In music alone the Heart of Europe has done more, and at different times, than any similar area. While the troubadours of the twelfth century came into existence in the sunny lands of Languedoc, it was in Aquitaine, Champagne2, and Flanders that the trouvères developed the norm of the troubadours “into something rich and strange,” and under the Countess Marie of Champagne created that beautiful and potent3 fiction of “courteous love,” which had issue in so many exquisite4 phases of human character and made possible a great school of romantic poets. They, under the leadership of Chretien de Troyes, made for the Countess Marie, out of the rude elements that had come from England and Wales through Brittany, the great poems and romances of King Arthur and his knights5. The greatest of the trouvères was Adam de la Hale and he was born in Arras in the year 1240. Long before him, however, Gottfried of Strasbourg, a contemporary of Chretien de Troyes, had made of the tale of Lancelot and Guinevere one of the deathless poems of the world, as Wolfram von Essenbach of Bavaria was to create its great counterpart from the story of Parsifal.
Very slowly in the meantime music had been{312} working out its wonderful growth from the classical models of SS. Ambrose and Gregory intermingled with the instinctive6 folk-music of the south, and in the fourteenth century the leadership fell full into the hands of Flanders, where monks7 and laymen9 set themselves to the congenial task of building up a new and richer music on polyphonic lines. Brother Hairouet, who was at work about 1420; Binchois, born near Mons and died in 1460; Dufay, born in Hainault and trained in the cathedral at Cambrai, were all, together with the English Dunstable, potent leaders in the great work, laying well the foundations on which a few centuries later was to be erected10 the vast and magnificent superstructure of Bach and his successors. In the second period, that of the close of the fifteenth century, Antwerp became the centre, Jean de Okeghem, of Termonde, the leader in the intellectualising of music and the establishing it on methodical lines, while in the third period, of the end of the fifteenth and the beginning of the following century, Josquin des Pres led the course back toward a purer beauty, though through modes that were increasingly clever in their elaborate virtuosity11. After this the lead passed across the Rhine, with memorable{313} results a century later, when the great cycle, from Bach to Brahms, rounded itself into a perfect ring.
The era-making movements in religion all began outside our territorial12 limits at Monte Cassino, Cluny, Clairveaux, but it was through St. Benedict of Aniane that Charlemagne at Aix-la-Chapelle effected his regeneration of the Church and his initiation13 of a new Christian14 education and culture; St. Bruno, of Cologne, sometime head of the cathedral school of Reims, was the founder15 of the Order of Carthusians; St. Chrodegang, Archbishop of Metz, brought into existence the Canons Regular of St. Augustine, who introduced into cathedral chapters the order and discipline of monasticism; St. Norbert, of Xanten, created the Order of Prémontré, one of the most beneficent and beautiful of the religious brotherhoods16 of the Middle Ages, while the “Imitation of Christ,” the most purely17 spiritual and devotional work of the time, was the product of Thomas à Kempis, an obscure monk8 of the Netherlands. In the development of Christian mysticism the Rhine valley stands pre-eminent, though the greatest of all those of this school of combined thought and vision was Hugh of St. Victor, of{314} the monastery18 of Augustinian Canons in Paris, on the banks of the Seine, where now is the Jardin des Plantes, The ancient tradition is that he was born near Ypres, though recent researches seem to indicate that he may have been a son of the Count of Blankenburg in Saxony. In any case, he was the great expositor of sacramental religion and philosophy as Charlemagne’s Radbertus Paschasus was the great defender19 of the true doctrine20 of Transubstantiation. If, indeed, Hugh of St. Victor was a product of Flanders, then the credit goes there of having given birth to one of the noblest and most penetrating21 minds the world has known, one that ranks with that greatest pure intellect of all time, St. Thomas Aquinas.
Whether one accepts the mysticism of the Rhine or not does not matter; it was a potent element in the flowering of Christian piety22 and the development of Catholic theology, and Elizabeth of Sch?nau, Hildegarde of Bingen, Mary of Ognies, Liutgard of Tongres, Mechtilde of Magdebourg, are all names that connote a poignancy23 of spiritual experience that proves both the personal exaltation of the time and the quality of the blood that had issue in character such as theirs. This mystical vision of the holy women of the Rhine{315} is simply an extreme intensification25 of the same vision that was given in lesser26 measure and in different ways to all the creative artists, philosophers, and theologians of the Middle Ages, from Othloh of the eleventh to St. Bonaventure of the thirteenth century, and it had a great part in determining and fixing the artistic27 manifestation28 of this amazing time. Both as a result and an influence it is vastly important and not to be ignored. Out of it came much of that marvellous symbolism of the mass and the cathedral so explicitly29 set forth30 by the monk Durandus and Vincent of Beauvais, and for its good offices here alone the world owes it a deep and lasting31 gratitude32.
One is tempted33 to go on through other fields where the harvest is plenteous, but an end must be made, and it is here. There remains34 the question of the issue of it all—whether out of this latest devastation35 that so adequately follows those of the nineteenth century, of the French Revolution, of Protestantism and the wars of religion, of the Hundred Years’ War with England, any compensation may come for the progressive (and as yet unfinished) destruction of the art records of a great past. If we consider alone the wide{316} ruin in Flanders and Brabant, in Artois and Picardy and Champagne, there seems no possible compensation for what we ourselves knew and now have lost for ever. Nevertheless, the law of the universe is death that life may come; and out of this present death that is so immeasurably more wide-spread and inclusive than any known before, even when the Huns or the Moslems were on their deadly march across Europe, there should come a proportionately fuller life, a “life more abundant,” than that which is now in dissolution. If this is so, if we can look across the plains of death and immeasurable destruction to the dimly seen peaks of the mountain frontiers of a new Land of Promise, then we can see Louvain and Liége, Ypres and Arras, Laon and Soissons and Reims pass in the crash and the dim smoke of obliteration36, content with their tragic37 destiny, even as we can see poured out as a new oblation38 the ten millions of lives, the tears of an hundred millions of those who follow down into the Valley of the Shadow of Death.
Is it all a vain oblation? There is the crucial question and the answer is left with us. This is no war of economic and industrial rivalry39, of jealous dynasties, of opposed political theories;{317} it is not the inevitable40 result of a malignant41 diplomacy42 from Frederick the Great and Metternich to Disraeli and the German Kaiser; it is not even the last act in a drama ushered43 in by Machiavelli and brought to its denouement44 at Pottsdam. All these and myriad45 other strands46 have gone to the weaving of the poisoned shirt of Nessus, but they all are blind agents, tools of a dominant47 and supreme48 destiny by which are brought about the events that are only the way of working of an unescapable fate. The war is a culminating catastrophe49, but it is as well the greatest mercy ever extended to men, for it may be made the means of a great purging50, the atonement for the later sins of the world, the redemption from a wilful51 blindness and folly52 that are not consonant53 with the will of God.
There is a stern propriety54 in the centring around the Cathedral of Reims of the first phase of the great conflict, and in its slow and implacable demolition55. Long ago Heinrich Heine, the poet of the German people, though not himself a German, saw clearly the coming ruin and wrote as follows:
Christianity—and this is its highest merit—has in some degree softened56, but it could not destroy, the brutal57 German{318} joy of battle. When once the taming talisman58, the Cross, breaks in two, the savagery59 of the old fighters, the senseless Berserker fury of which the northern poets sing and say so much, will gush60 up anew. That talisman is decayed, and the day will come when it will piteously collapse61. Then the old stone gods will rise from the silent ruins, and rub the dust of a thousand years from their eyes. Thor, with his giant’s hammer, will at last spring up, and shatter to bits the Gothic cathedrals.
Better than any other, he has declared the nature of this war that arose a century after his death. Thor, the impersonation of conscienceless and unmitigated force, shatters in pieces the Gothic cathedrals because he and they are antitheses62 and they cannot exist in the same world. Like Barbarossa sitting stonily63 in his dim cave under ground, century after century, while his beard grows through the rocky table before him, waiting for the call that will send him forth into the world again, primitive64 force and primitive craft have sullenly65 awaited the day when the Christian dispensation passes and they issue again into the light. In the fulness of time their day arrives and their first task is to destroy the symbol of their ended bondage66. With the name of Christ on their lips and the boast of Christian civilisation67 in their mouths, the nations and the{319} peoples forsake68 Christianity until only the nomenclature remains and the memorials of its power and glory.
Reims falls, but that which built Reims fell long ago, while the devious69 undermining and the blind sapping began even while the last cubits were being added to its stature70, and since then has been only a steady progression in strength and assurance of its antitheses—of materialism71, intellectualism, secularism72, industrialism, opportunism, efficiency; founded on the coal and iron of the Scar of Europe and on the sinister73 and ingratiating philosophy that came out of a re-entrant paganism, thrived under the fertilisation of an evolutionary74 empiricism, flowered in a Nietzsche, a Treitschke, and a Bernhardi. And always it presented itself in a gracious guise75; intellectual emancipation76, humanitarianism77, social service, democratic liberty, evolution, parliamentary government, progress, direct approach of each soul to God. It all sounded fine and high and noble, and on the 30th day of July, 1914, there could have been hardly a thousand men in the world, apart from those in the secret, who would not have said—there were not a thousand in Europe who did not believe—that man in his{320} regular progress from lower ever to higher things had achieved a plane where the wars and savagery and lies of the past were no longer possible.
And in one week from that fateful 30th of July the cloud castle had dissolved in a rain of blood. Could conviction have come to the world in any other way? Would the diseased body have reacted to a gentle prophylactic78, could the Surgeon have spared His knife? Since the knife is used, the answer admits of no dispute, but will it be enough? This is the question that is asked on every battle-field of a world at war; the lesson is set for the learning—will the nations learn? In so far as they have diverged79 from what Reims stood for; from Leo IX and Gregory VII and Innocent III; from Edward I and Ferdinand III and Louis IX; from Eleanor of Guienne and Blanche of Castile and Margaret of Malines; from St. Bernard, St. Norbert, and St. Anselm; from Albertus Magnus and Hugh of St. Victor and St. Thomas Aquinas, just so far have they to return, bringing with them not empty hands but all the great good winnowed80 from the harvest of grain and chaff81 they have reaped in those years of spiritual and material and national disorder82 that began when the dizzy fabric83 of medi?valism trembled{321} to its base at the exile at Avignon and “piteously collapsed” between the nailing at Wittenberg and the sansculotte throning of the “Goddess of Reason” in the desecrated84 cathedral of Notre Dame85. There is good grain in plenty, but it is sowed along with the chaff and the tares86, and now for the last harvesting the grain has germinated87 only to dwindle88 and die, for the tares have sprung up and choked it and the red garnering89 is of tares alone.
Men would think, as they follow the scarlet90 annals of war, that the lesson was sufficiently91 clear even for pacificists to read as they run, but is it so? France reads and learns, gloriously regenerate92, blotting93 out the memory of old folly with her blood of sacrifice, turning again as her first King Clovis was adjured94 by St. Remi of Reims, destroying what she worshipped a year ago, worshipping what then, and for two centuries before, she had destroyed. Again France shows the way, traversing it with bleeding feet and with many tears; Russia is learning it, though she had less to unlearn; Belgium must have learned it through her blind martyrdom; but how of the others? Is England learning, and Italy; will Germany learn, and Austria; will America learn,{322} standing95 aloof96 from the smoking altar of sacrifice; will the Church learn, there in trembling isolation97 while again Peter listens for the crowing of the cock? If not, if when silence comes down on a decimated, an exhausted98, a bankrupt world, the old ways are sought again and men go on as before, then the myriad lives and the dreary99 rain of tears are indeed a vain oblation, and all will be to do over again. God sets no lesson that need not be learned, and unless out of it all comes an old heaven and a new earth, then the lesson is set again, as time after time it was set for imperial Rome, until a century of war and pestilence100 and famine broke down her insolent101 pride and made from the ruins of her vainglory a foundation for a new civilisation in the strength of the Christianity she had denied.
And if the lesson is learned by all tongues and all peoples, as we must believe will be, then the horror of human loss, the bitterness of Ypres and Louvain and Reims will receive its compensation, for out of death will come life and no man will have died in vain, no work of art will have perished without a return in kind. To lose Reims and regain102 after long years the impulse and the power to build after the same fashion would be{323} more than ample compensation. We have tried for many centuries and have failed; no man has built anything approaching it for seven hundred years, nor has any one matched the statue of Our Lady at Paris, or the “Worship of the Lamb” at Ghent, or the glass of Chartres, or the tapestries103 of Arras, or the metal work of Dinant and Tournai. There was something lacking, some once indwelling spirit had been taken away, and though we tried to reassure104 ourselves by our boasting in far-away lines of accomplishment—parliamentary government, manhood suffrage105, clever mechanical devices, deductive science, mastery of earth forces hitherto unknown, industrialism, high finance, favourable106 balance of trade, evolutionary philosophy, public-school systems, vocational training, or what-not; though we even made the effort to exalt24 the Pantheon and Fifth Avenue to rivalry with Amiens, the Sieges Allee into an emulation107 of the statues of Reims, the Salon108 and Luxembourg and Royal Academy above the primitives109 of Flanders—it was all unconvincing to ourselves and in the end we came to say that, after all, it did not matter anyway, art was, “in the ultimate analysis,” only a dispensable amenity110 of life, which could go on very well without it. Then came the revelation{324} of 1914 and we saw our foolishness, realising at last that, “amenity” or no, art did indicate the existence in a society of something without which it was bound to decay to the point of extinction111; and as the monuments we had despised because they exceeded our own powers of achievement were one by one taken from us, we saw architecture and painting and sculpture and all the other arts in a new light and offered our reverence112, too late, to what we had lost for ever.
Whatever the issue of the war, the world can never be the same, but a very different place; and amongst the differences will be a new realisation of the nature and function of art. All the follies113 of the last fifty years—didacticism, Bavarian illustration, realism, “new art,” impressionism, “cubism,” boulevardesque and neo-Gothic and revived Roman architecture—all the petty and insincere and premeditated fashions must go, and in their place come a new sincerity114, a new sense of self-consecration.
The real things of life are coming into view through the revealing fires of the battle-field, and the new experiences of men confronted at last by everlasting115 truths. With the destruction of each work of old art comes a new duty that de{325}mands all that is best and strongest and most sincere in every man—the duty of making good the loss, in kind; the duty of building a new civilisation and a new culture on the old foundations now revealed through the burning away of the useless cumbrances of futile116 superstructures; the duty of making a Cathedral of Reims possible again, not through self-conscious and competent premeditation but because at last men have come to their senses, regained117 their old standard of comparative values, and so can no more fail to build in the spirit of Reims and in reverence for the eternal truths it enshrined and set forth than could those who built it seven centuries ago in the sweat of their brows, the joy of their hearts, and the high devotion of their souls.
The End
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justify
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| vt.证明…正当(或有理)，为…辩护 | |
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champagne
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| n.香槟酒；微黄色 | |
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potent
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| adj.强有力的，有权势的；有效力的 | |
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exquisite
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| adj.精美的；敏锐的；剧烈的，感觉强烈的 | |
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knights
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| 骑士； （中古时代的）武士( knight的名词复数 )； 骑士； 爵士； （国际象棋中）马 | |
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instinctive
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| adj.(出于)本能的；直觉的；(出于)天性的 | |
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monks
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| n.修道士，僧侣( monk的名词复数 ) | |
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monk
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| n.和尚，僧侣，修道士 | |
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laymen
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| 门外汉，外行人( layman的名词复数 )； 普通教徒（有别于神职人员） | |
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ERECTED
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| adj. 直立的，竖立的，笔直的 vt. 使 ... 直立，建立 | |
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virtuosity
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| n.精湛技巧 | |
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territorial
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| adj.领土的，领地的 | |
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initiation
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| n.开始 | |
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Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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Founder
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| n.创始者，缔造者 | |
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brotherhoods
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| 兄弟关系( brotherhood的名词复数 )； （总称）同行； （宗教性的）兄弟会； 同业公会 | |
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purely
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| adv.纯粹地，完全地 | |
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monastery
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| n.修道院，僧院，寺院 | |
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defender
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| n.保卫者，拥护者，辩护人 | |
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doctrine
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| n.教义；主义；学说 | |
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penetrating
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| adj.（声音）响亮的，尖锐的adj.（气味）刺激的adj.（思想）敏锐的，有洞察力的 | |
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piety
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| n.虔诚，虔敬 | |
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poignancy
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| n.辛酸事，尖锐 | |
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exalt
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| v.赞扬，歌颂，晋升，提升 | |
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intensification
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| n.激烈化，增强明暗度；加厚 | |
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lesser
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| adj.次要的，较小的；adv.较小地，较少地 | |
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artistic
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| adj.艺术(家)的，美术(家)的；善于艺术创作的 | |
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manifestation
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| n.表现形式；表明；现象 | |
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explicitly
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| ad.明确地，显然地 | |
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forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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lasting
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| adj.永久的，永恒的；vbl.持续，维持 | |
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gratitude
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| adj.感激，感谢 | |
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tempted
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| v.怂恿（某人）干不正当的事；冒…的险（tempt的过去分词） | |
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remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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devastation
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| n.毁坏；荒废；极度震惊或悲伤 | |
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obliteration
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| n.涂去，删除；管腔闭合 | |
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tragic
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| adj.悲剧的，悲剧性的，悲惨的 | |
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oblation
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| n.圣餐式；祭品 | |
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rivalry
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| n.竞争，竞赛，对抗 | |
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inevitable
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| adj.不可避免的，必然发生的 | |
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malignant
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| adj.恶性的，致命的；恶意的，恶毒的 | |
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diplomacy
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| n.外交；外交手腕，交际手腕 | |
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ushered
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| v.引，领，陪同( usher的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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denouement
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| n.结尾，结局 | |
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myriad
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| adj.无数的；n.无数，极大数量 | |
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strands
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| n.（线、绳、金属线、毛发等的）股( strand的名词复数 )；缕；海洋、湖或河的)岸；（观点、计划、故事等的）部份v.使滞留，使搁浅( strand的第三人称单数 ) | |
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dominant
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| adj.支配的，统治的；占优势的；显性的；n.主因，要素，主要的人(或物)；显性基因 | |
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supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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catastrophe
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| n.大灾难，大祸 | |
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purging
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| 清洗； 清除； 净化； 洗炉 | |
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wilful
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| adj.任性的，故意的 | |
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folly
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| n.愚笨，愚蠢，蠢事，蠢行，傻话 | |
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consonant
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| n.辅音；adj.[音]符合的 | |
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54
propriety
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| n.正当行为；正当；适当 | |
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demolition
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| n.破坏,毁坏,毁坏之遗迹 | |
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softened
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| （使）变软( soften的过去式和过去分词 )； 缓解打击； 缓和； 安慰 | |
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brutal
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| adj.残忍的，野蛮的，不讲理的 | |
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talisman
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| n.避邪物，护身符 | |
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savagery
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| n.野性 | |
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gush
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| v.喷，涌；滔滔不绝(说话)；n.喷，涌流；迸发 | |
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collapse
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| vi.累倒；昏倒；倒塌；塌陷 | |
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antitheses
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| n.对照，对立的，对比法；对立( antithesis的名词复数 )；对立面；对照；对偶 | |
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stonily
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| 石头地，冷酷地 | |
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primitive
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| adj.原始的；简单的；n.原(始)人，原始事物 | |
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sullenly
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| 不高兴地，绷着脸，忧郁地 | |
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bondage
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| n.奴役，束缚 | |
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civilisation
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| n.文明，文化，开化，教化 | |
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forsake
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| vt.遗弃，抛弃；舍弃，放弃 | |
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devious
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| adj.不坦率的，狡猾的；迂回的，曲折的 | |
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stature
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| n.（高度）水平，（高度）境界，身高，身材 | |
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71
materialism
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| n.［哲］唯物主义，唯物论；物质至上 | |
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72
secularism
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| n.现世主义；世俗主义；宗教与教育分离论；政教分离论 | |
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73
sinister
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| adj.不吉利的，凶恶的，左边的 | |
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evolutionary
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| adj.进化的；演化的，演变的；[生]进化论的 | |
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guise
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| n.外表，伪装的姿态 | |
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emancipation
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| n.（从束缚、支配下）解放 | |
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humanitarianism
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| n.博爱主义；人道主义；基督凡人论 | |
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prophylactic
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| adj.预防疾病的；n.预防疾病 | |
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diverged
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| 分开( diverge的过去式和过去分词 )； 偏离； 分歧； 分道扬镳 | |
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80
winnowed
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| adj.扬净的，风选的v.扬( winnow的过去式和过去分词 )；辨别；选择；除去 | |
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81
chaff
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| v.取笑，嘲笑；n.谷壳 | |
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disorder
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| n.紊乱，混乱；骚动，骚乱；疾病，失调 | |
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fabric
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| n.织物，织品，布；构造，结构，组织 | |
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desecrated
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| 毁坏或亵渎( desecrate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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dame
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| n.女士 | |
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86
tares
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| 荑；稂莠；稗 | |
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germinated
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| v.（使）发芽( germinate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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dwindle
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| v.逐渐变小（或减少） | |
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garnering
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| v.收集并（通常）贮藏（某物），取得，获得( garner的现在分词 ) | |
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scarlet
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| n.深红色，绯红色，红衣；adj.绯红色的 | |
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sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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regenerate
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| vt.使恢复，使新生；vi.恢复，再生；adj.恢复的 | |
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blotting
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| 吸墨水纸 | |
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adjured
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| v.（以起誓或诅咒等形式）命令要求( adjure的过去式和过去分词 )；祈求；恳求 | |
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standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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aloof
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| adj.远离的；冷淡的，漠不关心的 | |
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isolation
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| n.隔离，孤立，分解，分离 | |
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exhausted
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| adj.极其疲惫的，精疲力尽的 | |
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dreary
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| adj.令人沮丧的，沉闷的，单调乏味的 | |
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pestilence
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| n.瘟疫 | |
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insolent
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| adj.傲慢的，无理的 | |
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102
regain
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| vt.重新获得，收复，恢复 | |
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103
tapestries
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| n.挂毯( tapestry的名词复数 )；绣帷，织锦v.用挂毯（或绣帷）装饰( tapestry的第三人称单数 ) | |
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104
reassure
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| v.使放心，使消除疑虑 | |
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105
suffrage
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| n.投票，选举权，参政权 | |
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106
favourable
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| adj.赞成的，称赞的，有利的，良好的，顺利的 | |
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emulation
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| n.竞争；仿效 | |
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108
salon
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| n.[法]沙龙；客厅；营业性的高级服务室 | |
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109
primitives
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| 原始人（primitive的复数形式） | |
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110
amenity
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| n.pl.生活福利设施，文娱康乐场所；（不可数）愉快，适意 | |
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111
extinction
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| n.熄灭，消亡，消灭，灭绝，绝种 | |
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112
reverence
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| n.敬畏，尊敬，尊严；Reverence:对某些基督教神职人员的尊称；v.尊敬，敬畏，崇敬 | |
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113
follies
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| 罪恶，时事讽刺剧； 愚蠢，蠢笨，愚蠢的行为、思想或做法( folly的名词复数 ) | |
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114
sincerity
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| n.真诚，诚意；真实 | |
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115
everlasting
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| adj.永恒的，持久的，无止境的 | |
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116
futile
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| adj.无效的，无用的，无希望的 | |
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117
regained
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| 复得( regain的过去式和过去分词 )； 赢回； 重回； 复至某地 | |
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