but what of itIs there not such in your own life, and do you know any man whose career is not based on injustice either in some coarse, obvious or in some subtle way?
The world belongs only to those who do battle, and there is absolutely no chance for the man who will not fight!
All government is based on some form of injustice, all land tenure132 is stained with the sword, all “putting up” of one family, or individual, is based on “taking” something from some other family or individual.
Nor am I excepting the conquests of love itself, from time immemorial presented as a token of man’s romantic, softer side. For, if the hero does not “save” the heroine from the villain133, to take her for himself, then for whom does he save her?[181]
The Bismarck struggle and the Bismarck triumph are as old as history—and as new as the career of the man of today who has achieved his heart’s desire.
The empire-maker Bismarck had his way because he was strong enough to have his way, and while cruelties in various forms, for the ends of statecraft, coexisted in him with many fine qualities, after all that simply means that he was a human being with impulses of various kinds—good and less good—in one heart. It is also an undeniable fact that as late as 1862 Bismarck was by the common crowd in Prussia hated and feared, regarded as Germany’s ogre of disaster.
Here then is the whole thing in a nutshell: His strong conservative, not to say reactionary134, sentiments did not blind him to the fact that he could do nothing without the “people,” whom politically he ignored in so far as their fitness for constructive government was concerned; but it was the “people,” and the “people” only, who could bring United Germany.
He realized the present impracticability of such a union as he had in mind for his master, the King of Prussia; that to urge it too soon would simply bring a new revolution, and God knows there had been enough blood-letting for the sake of power in and around Prussia for lo! these one hundred years gone by.
The only thing for him to do, then, was to keep his ambition to himself and his own crowd, and to bide135 his time to strike—for time makes all things right for him who can wait.
And at waiting and at concealing136 Bismarck was past master. While usually figured as a blunt, bold, tyrannical man, there was also a side of inscrutable reticence137.
Thus finally between outbursts of temper in which he attacked his enemies with the power of a battleship in action, followed by periods of silence after the storm, Bismarck remained master of the diplomatic situation, playing his waiting game.[182]
And did his stern face never break into an ironical138 smileDid he never betray himself?
It was impossible to preserve his great political secret from the intuitions of other and lesser minds.
You see, men have various ways of getting their will. Some fight, others play, still others threaten suicide if the money is not forthcoming. It is all a matter of temperament139 and peculiar style of doing battle.
With some, a curse will bring what a kiss will not; with others a club is more useful than a loving word. With Bismarck, the first instinct was to do battle by fire and sword, and this explains why his career is filled with broken wine bottles, fist cuffs140, sword thrusts, and his “sic ’em!” to the big dogs that trailed around with him.
Once, during the crisis of which we now write, on going into a saloon for a glass of beer, some table talk on politics offended him. He ordered the man to stop, then and there, “or I will smash a beer glass over your head!”
The man went on talking; Bismarck drank, turned around and said, “That for you!” smashed the tankard on the offending head, and coolly walked out!
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wrath
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brotherhood
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helping
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remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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21
taunted
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| 嘲讽( taunt的过去式和过去分词 )； 嘲弄； 辱骂； 奚落 | |
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22
defense
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| n.防御，保卫；[pl.]防务工事；辩护，答辩 | |
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23
conniving
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| v.密谋 ( connive的现在分词 )；搞阴谋；默许；纵容 | |
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24
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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25
disinterested
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| adj.不关心的，不感兴趣的 | |
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feudal
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| adj.封建的，封地的，领地的 | |
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27
legitimacy
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| n.合法，正当 | |
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28
wont
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| adj.习惯于；v.习惯；n.习惯 | |
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29
logic
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| n.逻辑(学)；逻辑性 | |
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30
hereditary
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| adj.遗传的，遗传性的，可继承的，世袭的 | |
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31
alignment
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| n.队列；结盟，联合 | |
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32
mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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33
precluded
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| v.阻止( preclude的过去式和过去分词 )；排除；妨碍；使…行不通 | |
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34
construed
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| v.解释（陈述、行为等）( construe的过去式和过去分词 )；翻译，作句法分析 | |
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35
advisers
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| 顾问，劝告者( adviser的名词复数 )； （指导大学新生学科问题等的）指导教授 | |
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36
lyrics
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| n.歌词 | |
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37
unity
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| n.团结，联合，统一；和睦，协调 | |
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38
supremacy
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| n.至上；至高权力 | |
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39
alignments
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| 排成直线( alignment的名词复数 )； （国家、团体间的）结盟 | |
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prospered
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| 成功，兴旺( prosper的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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41
patriotic
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| adj.爱国的，有爱国心的 | |
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42
essentially
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| adv.本质上，实质上，基本上 | |
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43
babbling
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| n.胡说，婴儿发出的咿哑声adj.胡说的v.喋喋不休( babble的现在分词 )；作潺潺声（如流水）；含糊不清地说话；泄漏秘密 | |
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44
patriots
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| 爱国者，爱国主义者( patriot的名词复数 ) | |
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45
realization
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| n.实现；认识到，深刻了解 | |
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46
maker
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| n.制造者，制造商 | |
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47
supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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48
thoroughly
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| adv.完全地，彻底地，十足地 | |
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49
obloquy
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| n.斥责，大骂 | |
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50
prehistoric
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| adj.（有记载的）历史以前的，史前的，古老的 | |
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51
antediluvian
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| adj.史前的，陈旧的 | |
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52
prick
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| v.刺伤，刺痛，刺孔；n.刺伤，刺痛 | |
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53
sentimental
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| adj.多愁善感的，感伤的 | |
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54
everlastingly
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| 永久地，持久地 | |
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55
leverage
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| n.力量，影响；杠杆作用，杠杆的力量 | |
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56
fortified
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| adj. 加强的 | |
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57
instinctive
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| adj.(出于)本能的；直觉的；(出于)天性的 | |
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58
peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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59
submission
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| n.服从，投降；温顺，谦虚；提出 | |
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60
loyalty
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| n.忠诚，忠心 | |
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61
feuds
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| n.长期不和，世仇( feud的名词复数 ) | |
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62
controversy
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| n.争论，辩论，争吵 | |
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63
inflict
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| vt.(on)把…强加给，使遭受，使承担 | |
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64
forefathers
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| n.祖先，先人；祖先，祖宗( forefather的名词复数 )；列祖列宗；前人 | |
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65
strife
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| n.争吵，冲突，倾轧，竞争 | |
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66
merged
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| （使）混合( merge的过去式和过去分词 )； 相融； 融入； 渐渐消失在某物中 | |
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67
chivalry
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| n.骑士气概，侠义；（男人）对女人彬彬有礼，献殷勤 | |
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68
justify
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| vt.证明…正当(或有理)，为…辩护 | |
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69
utterly
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| adv.完全地，绝对地 | |
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70
custodian
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| n.保管人，监护人；公共建筑看守 | |
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71
remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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72
consistency
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| n.一贯性，前后一致，稳定性；(液体的)浓度 | |
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73
attaining
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| （通常经过努力）实现( attain的现在分词 )； 达到； 获得； 达到（某年龄、水平、状况） | |
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74
probation
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| n.缓刑(期)，(以观后效的)察看；试用(期) | |
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75
stoutest
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| 粗壮的( stout的最高级 )； 结实的； 坚固的； 坚定的 | |
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76
hypocrisy
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| n.伪善，虚伪 | |
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77
warrior
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| n.勇士，武士，斗士 | |
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78
conqueror
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| n.征服者，胜利者 | |
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79
calf
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| n.小牛，犊，幼仔，小牛皮 | |
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80
kindled
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| （使某物）燃烧，着火( kindle的过去式和过去分词 )； 激起（感情等）； 发亮，放光 | |
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81
stimulated
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| a.刺激的 | |
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82
almighty
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| adj.全能的，万能的；很大的，很强的 | |
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83
mighty
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| adj.强有力的；巨大的 | |
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84
deferred
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| adj.延期的，缓召的v.拖延，延缓，推迟( defer的过去式和过去分词 )；服从某人的意愿，遵从 | |
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85
intercourse
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| n.性交；交流，交往，交际 | |
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86
whatsoever
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| adv.（用于否定句中以加强语气）任何；pron.无论什么 | |
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87
merges
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| （使）混合( merge的第三人称单数 )； 相融； 融入； 渐渐消失在某物中 | |
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88
invincible
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| adj.不可征服的，难以制服的 | |
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89
animating
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| v.使有生气( animate的现在分词 )；驱动；使栩栩如生地动作；赋予…以生命 | |
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90
hymns
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| n.赞美诗，圣歌，颂歌( hymn的名词复数 ) | |
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91
vaguely
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| adv.含糊地，暖昧地 | |
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92
nay
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| adv.不；n.反对票，投反对票者 | |
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93
chicanery
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| n.欺诈，欺骗 | |
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94
fervor
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| n.热诚；热心；炽热 | |
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95
biding
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| v.等待，停留( bide的现在分词 )；居住；（过去式用bided）等待；面临 | |
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96
rabble
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| n.乌合之众，暴民；下等人 | |
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97
awakened
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| v.（使）醒( awaken的过去式和过去分词 )；（使）觉醒；弄醒；（使）意识到 | |
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98
longing
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| n.（for）渴望 | |
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99
ancestry
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| n.祖先，家世 | |
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100
stimulus
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| n.刺激，刺激物，促进因素，引起兴奋的事物 | |
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101
generosity
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| n.大度，慷慨，慷慨的行为 | |
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102
ostracism
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| n.放逐；排斥 | |
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103
constructive
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| adj.建设的，建设性的 | |
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104
territorial
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| adj.领土的，领地的 | |
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105
turmoil
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| n.骚乱，混乱，动乱 | |
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106
misery
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| n.痛苦，苦恼，苦难；悲惨的境遇，贫苦 | |
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107
reviled
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| v.辱骂，痛斥( revile的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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108
democrats
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| n.民主主义者，民主人士( democrat的名词复数 ) | |
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109
ablaze
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| adj.着火的，燃烧的；闪耀的，灯火辉煌的 | |
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110
consecrated
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| adj.神圣的，被视为神圣的v.把…奉为神圣，给…祝圣( consecrate的过去式和过去分词 )；奉献 | |
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111
thereby
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| adv.因此，从而 | |
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112
depicted
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| 描绘，描画( depict的过去式和过去分词 )； 描述 | |
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113
baroness
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| n.男爵夫人，女男爵 | |
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114
elusive
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| adj.难以表达(捉摸)的；令人困惑的；逃避的 | |
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115
westward
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| n.西方，西部；adj.西方的，向西的；adv.向西 | |
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116
majestically
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| 雄伟地； 庄重地； 威严地； 崇高地 | |
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117
anthem
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| n.圣歌，赞美诗，颂歌 | |
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118
exempt
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| adj.免除的；v.使免除；n.免税者，被免除义务者 | |
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119
desolate
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| adj.荒凉的，荒芜的；孤独的，凄凉的；v.使荒芜，使孤寂 | |
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120
stifling
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| a.令人窒息的 | |
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121
postscript
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| n.附言，又及；(正文后的)补充说明 | |
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122
tempestuous
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| adj.狂暴的 | |
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123
unwilling
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| adj.不情愿的 | |
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124
plunder
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| vt.劫掠财物，掠夺；n.劫掠物，赃物；劫掠 | |
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125
carrion
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| n.腐肉 | |
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126
electrify
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| v.使充电；使电气化；使触电；使震惊；使兴奋 | |
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127
inert
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| adj.无活动能力的，惰性的；迟钝的 | |
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128
lesser
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| adj.次要的，较小的；adv.较小地，较少地 | |
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129
coax
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| v.哄诱，劝诱，用诱哄得到，诱取 | |
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130
brute
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| n.野兽，兽性 | |
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131
injustice
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| n.非正义，不公正，不公平，侵犯（别人的）权利 | |
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132
tenure
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| n.终身职位；任期；(土地)保有权，保有期 | |
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133
villain
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| n.反派演员，反面人物；恶棍；问题的起因 | |
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134
reactionary
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| n.反动者，反动主义者；adj.反动的，反动主义的，反对改革的 | |
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135
bide
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| v.忍耐；等候；住 | |
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136
concealing
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| v.隐藏，隐瞒，遮住( conceal的现在分词 ) | |
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137
reticence
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| n.沉默，含蓄 | |
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138
ironical
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| adj.讽刺的，冷嘲的 | |
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139
temperament
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| n.气质，性格，性情 | |
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140
cuffs
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| n.袖口( cuff的名词复数 )v.掌打，拳打( cuff的第三人称单数 ) | |
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