The Kaiser’s crown at last, and how and why; herein, we sum up the very flower of our great man’s genius; and mark it well!
The very name “Kaiser” brings up memories of the Middle Ages, thence backward to the days of imperial C?sar. Kaiser, at best, is but C?sar, rewritten.
Yet Bismarck was at great pains to make clear that the substitution of Kaiser for King of Prussia involved no restoration of ancient imperial institutions.
The use of Kaiser, as the title for the new monarch1, had behind it a deep, almost religious purpose, in conformity2 with the sense of nationality and brotherhood3 to which through long and painful development the German states had at last attained4. Bismarck calls the return of the title “a political necessity, making for unity5 and centralization.”
“I was convinced,” he says, “that the pressure solidifying6 our imperial institutions would be more permanent the more the Prussian wearer of the imperial title should himself avoid that dangerous striving on the part of our dynasty to flaunt7 its own pre-eminence in the face of other dynasties. King William I was not free from this inclination8 ... to call forth9 a recognition of the superior prestige of Prussia’s crown, over the Kaiser’s title.”
The Kaiser idea is simple: He is the sworn servant “of” the people, but his terms are his own, viz., all is “for” the people, but not “through” the people.[221]
Such in a few words is the Bismarckian conception of a strong ruler.
It was not, then, to be “an expanded Prussia,” but a German Empire. And the Kaiser’s powers are hence the legal functions of an imperial organ, attached by the organic law of the Empire to the Prussian crown.
Thus Germany is a true state, but not a monarchy10; sovereignty does not rest with the Kaiser, but with the totality of the allied11 governments. And in turn the old states became provinces of the Empire; and the Kaiser exercises his powers in the name of the Empire.
However, it must be recalled that Bismarck always detested12 political and social conformity, trampled13 conformity under foot, and with wild voice ridiculed14 conformity—especially when conformity meant to yield to the peasants a constructive15 share in the governments of the thirty-nine clashing German states. That is to say, his idea of freedom was to make the State paramount16, guiding, directing and if need be disciplining the people.
Memories fasten themselves on us, at this moment, memories of the old days of struggle for nationality.
It was on Bismarck’s advice that, although Frederick William IV was bitten by the ambition to become ruler of United Germany, yet when the democratic Frankfort Diet offered him the crown, he did indignantly refuse; and many years later, his successor—that old man with the wonderful history!—William I, after the victories of Sedan and Gravelotte, was mightily17 afraid that the Berlin Parliament, representing democratic conformity, would offer him the honor of Emperor before that gift could be bestowed18 by the princes themselves.
Ludwig of Bavaria in his letter to William, urging the imperial title, Kaiser, or German Emperor, uses these words: “I have proposed to the German princes to join me in urging Your Majesty19 to assume the title, German Emperor, in connection with the exercise of the pr?dial rights of the Federation20.” But it was Bismarck’s masterpiece of politics, equal[222] to his stroke of Holstein, that sent to the King of Bavaria the proper diplomatic advices, to be acted upon by the South German princes and returned to the supposedly surprised William, urging on him to become German Emperor.
In spite of Bismarck’s fine hand, Bavaria at first refused to accept the Iron Chancellor21’s advices. There is light on this topic in Herr Ottokar Lorenz’s “Foundation of the German Empire,” making clear among other facts that “the German eagle had a narrow escape from dying in the egg.” Twice negotiations22 were broken off; finally, when the King of Bavaria tried to get his countrymen behind him in the plan to proclaim William of Prussia, German Emperor, at Versailles, “it was only after some hesitation23 and much regret.”
It took the Bavarian Landtag a month to make up its mind! To read the heated discussions is to destroy the legend that the proclamation of the Kaiser was by spontaneous demand.
But we must not press these things too far. The fact that King William had to fight for the magnificent honor he had won for himself and his country, is merely to say that men are men; nor should we ever forget that nothing creates so much jealousy24 as prosperity.
Herr Bismarck had the cleverness to win, at last, and after that there is little to be added.
For that matter, the much-lauded revolt of the American colonists25 against Britain was originally not endorsed26 by over one-third of the inhabitants. Yet, with the final victory, like a pack the colonists went over to the winning side, saying, “We told you so.”
We have nothing but praise for the way in which Bismarck created his Versailles masterpiece. That there was a political squabble behind the curtain, in Bavaria, was to be expected.
Tell me, did you ever achieve any success that you did not have to go out and fight for?
It is an amiable27 fiction that men “recognize” each other’s work, in politics, and “urge” on them rulership over nations. They, too, have to get out and fight for it!
[223]
This necessity for turbulent striving to carry out political ideas was especially true of Germany during the period of which we write. Complex conditions long made National Unity a profound problem, not only in politics but in human nature.
All manner of blacklegs were at work with here and there an honest man; national oratory28 was at once visionary, ludicrous and tragical29; fanatics30 of the bomb, the knife and the poison-cup for years were abroad in the land. These situations, growing from times past, compel you to hold with Bismarck that ultimate appeal to the sword was after all the only hope for a new Germany.
Bismarck did it grossly, but at least he went through with it—call it militarism or what you please.
For that matter, neither Britain, France, Belgium, (nor the United States with her 186-odd variants31 of Christianity in her 186-odd religious sects), grew out of political cynicism, least of all out of some aloof32 system of esoteric idealism.
The King of Britain owes his crown to the sword; the President of France his high office to the sword; the Belgian King traces his legitimacy33 to revolution; likewise, to revolution the President of the United States owes his right to rule during his brief hour of official authority.
But what would you in this imperfect world?
German Unity sprang from the needs of human hearts—fighting bravely for what they hold important!—even as you fight for your rights, or consent to remain a slave. And Germans never will be slaves.
Therefore, know it now and be done with it, or make the most of it if you are inclined to snarl34 at realities: The Kaiser’s crown came by the sword. Surely, you did not expect that it fell from HeavenAs long as men are men, they must fight for what they achieve; and the German Empire is no exception;—nor is there any good reason to expect that history can possibly be other than the record of human nature, in action.
Up to his downfall in 1890, Bismarck was an uncompromising Royalist, scoffed35 at the common people as a source of political sovereignty.[224]
No man knows what is, ultimately, for the glory of God; but when in bitter retirement36, thrown off by the grandson of William I, Bismarck, replying to the old dispute about the interior causes of the Franco-Prussian war, to which William owes his title German Emperor, it is a fact that Bismarck proceeded to weaken the royalist tradition by forcing the government to produce the Ems dispatch; and it was then made clear to the common people that there was behind it all the under-play of politics, thus dispelling37 the religious and patriotic38 glamour39 that the war had been entered upon to protect the Fatherland against the land-lust of Napoleon the Little.
Had now the military right been used not to express the will of God, but the ends of human expediency40?
Bismarck certainly knew all this before the great war, but for reasons of political expediency suppressed the facts till in a moment of indignation he dropped the mask and called on all honest men to know the truth.
Bismarck, twenty years before, had with equal indignation set up before the Prussians that their King had been grossly insulted, and that Napoleon wanted the left bank of the Rhine.
But let us forget all this, in a broad acknowledgment of the fact that human beings at various times, for their own ends, do indeed wear various masks; and let us not keep up the fight forevermore;—but here and now let us grant to Bismarck final absolution, not claiming for him the perfection of the demigod.
After all is said, history is not the record of some far-off manifest destiny, but instead is merely the sordid41 story of human nature in action, reciting at best the littleness that appertains to men’s ways, with now and then the unrealized expression of some fleeting42 larger hope.
62[225]
His Versailles masterpiece reduced to its final analysis, in terms of human nature; wherein it is made clear that Bismarck knew his German peasant as well as his Prussian King.
The core of human interest around which Bismarck shaped his stupendous politico-military drama, in order that, in the end, William might become German Emperor, was neither an appeal to parliaments nor to armies, but a reply to a peculiar43 psychological something in the Teuton character that makes respect for the strong hand.
It is only in the largest way that this fact may be made clear. It escapes categorical statement;—and can best be glimpsed behind the history of events, from the psychological rather than the physical side.
Bismarck manipulated an invisible but very real human force, made it the breath of life for his plans!
That he warped45 on the Nineteenth Century the old Holy Roman Empire conception of Divine-right is an amazing politico-military fact.
It was only after many brilliant achievements that, at the height of his power, C?sar linked himself with the gods. C?sar’s earlier life knew no such pretensions46, but as he climbed the dizzy heights of fame, at last the day came when his kinship with the immortal47 gods themselves alone satisfied his inordinate48 ambitions; and from that time forth Divine-right became an established fact in the theological-political code of kings; and thus on, down through the Middle Ages, until the French Revolution destroyed confidence in the old-line absolute monarch, as vicegerent of Christ on this earth.
However, that Otto von Bismarck, the blond Pomeranian giant, warped on the Nineteenth Century the Imperial C?sarian idea of the Divine-right of kings is not the final fact of his work. The inner fact is that he urged the King’s authority as a foil against the mob-idea of the French Revolution.[226] The liberty-crazed masses needed a strong hand at this time.
What made possible the coming of the Empire was not, after all, traceable entirely49 to the political side of Bismarck’s hotly contested struggles.
The innate50 craving51 of the German people for a strong ruler has a subtle inner meaning, too easily overlooked.
In the final analysis, Bismarck’s position expresses Prussian sense of National security in a powerful war lord, rather than supports the conception of master and man. His was not the position of lord and servant; rather it means a manly52, intelligent admission of the necessity of a strong central authority in the nation.
By the force of years of tedious repetitions, building on the plain laws of mental suggestion, Bismarck at last created certain dominating ideas; but the germ of these ideas already existed in Prussia’s consciousness.
The Prussian character supporting Divine-right represents a singular compound of cadet, blind confidence in aristocratic leadership, religious radicalism53, worship of ancestors approximating the Chinese sentiment, and finally, a racial psychology54 of rulership, based on the rattan55 of Frederick the Great. On this total combination, the astute56 Bismarck played for thirty long years, warring for his lord and master, the Hohenzollerns.
A careful reading of Bismarck’s speeches, letters, dispatches, will show that whatever political expediency he may at various times have followed, and however often he may have changed front, there is still in his great labor57 a tireless repetition of ideas commanding respect for vested authority, for ancestry58, for a ruling class as against the ruled, and always for absolute dog-like obedience59 to some central commanding power.
The psychological something on which Bismarck builded his German Empire is Bismarck’s recognition of the peculiarities60 of his German peasant, as well as of his Prussian King. We come now to some great central racial facts.
Bismarck’s unending eulogies61 of military glory, now extolled[227] in the high language of a victorious62 commander-in-chief, again as a drill-sergeant sharply criticising the squad63, are not to be dismissed as the expressions of one in large authority, speaking from the steps of the throne.
Bismarck’s work would have failed had he not linked it to some secret craving of the Teutonic heart, far deeper than conquering the jealousies64, intrigues65 and selfishness that compose the long story of the rise of the German Empire.
Historians may talk as much as they please about Bismarck’s executive and administrative66 genius, but these, great as they are, are overshadowed by his power of political spirit-healing, as it were; through practice of his peculiar psychotherapy he cured sick Germany of many of her ills; at the same time bringing about German brotherhood in a way that added to the great glory of Prussia.
Appealing to the solemn religious side of Prussian character that expresses itself in upholding authority, in church or state, Bismarck incessantly68 lauds69 the descendants of noble families, and sets up that Prussian military aristocracy alone reared up Prussian political legitimacy.
He presents likewise the idea that the supreme70 quality of German manhood is courage; and to Bismarck’s mind the sovereign German virtue71 is revealed in strong-willed eager soldiers.
While in these lofty moods, Bismarck displays enormous family pride for his beloved aristocrats72 of Brandenburg, is never weary of telling of their military prowess.
He avows73 on many occasions his life-long regret that he did not enter the army as a career, instead of taking up the civil service; he digs into his family records and proudly numbers each Bismarck who carried arms, even down to distant cousins, and is never so happy as when telling of Bismarcks on many blood-drenched fields.
Above all else, he everlastingly74 insists that behind his demands for his King is the direct will of God.
There is not the slightest doubt that as time passed and Bismarck kept telling over and over for years that the King represented God’s will on this earth, true Prussians came at last to believe it more and more; for the reason that it was[228] in their blood to believe, as it is the nature of a bull-dog to fight, a glutton75 to eat, a thief to steal, the sun to shine.
Bismarck called on heaven to send its avenging76 lightnings on the heads of those who deserted77 their monarch, to their perpetual dishonor; could think of no crime more monstrous78 than ingratitude79 to his King, especially to a king by the grace of God.
And Bismarck declared again and again, as his deepest conviction, that the Prussian crown was encircled by a heavenly aureole. In short, Bismarck revived in its purest and most uncompromising form the doctrine80 of Divine-right.
In an age seemingly out of touch with this iron-bound mold of the Feudal81 past, Bismarck would have failed miserably82 were it not that he touched a responsive side of Prussian character—dog-like loyalty83 to authority, compounded of military glory and a pale shimmering84 ghost of religious aspiration85.
The governing fact of the whole situation was psychological rather than physical; and all this stupendous cannonading at Gravelotte, Sedan, Koeniggraetz, and the magnificent drama in the Hall of Mirrors, were after all merely so many evidences that Bismarck better than all the tribe of his objectors knew the psychological core of Prussian character.
Bismarck brought down the wrath87 of God on those rival leaders who dared to be disloyal to his Divine-right King, and flew into frenzy88 at the very thought that a genuine Prussian should expect wisdom from the common people. Behind all this, was always the solid appeal to Prussian military-cadet idea of loyalty and strong politico-religious instincts.
Manipulating this psychological side, invisible yet very real, Bismarck shows his genius as a constructive statesman. Without this intuitive touch of Prussian consciousness, all the lustre89 that Bismarck ultimately shed on the Imperial crown would have been impossible.
Thus, we behold90 Otto von Bismarck, the rude, blond, Pomeranian giant—in spite of his coarse speeches, his brawls91, his political card-stacking, his enormous egotism, his passionate92 seeking after power—play with Shakespearian subtlety93 on the strings94 of human passion.[229]
There is no larger character-side to our Bismarck; so study it well and reflect on its wide meaning.
We are not here to say what Bismarck should or should not have done, but we make up our mind about him by what he did do.
He had peculiar ideas of religion, pleasure, duty, and certainly he had his own idea of what was best for Prussia, and finally for Germany.
He bartered95 his immortal time for a King’s crown and an Emperor’s glory, guns, swords, forts, marchings up and down the land.
He bartered his time in angry disputes with his fellow-man, for prisons, broken homes, murders, tears for 80,000 widows and orphans96.
He bartered his time for magnificent spectacles such as the coronation of William I in the Hall of Mirrors at Versailles, a palace outrivaling any creation of man since the days of Nebuchadnezzar.
He bartered his time for grand balls for aristocrats in silk coats and ladies in diamonds and satin gowns.
He bartered his time that a certain space in Europe be made over to his own liking97. Other kings and emperors with equal logic44 wished to have this space made over in a way that seemed as good as the one Bismarck had in mind, but Bismarck regarding it as a calamity98 that other plans should come to pass, fought bitterly with sword and cannon86 to back his individual opinion against all who disputed with him.
He bartered his time that a certain part of the map be marked with one name instead of thirty-nine names, as had been the case when he came to power as a young man in the politics of Prussia.
And finally he bartered his immortal time in a thirty-years’ gladiatorial fight that in the end millions of Germans might feel the tingle99 of blood-brotherhood. How he faced the long, heart-breaking battle, therein we find the true measure of our great Bismarck! Thus his work, as an individual, is absorbed in the larger life of the German Empire. These[230] National services make Bismarck one of the immortals100; and his name will be remembered affectionately by Germans for thousands of years.
The present review of German origins, through Bismarckian genius, is concerned largely with the form of government established.
The collective efficiency of the Bismarckian idea, as worked out in the German Constitution, promptly101 ascertains102 the will of the people, and carries out that will.
The Kaiser, through the Chancellor, has the selection of all important public officials, and as King of Prussia appoints Prussian administrative officials; and in turn, the various kings choose the various public servants in their respective kingdoms. All hold office during good behavior, or for life; instantly responsive to the will of the Kaiser, or to the Bundesrath. The state officials are thus “the fingers of the Kaiser,” working the duties of the Empire, free from the petty molestations that assail103 even the most trustworthy and patriotic American office-holders.
In simple terms of parallel, the much-lauded American Commission System, for the government of cities, was borrowed from the Kaiser.
The Commission System delegates the power to a committee of five, who pass and execute the laws.
This is precisely104 the principle laid down by the Bundesrath, in which body is united executive, legislative105 and judicial106 functions. It is a fact that the cities most efficiently107 managed, in the United States (1915), are under the Commission System, that is to say, the German conception of responsible politico-civic authority.
German thoroughness, as well as German discipline, unite to make the German system a brilliant success; but in America the German collective idea is politically offensive because of our superstition108 that the way of Liberty lies through incessant67 political changes. The American has confidence in the wisdom of large numbers, believes that by dividing the functions of government the people may be saved from themselves.[231] One-man power is (theoretically) greatly feared, in America. Despite the fact that in all great industrial undertakings109 Americans appreciate the part played by personal responsibility, they are loath110 to admit that the principle makes for National political efficiency.
One final word: Revolution means change; and in this sense the French Revolution is important. In some respects, it is still going forward. However, in 1848 the practical side of the Revolution was not understood, was therefore decried111 by conservative thinkers who saw in the excesses of the Commune little that heralded112 a better day.
In France, thousands of men misinterpreted emotional zeal113 for human brotherhood for fitness to govern. It is the old, old story.
To come at once to the point: You must judge a nation as you do a man, not by what that man says, but by what he does. Hence, from Bismarck’s point of view, it was time to be done with the bursting of blood vessels114 in a frenzy about equality, and to come down to the essential facts of human nature; or if you like the words better, human ways.
It is not necessarily a mark of wisdom to issue “manifestoes against special privileges” and to set up that “all” the people are fit to rule an empire.
The very reverse is the proof of history; few men indeed there are who have the patience, the discretion115 and the prudence116 to rule over other lives.
Also, the German race asks no upstart rulers; the idea of father and child, duty, discipline and personal responsibility is deeply grounded in the German conception of an adequate State.
There is small profit in using precious time denouncing Bismarck’s protest against French Constitutionalism. Let us, instead, try to understand why the old ways were cherished. And always bear in mind that the Past holds mankind in a tighter grip than the Radicals117 are willing to concede! There is no such thing as wiping off the slate118 and[232] starting with a “new” set of ideas. The wisest man in the world cannot do that. At best, he recognizes the past, with here and there a slight variation.
Such, in short, was Bismarck’s broad and true idea of human necessity. And he planned his German Empire accordingly.
Bismarck was faced by these facts: the idiomatic119 ways in which German people thought and acted; their tastes and ideals, not only in politics but in society, law, religion;—nay, their very dreams. Throughout, there is always a profound sense of personal responsibility to the State. The State is not to be forgotten for some spurious personal individuality.
And mark this: that for generations “events” in Germany all gave expression to certain racial habits of thought, against which all manner of Communistic uprisings were anathema120.
German sense of discipline, duty and personal responsibility, in State affairs, is grounded on a high consciousness that is not satisfied with half-measures, bungling121, waste, cheap politicians, and freakish legislation. The German takes himself too seriously to permit a bunko-politician to come on with faking, as a substitute for the National ideal of government.
Hence, Bismarck’s Imperial democracy, with the Kaiser at its head.
As between the inevitable122 contest between the Crowd and the Crown, springing from the inflammatory ideas of French Constitutionalism, Bismarck did not shrink; but fought it out in his own way. Our Man of Blood and Iron desired the blessings123 of liberty for Germany with all the strength of his powerful being; but he could not stultify124 his common sense by meekly125 conceding no essential distinction between men, in their capacity for leadership. He was, then, intent on bringing out of the German political chaos126 a type of democracy that may be termed Imperial as well as representative, in which the people are accorded their share, as he saw it, but always under the guidance of a strong central authority.[233]
And after all said in glorification127 of any special type of government, the stubborn fact remains128 that absolute equality, from a representative point of view, is a fiction unsupported by fact. The notorious incapacity and apathy129 of the masses is always, in the end, directed by central powers, exercised insidiously130 or openly as you please, but exercised nevertheless. In every political party we find a coterie131, men of little wisdom it may be but leaders of the crowd; in every city commission is always one masterful man to whom the other members defer132; in every banking133 house, one deciding voice; every religious organization must have a head, regardless of the number of counsellors; every ship a captain; every army a general; and, finally, in every family there should be the guidance and direction of a strong father.
Is there not a ring of sincerity134 in Bismarck’s manly acknowledgment of the inevitable equalities in the human stuff of which governments are composedHe saw only common sense in openly protesting that in any German government big enough and enduring enough to satisfy the German conception of responsibility, in a word German thoroughness, there must be, somewhere, a master-mind.
For many years, and even today, Bismarck is in some quarters regarded as the arch-enemy of the common people, but his great work has stood the acid test of time. The German Empire, builded under Bismarck’s broad ideas may be likened unto a wonderful watch, in which each part does its peculiar work without even a gambler’s chance of going wrong.
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monarch
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| n.帝王，君主，最高统治者 | |
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conformity
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| n.一致，遵从，顺从 | |
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brotherhood
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| n.兄弟般的关系，手中情谊 | |
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attained
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| （通常经过努力）实现( attain的过去式和过去分词 )； 达到； 获得； 达到（某年龄、水平、状况） | |
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unity
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| n.团结，联合，统一；和睦，协调 | |
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solidifying
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| （使）成为固体，（使）变硬，（使）变得坚固( solidify的现在分词 )； 使团结一致； 充实，巩固； 具体化 | |
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flaunt
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| vt.夸耀，夸饰 | |
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inclination
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| n.倾斜；点头；弯腰；斜坡；倾度；倾向；爱好 | |
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forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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monarchy
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| n.君主，最高统治者；君主政体，君主国 | |
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allied
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detested
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trampled
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ridiculed
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| v.嘲笑，嘲弄，奚落( ridicule的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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constructive
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paramount
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mightily
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bestowed
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| 赠给，授予( bestow的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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majesty
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federation
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chancellor
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| n.(英)大臣；法官；(德、奥)总理；大学校长 | |
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negotiations
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hesitation
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jealousy
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colonists
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endorsed
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| vt.& vi.endorse的过去式或过去分词形式v.赞同( endorse的过去式和过去分词 )；在（尤指支票的）背面签字；在（文件的）背面写评论；在广告上说本人使用并赞同某产品 | |
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amiable
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| adj.和蔼可亲的，友善的，亲切的 | |
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oratory
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tragical
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fanatics
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| 狂热者，入迷者( fanatic的名词复数 ) | |
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31
variants
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| n.变体( variant的名词复数 )；变种；变型；（词等的）变体 | |
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32
aloof
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| adj.远离的；冷淡的，漠不关心的 | |
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33
legitimacy
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| n.合法，正当 | |
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34
snarl
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| v.吼叫，怒骂，纠缠，混乱；n.混乱，缠结，咆哮 | |
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35
scoffed
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| 嘲笑，嘲弄( scoff的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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36
retirement
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| n.退休，退职 | |
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37
dispelling
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| v.驱散，赶跑( dispel的现在分词 ) | |
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38
patriotic
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| adj.爱国的，有爱国心的 | |
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39
glamour
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| n.魔力，魅力；vt.迷住 | |
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40
expediency
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| n.适宜；方便；合算；利己 | |
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41
sordid
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| adj.肮脏的，不干净的，卑鄙的，暗淡的 | |
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42
fleeting
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| adj.短暂的，飞逝的 | |
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43
peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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44
logic
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| n.逻辑(学)；逻辑性 | |
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45
warped
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| adj.反常的；乖戾的；（变）弯曲的；变形的v.弄弯，变歪( warp的过去式和过去分词 )；使（行为等）不合情理，使乖戾， | |
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46
pretensions
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| 自称( pretension的名词复数 )； 自命不凡； 要求； 权力 | |
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47
immortal
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| adj.不朽的；永生的，不死的；神的 | |
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48
inordinate
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| adj.无节制的；过度的 | |
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49
entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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50
innate
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| adj.天生的，固有的，天赋的 | |
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51
craving
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| n.渴望,热望 | |
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52
manly
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| adj.有男子气概的；adv.男子般地，果断地 | |
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53
radicalism
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| n. 急进主义, 根本的改革主义 | |
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54
psychology
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| n.心理，心理学，心理状态 | |
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55
rattan
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| n.藤条，藤杖 | |
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56
astute
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| adj.机敏的，精明的 | |
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57
labor
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| n.劳动，努力，工作，劳工；分娩；vi.劳动，努力，苦干；vt.详细分析；麻烦 | |
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58
ancestry
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| n.祖先，家世 | |
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59
obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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60
peculiarities
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| n. 特质, 特性, 怪癖, 古怪 | |
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61
eulogies
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| n.颂词，颂文( eulogy的名词复数 ) | |
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62
victorious
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| adj.胜利的，得胜的 | |
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63
squad
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| n.班，小队，小团体；vt.把…编成班或小组 | |
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64
jealousies
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| n.妒忌( jealousy的名词复数 )；妒羡 | |
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65
intrigues
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| n.密谋策划( intrigue的名词复数 )；神秘气氛；引人入胜的复杂情节v.搞阴谋诡计( intrigue的第三人称单数 )；激起…的好奇心 | |
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66
administrative
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| adj.行政的，管理的 | |
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67
incessant
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| adj.不停的，连续的 | |
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68
incessantly
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| ad.不停地 | |
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69
lauds
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| v.称赞，赞美( laud的第三人称单数 ) | |
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70
supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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71
virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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72
aristocrats
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| n.贵族( aristocrat的名词复数 ) | |
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73
avows
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| v.公开声明，承认( avow的第三人称单数 ) | |
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74
everlastingly
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| 永久地，持久地 | |
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75
glutton
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| n.贪食者，好食者 | |
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76
avenging
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| adj.报仇的，复仇的v.为…复仇，报…之仇( avenge的现在分词 )；为…报复 | |
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77
deserted
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| adj.荒芜的，荒废的，无人的，被遗弃的 | |
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78
monstrous
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| adj.巨大的；恐怖的；可耻的，丢脸的 | |
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79
ingratitude
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| n.忘恩负义 | |
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80
doctrine
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| n.教义；主义；学说 | |
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81
feudal
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| adj.封建的，封地的，领地的 | |
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82
miserably
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| adv.痛苦地；悲惨地；糟糕地；极度地 | |
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83
loyalty
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| n.忠诚，忠心 | |
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84
shimmering
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| v.闪闪发光，发微光( shimmer的现在分词 ) | |
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85
aspiration
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| n.志向，志趣抱负；渴望；(语)送气音；吸出 | |
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86
cannon
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| n.大炮，火炮；飞机上的机关炮 | |
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87
wrath
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| n.愤怒，愤慨，暴怒 | |
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88
frenzy
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| n.疯狂，狂热，极度的激动 | |
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89
lustre
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| n.光亮，光泽；荣誉 | |
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90
behold
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| v.看，注视，看到 | |
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91
brawls
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| 吵架，打架( brawl的名词复数 ) | |
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92
passionate
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| adj.热情的，热烈的，激昂的，易动情的，易怒的，性情暴躁的 | |
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93
subtlety
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| n.微妙，敏锐，精巧；微妙之处，细微的区别 | |
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94
strings
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| n.弦 | |
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95
bartered
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| v.作物物交换，以货换货( barter的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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96
orphans
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| 孤儿( orphan的名词复数 ) | |
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97
liking
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| n.爱好；嗜好；喜欢 | |
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98
calamity
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| n.灾害，祸患，不幸事件 | |
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99
tingle
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| vi.感到刺痛，感到激动；n.刺痛，激动 | |
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100
immortals
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| 不朽的人物( immortal的名词复数 )； 永生不朽者 | |
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101
promptly
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| adv.及时地，敏捷地 | |
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102
ascertains
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| v.弄清，确定，查明( ascertain的第三人称单数 ) | |
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103
assail
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| v.猛烈攻击，抨击，痛斥 | |
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104
precisely
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| adv.恰好，正好，精确地，细致地 | |
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105
legislative
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| n.立法机构，立法权；adj.立法的，有立法权的 | |
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106
judicial
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| adj.司法的，法庭的，审判的，明断的，公正的 | |
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107
efficiently
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| adv.高效率地，有能力地 | |
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108
superstition
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| n.迷信，迷信行为 | |
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109
undertakings
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| 企业( undertaking的名词复数 )； 保证； 殡仪业； 任务 | |
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110
loath
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| adj.不愿意的；勉强的 | |
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111
decried
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| v.公开反对，谴责( decry的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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112
heralded
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| v.预示( herald的过去式和过去分词 )；宣布（好或重要） | |
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113
zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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114
vessels
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| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
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115
discretion
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| n.谨慎；随意处理 | |
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116
prudence
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| n.谨慎，精明，节俭 | |
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117
radicals
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| n.激进分子( radical的名词复数 )；根基；基本原理；[数学]根数 | |
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118
slate
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| n.板岩，石板，石片，石板色，候选人名单；adj.暗蓝灰色的，含板岩的；vt.用石板覆盖，痛打，提名，预订 | |
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119
idiomatic
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| adj.成语的，符合语言习惯的 | |
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120
anathema
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| n.诅咒；被诅咒的人(物)，十分讨厌的人(物) | |
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121
bungling
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| adj.笨拙的，粗劣的v.搞糟，完不成( bungle的现在分词 )；笨手笨脚地做；失败；完不成 | |
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122
inevitable
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| adj.不可避免的，必然发生的 | |
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123
blessings
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| n.（上帝的）祝福( blessing的名词复数 )；好事；福分；因祸得福 | |
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124
stultify
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| v.愚弄；使呆滞 | |
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125
meekly
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| adv.温顺地，逆来顺受地 | |
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126
chaos
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| n.混乱，无秩序 | |
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127
glorification
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| n.赞颂 | |
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128
remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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129
apathy
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| n.漠不关心，无动于衷；冷淡 | |
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130
insidiously
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| 潜在地，隐伏地，阴险地 | |
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131
coterie
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| n.(有共同兴趣的)小团体，小圈子 | |
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132
defer
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| vt.推迟，拖延；vi.(to)遵从，听从，服从 | |
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133
banking
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| n.银行业，银行学，金融业 | |
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134
sincerity
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| n.真诚，诚意；真实 | |
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