“Admiral Gambier, in reply to my father’s application writes as follows:—’As it is usual to keep young officers in small vessels8, it being most proper on account of their inexperience, and it being also a situation where they are more in the way of learning their duty, your son has been continued in the Scorpion9, but I have mentioned to the Board of Admiralty his wish to be in a frigate10, and when a proper opportunity offers and it is judged that he has taken his turn in a small ship, I hope he will be removed. With regard to your son, now in London, I am glad I can give you the assurance that his promotion3 is likely to take place very soon, as Lord [197] Spencer has been so good as to say he would include him in an arrangement that he proposes making in a short time relative to some promotions in that quarter.’
“There, I may now finish my letter and go and hang myself, for I am sure I can neither write or do anything which will not appear insipid11 to you after this.”
Again, “Frank is made. He was yesterday raised to the rank of Commander, and appointed to the Petterel sloop12 now at Gibraltar.... As soon as you have cried a little for joy you may go on, and learn further that the Indian House have taken Captain Austen’s petition into consideration, and likewise that Lieutenant13 Charles John Austen is removed to the Tamar frigate.”
Nearly a month later—
“Charles leaves us to-night, the Tamar is in the Downs and Mr. Daysh advises him to join her there directly, as there is no chance of her going to the westward14. Charles does not approve of this at all, and will not be much grieved if he should be too late for her before she sails, as he may then hope to get into a better station.”
And two days after, “I have just heard from Charles, who is by this time at Deal. He is to be second lieutenant, which pleases him very well. He expects to be ordered to Sheerness shortly as the Tamar has never been refitted.”
Frank apparently16 remained on the Petterel until he received promotion in the beginning of 1801, for his sister writes jestingly: “So Frank’s letter has made you very happy, but you are afraid he would not have patience to stay for the Haarlem, which you wish him to have done as being safer than the merchantman. Poor fellow, to wait from the middle of November to the end of December, and perhaps even longer, it must be sad work; especially in a place where the ink is so abominably17 [198] pale. What a surprise to him it must have been on October 20, to be visited, collared, and thrust out of the Petterall by Captain Inglis. He kindly18 passes over the poignancy19 of his feelings in quitting his ship, his officers, and his men. What a pity it is that he should not be in England at the time of his promotion, because he certainly would have had an appointment, so everybody says, and therefore it must be right for me to say it too. Had he been really here, the certainty of the appointment, I dare say, would not have been half so great, but as it could not be brought to the proof, his absence will always be a lucky source of regret.”
The real name of the ship was evidently the Petrel, but it is very variously spelt by other writers beside Jane, for orthography20 was not considered of great moment in the eighteenth century.
Captain Francis Austen had done good service on board and had well earned his promotion; in William James’s Naval22 History of Great Britain, his name is mentioned with praise. On the 20th March, 1800, in the evening, while the Mermaid23, a twelve-pounder thirty-two gun frigate, under Captain R. D. Oliver, and the ship sloop Petrel, under Captain Francis William Austen, were cruising together in the Bay of Marseilles, the Petrel, which was nearer the coast than the Mermaid, came into action with three armed vessels; two escaped by running on shore, but the third, the Ligurienne of “fourteen long six pounders two thirty-six pounder carronades all brass” and with one hundred and four men on board to the Petrel’s eighty-nine,—for the first lieutenant and some of the crew were absent on prizes,—began to fight. They kept up a running fight of an hour and an half’s duration, within two hundred and fifty yards, and sometimes half that distance. Then the Ligurienne struck her colours, her commander being [199] shot. The Petrel was at that time only six miles from Marseilles. No one was hurt on the Petrel, though four of her twelve pounder carronades were upset, and the sails riddled25 with shot holes. The Mermaid apparently stood in the offing, giving moral support throughout. The Ligurienne was a fine vessel7, only about two years old, and her capture must have meant good prize-money into the pockets of the captain and crew of the Petrel. After describing this action, Mr. James continues—
“Before quitting Captain Austen we shall relate another instance of his good conduct; and in which, without coming to actual blows, he performed an important and not wholly imperilous service.” On the thirteenth of August, the Petrel being then attached to Sir Sydney Smith’s squadron on the coast of Egypt, he was the means of burning a Turkish ship so as to prevent the French from stealing her guns, and for this service the Captain Pacha presented him with a handsome sabre and rich pelisse. Though his service seems to have landed the Turkish vessel “out of the frying-pan into the fire.”
Charles Austen had seen active service when only a lad of fifteen, and both brothers frequently took part in the small actions which were continually occurring on the seas.
There was, as we have seen, six years’ difference in age between them, but they were both at sea during some of the most glorious years in the whole annals of England. In spite of bad provisions, bad quarters, bad discipline, all of which will be again referred to, the English seamen26 at this time showed pluck and energy that was limitless. Britain was absolutely supreme27 on the seas. In 1794, Tobago, Martinique, St. Lucia, and Guadaloupe were all taken in less than a month. In the same year, Lord Howe, encountering twenty-six ships [200] which the French by great exertions28 had sent to sea, man?uvred for three days, but on the “glorious first of June” bore down upon them and broke their line, captured six, and dispersed29 the rest, while 8000 men were killed or wounded on the French side against 1158 of the English. On September 16 of the following year, the Cape24 of Good Hope was taken by the English under Sir James Craig. The Dutch made an attempt to retake the Cape in 1796, but the whole of the armament they sent was captured by Admiral Elphinstone. In 1797 the Spaniards, who had declared war against Great Britain, put forth30 their full naval strength to attempt to raise the blockade which bound the ports of France. They were met by Sir John Jarvis, who had only fifteen ships of the line against their twenty-seven, and half the number of frigates31.
By the well-known man?uvre the Admiral broke the Spanish line, cutting off a number of their ships, and when three of the largest wore round to rejoin their comrades, they were met by Nelson and Collingwood. Two of these Spanish ships got entangled32 with each other, and Nelson, driving his own vessel on board of one of them, carried both sword in hand, and received the sword of the Spanish Rear-Admiral in submission33; this was afterwards awarded to him for his own possession. The Spaniards were totally routed and comparatively few ships were taken; the battle, which earned its commander the title of Lord St. Vincent, is considered one of the most important in the whole history of England.
In October of the same year, the battle of Camperdown was gained by Admiral Duncan, and these two victories together, by making the British complete masters of the home seas allayed34 for a while the terror of a French invasion. The mezzotint by James Ward15 from [201] Copley’s famous picture, given in illustration, shows the variety of costume adopted by the British seamen at that time, the style of the officers’ dress, and gives a very good idea of the appearance of the picturesque35 old wooden sailing-ships in which such heroic services were performed.
The most amazing part of this splendid series of victories, all of which contained much boarding and hand-to-hand fighting, demanding personal pluck and endurance, is, that the sailors, as a mass, were either unwilling37 men pressed into a service which they disliked, or the very off-scourings of the country. On board there was bad food, bad water, wretched accommodation, and often rank brutality38. There was the discipline of terror not of respect, and insubordination was only held down by fear.
The officers fared a little better than the men in regard to comfort, but it speaks well for young Charles Austen that he followed in his brother’s steps when he must have known by word of mouth of all the discomforts39, to speak of nothing worse, which must be his lot on board ship.
For the sons of gentlemen, the first entrance into the navy was a most precarious40 venture, and the system, if system it can be called, so haphazard41, that one marvels42 men should have been found to let their sons attempt it. A boy first obtained interest of some sort from an admiral or captain on board a ship, and was taken by him in any odd capacity for a voyage. He might go as “boy” or even as servant, and though nominally43 a midshipman, was in reality without a position or standing44 save what his patron allowed to him. He could not go in for an examination until he had served on board for six years, then he might do so to qualify for a lieutenancy45. Once a lieutenant his position was secured, and he had authority and consequently a very different life. Captain [202] Edward Thompson, writing in the middle of the eighteenth century to a young relative who thought of following the sea for a trade, says, “Besides, the disagreeable circumstances and situations attending a subaltern officer in the navy, are so many and so hard, that, had not the first men in the service passed the dirty road to preferment, to encourage the rest, they would renounce46 it to a man. It is a most mistaken notion that a youth will not be a good officer unless he stoops to the most menial offices, to be bedded worse than hogs47, and to eat less delicacies48. In short, from having experienced such scenes of filth49 and infamy50, such fatigues51 and hardships, that are sufficient to disgust the stoutest52 and bravest, for alas53 there is only a little hope of promotion sprinkled in the cup to make a man swallow more than he digests the rest of his life.”
The wonder is that such boys as went to sea picked up enough seamanship to pass any but the most practical examination. Navigation was in those days even more difficult than at present, owing to the dependence55 on the wind and the necessity for understanding the exact management of sails. There were no engineers who could make the vessel go in any direction the captain thought best at a moment’s notice; and the man on the bridge had a heavy responsibility.
That matters in regard to the service were improving is evident, for the same writer quoted above continues—
“The last war, a chaw of tobacco, a ratan, and a rope of oaths were sufficient qualities to constitute a lieutenant, but now education and good manners are the study of all.”
Yet the surroundings on board ship were enough to prevent any but the most earnest and determined56 youth from studying; food and accommodation were alike [203] revolting. “At once you resign a good table for no table, and a good bed for your length and breadth. Nay57, it will be thought an indulgence too to let you sleep where day ne’er enters; and where fresh air only comes when forced. You must get up every four hours, and they never forget to call you, though you may forget to rise.
“Your light for day and night is a small candle which is often stuck on the side of your platter at meals for want of a better convenience. Your victuals58 are salt and often bad; and if you vary the mode of dressing59 them you must cook yourself ... in a man-of-war you have the collected filth of jails; condemned60 criminals have the alternative of hanging or entering on board. There is not a vice21 committed on shore but is practised here, the scenes of horror and infamy on board a man-of-war are so many and so great, that I think they must rather disgust a good mind than allure61 it.”
Smollet’s pictures of life on board are too well known to quote.
The between decks, where the men slept, had not been ventilated at all up to the middle of the eighteenth century, when a hand-pump was invented to expel the foul62 air, the fresh air being left to find its own way in. The noisome63 smells, the cramped64 space, the continual darkness and disorder65, must have bred sickness and debility in many, which all the open-air life on deck could not counteract66.
As for the food served for the men, it seems to have been loathsome67. In Tracts68 relating to the Victualling of the Navy, we read of “sour tainted69 pickled meat. If such can be called food—human food—when dogs that I have offered it to have flaged their tails, ran away, and would not even smell to it;” of “rotten, musty, weevily flour,” and “as for the butter, cheese, [204] oil, raisins70, they might have been expended71, the cheese into ammunition72, cast into cannon73 balls, the raisins as wadding, the butter and oil to grease their tackle with, for which it may be thought very fit—stinking slush. It is no longer a wonder at the pursers being tormented74 with execrations and bitter wrath75 from remediless, aggrieved76, and tortured men on board.”
It is said that any man who had been long a sailor, got into the habit of tapping his biscuit on the table to knock the weevils out before he ate it, a trick that old salts were seen to do at the tables of their friends on shore!
As for the state of the hospitals in India and elsewhere, the following story tells a tale. “Soon after the last action with the French fleet, I observed a wounded seaman54, who had lost part of his hand by a shot, climbing up the side with one hand, and holding his bread bag in his teeth. I asked why he had left the hospital. He answered they were so much in want of provisions that he had come on board to beg some biscuit (which was full of maggots) for his messmates. At that time I understood Government was charged a rupee a day for every man in the hospital (about 1000 or 1500) but I believe seven or eight pence was all it cost the contractor77 for their provisions, and it was reported that he was obliged to share the profits with the admiral and his secretary, said to amount to about ￡70 a day.”
We have had some revelations of official corruption78 recently, but there is nothing to compare with the openly recognised stealing of the eighteenth century, when, so late as 1783, a minister could say in earnest to a purser who had been a commissary and complained of poverty, “You had your hand in the bag, sir, why did you not help yourself?” And help themselves everyone apparently [205] did, from the highest to the lowest. Enquiry first began to be made by Lord St. Vincent, who set himself to clean this Augean stable.
There being a prospect5 of a vacancy79 in the office of the Admiralty, a satirical correspondent to the Morning Chronicle in 1792 forwarded the following list of qualities essential for any candidate applying:—
He should know nothing of a ship.
He should never have been to sea.
He should be ignorant of geography.
He should be ignorant of naval tactics.
He should never attend office until four in the afternoon.
He should be unfit for business every day.
He should be very regular in keeping officers waiting for orders.
He should not know a bumboat from a three decker.
His hair should always be well dressed,
And his head should be empty!
Though matters were bad enough for the officers they were fifty times worse for the men, and it is not at all singular that men should have been procured80 with difficulty to enter a service where they were liable to all sorts of hardships; to great risk of life; where they were at the mercy of an irresponsible commander, who could order them to be strung up on the slightest provocation82, and given any number of lashes83 he thought fit; where they could be hanged for disobeying or manifesting the smallest revolt to this tyrant84; where prize-money, which was freely distributed to officers, sometimes never reached the men. There were instances of prize-money fairly due to the men being held over for a year or more as “not worth distributing.”
The deficiency of men was, as we have seen, supplied by using the criminals of the gaols85. Bounty86 money [206] was also liberally offered, the authorities realising that a few pounds ready money were likely to be a valuable bribe87 to a man out of luck. The St. James’s Chronicle remarks at the beginning of the war, “Five pounds bounty, and two pounds extra from the Corporation of London; surely no tars88 can be found backward.”
In 1770 the Government had offered thirty shillings a head, which was augmented89 by various towns; London offering forty shillings additional, and Edinburgh forty-two shillings. In 1788 a prohibition90 forbidding seamen to serve in foreign navies was issued, and in 1791 the bounty money of London rose to two pounds for an ordinary seaman, and sixty shillings for an able seaman. The city added twenty shillings to the one, and forty shillings to the other at the beginning of the war in 1793. And in 1795 the total bounties91 in some places even amounted to thirty pounds a head!
In 1795 an Act was passed demanding levies92 of men from the whole country, the proportions varying according to the size of the county or port; from Yorkshire more than a thousand were demanded. In addition to this the pressgang was hard at work, and the monstrous93 injustice94 perpetrated by it makes one wonder how, even in times of greatest stress, it could have been allowed.
The difference between an ordinary press and a “hot press” was that in the latter all protection was disregarded, and men of every sort, even apprentices95 usually protected by law, were seized and carried off to serve, utterly96 regardless of mercy. The odd part of it is that, when it was found to be inevitable97, the men who had been taken against their will plucked up spirit and performed their duties well.
John Ashton in Old Times quotes a number of cuttings from The Times of 1793 and 1794 giving [207] details of these presses. “The press in the river Thames for the three last days has been very severe. Five or six hundred seamen have been laid hold of.” (February 18, 1793.)
“A hot press has, for the last two nights, been carried on from London Bridge to the Nore; protections are disregarded, and almost all the vessels in the river have been stripped of their hands.” (April 26, 1793.)
“Sailors are so scarce that upwards98 of sixty sail of merchant’s ships bound to the West Indies, and other places, are detained in the river, with their ladings on board; seven outward bound East Indiamen are likewise detained at Gravesend, for want of sailors to man them.” (January 7, 1794.)
“That part of Mr. Pitt’s plan for manning the navy, which recommends to the magistrates99 to take cognizance of all idle and disorderly people, who have no visible means of livelihood100, may certainly procure81 a great number of able-bodied men who are lurking101 about the Metropolis102.” (February 11, 1795.)
“There was a very hot press on the river on Friday night last, when several hundred able seamen were procured. One of the gangs in attempting to board a Liverpool trader, were resisted by the crew, when a desperate affray took place, in which many of the former were thrown overboard, and the lieutenant who boarded them killed by a shot from the vessel.” (June 9, 1795.)
In 1798 all protection from the operations of the pressgang was suspended, even in the case of the coal trade, for one month!
To counterbalance all the manifold disadvantages of service in the navy, for the officers at least, there were some attractions; that of prize-money was very great, for a man might literally103 make his fortune at sea in a [208] few years by lucky captures, and the spirit of gambling104 and adventure to which this gave rise must have had a very strong effect in attracting young officers.
The account of the sums received in prize-money is perfectly105 amazing; the best haul of all was perhaps the Hermione, a Spanish ship taken long before the Austens’ day, in 1762. The treasure was conveyed to London in twenty waggons106 with the British colours flying over those of Spain, a sight that would confound those of our own time, who seem to think the true way to celebrate a victory is to give compensation to those who have provoked war, and brought defeat upon themselves! The share of one ship alone, the Active, amounted to over ￡250,000; and the proportion given to the ships of the same squadron not actually present amounted to nearly ￡67,000. The value of the St. Jago, taken in 1793, as adjudged to the captors was ￡935,000, of which about ￡100,000 went to Admiral Gell. (The Times, February 4, 1795.) Each captain got nearly ￡14,000.
In 1801, Jane tells us that “Charles has received ￡30 for his share of the privateer and expects ten pounds more, but of what avail is it to take prizes if he lays out the produce in presents to his sisters? He has been buying gold chains and topaz crosses for us. He must be well scolded.”
After this it does not seem so strange to read in Persuasion107 that in only seven years Anne’s lover, Wentworth, “had distinguished108 himself, and early gained the other step in rank, and must now, by successive captures, have made a handsome fortune,” which otherwise strikes oddly on our ears.
VICTORY OF LORD DUNCAN (CAMPERDOWN) 1797
The abuses in the navy included those of interest, which in those days honeycombed every branch of professional life. Lord Rodney made his son John a [209] post captain after he had been a midshipman little over a month, and when he was just over fifteen years old. But this, at a time when boys of fourteen held commissions in the Guards, must have seemed a trifle. Mrs. Lybbe Powys, speaking of her brother-in-law, says—
“Our young officer is what I fear too generally young men in the army are, gay, thoughtless, and very handsome; but what boy of fourteen, having a commission in the Guards, can be otherwise?”
The Times of 1797 speaks of the “baby officers,” and says—
“Some of the sucking colonels of the Guards have expressed their dislike of the short skirts. They say they feel as if they were going to be flogged.”
A peculiar109 feature of the end of the eighteenth and beginning of nineteenth centuries was the tendency to mutiny, induced doubtless by the terrible hardships and injustices110 undergone by the men on board. And the wonder is, not that the men did mutiny, but that they endured so long and fought so splendidly without doing so.
Some of the mutineers on board the Téméraire, in the beginning of the nineteenth century, are thus described by an eye-witness. “They were the noblest fellows, with the most undaunted mien111, I ever beheld—the beau ideal of British sailors; tall and athletic112, well-dressed, in blue jackets, red waistcoats, and trousers white as driven snow. Their hair like the tail of the lion, hung in a queue down their back. At that time this last article was considered, as indeed it really was, the distinguishing mark of a thoroughbred seaman. Unfortunately, these gallant113 fellows were as ignorant as they were impatient, and the custom of the time was to hang everyone who should dare to dispute the orders of his superior officers.”
[210]
Of the mutinies the most serious were those at Spithead and the Nore, which followed closely upon one another. After the first, concessions114 in regard to pay and various improvements in commissariat were granted; and both mutinies were put down firmly and sharply, but they were followed from time to time by lesser115 outbreaks.
All these excitements, and the constant changes in the pay of officers, must have been watched with interest by the Austen family, whom they touched so nearly. Jane certainly understood the best type of naval officer, and had no little admiration116 and affection for him.
The officers in her novels may easily be divided into two sorts, they are the officers of the old school, of which Admiral Crawford, in Mansfield Park, to whom his nephew and niece were indebted for their bringing up, is a prominent example. Here is the aforesaid niece’s account of the type, when Edmund Bertram asks her whether she has not a large acquaintance in the navy. “‘Among admirals, large enough, but,’ with an air of grandeur117, ‘we know very little of the inferior ranks. Post captains may be very good sort of men, but they do not belong to us. Of various admirals I could tell you a great deal; of them and their flags, and the gradation of their pay, and their bickerings and jealousies118. But in general, I can assure you that they are all passed over and all very ill-used. Certainly my home at my uncle’s brought me acquainted with a circle of admirals. Of Rears and Vices36 I saw enough. Now, do not be suspecting me of a pun, I entreat119.’”
Mr. Price, Fanny’s father, who is in the Marines, with his noise, and his oaths, and his coarseness and ill-temper, is a terrible revelation to his gentle daughter.
On the other side of the scale we may set Admiral Croft in Persuasion, a polished and delightful120 man, “rear-admiral [211] of the white. He was in the Trafalgar action, and has been in the East Indies since; he has been stationed there, I believe, several years.”
The younger generation of sailors is represented charmingly in the novels from Fanny’s admirable, straightforward121, single-minded brother William, who, when he came to Mansfield Park shortly after getting promoted to his lieutenancy, “would have been delighted to show his uniform there too, had not cruel custom prohibited its appearance except on duty. So the uniform remained at Portsmouth, and Edmund conjectured122 that before Fanny had any chance of seeing it, all its own freshness, and all the freshness of its wearer’s feelings must be worn away; for what can be more unbecoming or more worthless than the uniform of a lieutenant who has been a lieutenant a year or two, and sees others made commanders before him.”
Captain Wentworth, Anne’s lover, who had been treated so cruelly in deference123 to the wishes of her family, is gallant, handsome, charming, a man of the world, without having lost his freshness, and a man who has won his way and yet been unspoiled by flattery; he is one of the best of Jane Austen’s heroes.
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affected
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| adj.不自然的，假装的 | |
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allusions
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| 暗指，间接提到( allusion的名词复数 ) | |
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promotion
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| n.提升，晋级；促销，宣传 | |
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promotions
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| 促进( promotion的名词复数 )； 提升； 推广； 宣传 | |
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prospect
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| n.前景，前途；景色，视野 | |
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prospects
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| n.希望，前途(恒为复数) | |
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vessel
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| n.船舶；容器，器皿；管，导管，血管 | |
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vessels
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| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
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scorpion
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| n.蝎子，心黑的人，蝎子鞭 | |
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frigate
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| n.护航舰，大型驱逐舰 | |
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insipid
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| adj.无味的，枯燥乏味的，单调的 | |
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sloop
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| n.单桅帆船 | |
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lieutenant
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| n.陆军中尉，海军上尉；代理官员，副职官员 | |
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westward
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| n.西方，西部；adj.西方的，向西的；adv.向西 | |
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ward
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| n.守卫，监护，病房，行政区，由监护人或法院保护的人（尤指儿童）；vt.守护，躲开 | |
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apparently
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abominably
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| adv. 可恶地，可恨地，恶劣地 | |
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kindly
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| adj.和蔼的，温和的，爽快的；adv.温和地，亲切地 | |
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poignancy
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| n.辛酸事，尖锐 | |
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orthography
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vice
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| n.坏事；恶习；[pl.]台钳，老虎钳；adj.副的 | |
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naval
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mermaid
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cape
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| n.海角，岬；披肩，短披风 | |
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riddled
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| adj.布满的；充斥的；泛滥的v.解谜，出谜题(riddle的过去分词形式) | |
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seamen
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supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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exertions
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dispersed
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forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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31
frigates
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| n.快速军舰( frigate的名词复数 ) | |
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entangled
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| adj.卷入的；陷入的；被缠住的；缠在一起的v.使某人（某物/自己）缠绕，纠缠于（某物中），使某人（自己）陷入（困难或复杂的环境中）( entangle的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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33
submission
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| n.服从，投降；温顺，谦虚；提出 | |
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34
allayed
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| v.减轻，缓和( allay的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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35
picturesque
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| adj.美丽如画的，（语言）生动的，绘声绘色的 | |
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36
vices
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| 缺陷( vice的名词复数 )； 恶习； 不道德行为； 台钳 | |
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37
unwilling
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| adj.不情愿的 | |
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38
brutality
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| n.野蛮的行为，残忍，野蛮 | |
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39
discomforts
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| n.不舒适( discomfort的名词复数 )；不愉快，苦恼 | |
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40
precarious
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| adj.不安定的，靠不住的；根据不足的 | |
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41
haphazard
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| adj.无计划的，随意的，杂乱无章的 | |
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42
marvels
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| n.奇迹( marvel的名词复数 )；令人惊奇的事物（或事例）；不平凡的成果；成就v.惊奇，对…感到惊奇( marvel的第三人称单数 ) | |
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43
nominally
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| 在名义上，表面地； 应名儿 | |
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44
standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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45
lieutenancy
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| n.中尉之职，代理官员 | |
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46
renounce
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| v.放弃；拒绝承认，宣布与…断绝关系 | |
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47
hogs
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| n.（尤指喂肥供食用的）猪( hog的名词复数 )；（供食用的）阉公猪；彻底地做某事；自私的或贪婪的人 | |
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48
delicacies
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| n.棘手( delicacy的名词复数 )；精致；精美的食物；周到 | |
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49
filth
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| n.肮脏，污物，污秽；淫猥 | |
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50
infamy
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| n.声名狼藉，出丑，恶行 | |
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51
fatigues
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| n.疲劳( fatigue的名词复数 )；杂役；厌倦；（士兵穿的）工作服 | |
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52
stoutest
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| 粗壮的( stout的最高级 )； 结实的； 坚固的； 坚定的 | |
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53
alas
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| int.唉(表示悲伤、忧愁、恐惧等) | |
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54
seaman
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| n.海员，水手，水兵 | |
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55
dependence
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| n.依靠，依赖；信任，信赖；隶属 | |
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56
determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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57
nay
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| adv.不；n.反对票，投反对票者 | |
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58
victuals
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| n.食物；食品 | |
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59
dressing
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| n.(食物)调料；包扎伤口的用品，敷料 | |
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condemned
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| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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61
allure
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| n.诱惑力，魅力；vt.诱惑，引诱，吸引 | |
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62
foul
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| adj.污秽的；邪恶的；v.弄脏；妨害；犯规；n.犯规 | |
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63
noisome
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| adj.有害的，可厌的 | |
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cramped
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| a.狭窄的 | |
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65
disorder
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| n.紊乱，混乱；骚动，骚乱；疾病，失调 | |
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counteract
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| vt.对…起反作用，对抗，抵消 | |
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67
loathsome
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| adj.讨厌的，令人厌恶的 | |
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68
tracts
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| 大片土地( tract的名词复数 )； 地带； （体内的）道； （尤指宣扬宗教、伦理或政治的）短文 | |
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69
tainted
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| adj.腐坏的；污染的；沾污的；感染的v.使变质( taint的过去式和过去分词 )；使污染；败坏；被污染，腐坏，败坏 | |
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70
raisins
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| n.葡萄干( raisin的名词复数 ) | |
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71
expended
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| v.花费( expend的过去式和过去分词 )；使用（钱等）做某事；用光；耗尽 | |
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72
ammunition
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| n.军火，弹药 | |
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73
cannon
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| n.大炮，火炮；飞机上的机关炮 | |
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74
tormented
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| 饱受折磨的 | |
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75
wrath
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| n.愤怒，愤慨，暴怒 | |
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76
aggrieved
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| adj.愤愤不平的，受委屈的；悲痛的；（在合法权利方面）受侵害的v.令委屈，令苦恼，侵害( aggrieve的过去式)；令委屈，令苦恼，侵害( aggrieve的过去式和过去分词) | |
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77
contractor
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| n.订约人，承包人，收缩肌 | |
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78
corruption
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| n.腐败，堕落，贪污 | |
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79
vacancy
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| n.（旅馆的）空位，空房，（职务的）空缺 | |
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80
procured
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| v.（努力）取得， （设法）获得( procure的过去式和过去分词 )；拉皮条 | |
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81
procure
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| vt.获得，取得，促成；vi.拉皮条 | |
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82
provocation
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| n.激怒，刺激，挑拨，挑衅的事物，激怒的原因 | |
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83
lashes
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| n.鞭挞( lash的名词复数 )；鞭子；突然猛烈的一击；急速挥动v.鞭打( lash的第三人称单数 )；煽动；紧系；怒斥 | |
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84
tyrant
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| n.暴君，专制的君主，残暴的人 | |
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85
gaols
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| 监狱，拘留所( gaol的名词复数 ) | |
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86
bounty
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| n.慷慨的赠予物，奖金；慷慨，大方；施与 | |
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87
bribe
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| n.贿赂；v.向…行贿，买通 | |
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88
tars
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| 焦油，沥青，柏油( tar的名词复数 ) | |
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89
Augmented
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| adj.增音的 动词augment的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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90
prohibition
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| n.禁止；禁令，禁律 | |
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91
bounties
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| （由政府提供的）奖金( bounty的名词复数 )； 赏金； 慷慨； 大方 | |
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92
levies
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| （部队）征兵( levy的名词复数 )； 募捐； 被征募的军队 | |
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93
monstrous
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| adj.巨大的；恐怖的；可耻的，丢脸的 | |
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94
injustice
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| n.非正义，不公正，不公平，侵犯（别人的）权利 | |
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95
apprentices
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| 学徒，徒弟( apprentice的名词复数 ) | |
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96
utterly
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| adv.完全地，绝对地 | |
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97
inevitable
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| adj.不可避免的，必然发生的 | |
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98
upwards
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| adv.向上，在更高处...以上 | |
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99
magistrates
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| 地方法官，治安官( magistrate的名词复数 ) | |
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100
livelihood
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| n.生计，谋生之道 | |
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101
lurking
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| 潜在 | |
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102
metropolis
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| n.首府；大城市 | |
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103
literally
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| adv.照字面意义，逐字地；确实 | |
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104
gambling
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| n.赌博；投机 | |
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105
perfectly
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| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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106
waggons
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| 四轮的运货马车( waggon的名词复数 )； 铁路货车； 小手推车 | |
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107
persuasion
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| n.劝说；说服；持有某种信仰的宗派 | |
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108
distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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109
peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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110
injustices
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| 不公平( injustice的名词复数 )； 非正义； 待…不公正； 冤枉 | |
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111
mien
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| n.风采；态度 | |
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112
athletic
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| adj.擅长运动的，强健的；活跃的，体格健壮的 | |
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113
gallant
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| adj.英勇的，豪侠的；(向女人)献殷勤的 | |
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114
concessions
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| n.（尤指由政府或雇主给予的）特许权( concession的名词复数 )；承认；减价；（在某地的）特许经营权 | |
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115
lesser
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| adj.次要的，较小的；adv.较小地，较少地 | |
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116
admiration
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| n.钦佩，赞美，羡慕 | |
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117
grandeur
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| n.伟大，崇高，宏伟，庄严，豪华 | |
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118
jealousies
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| n.妒忌( jealousy的名词复数 )；妒羡 | |
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119
entreat
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| v.恳求，恳请 | |
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120
delightful
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| adj.令人高兴的，使人快乐的 | |
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121
straightforward
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| adj.正直的，坦率的；易懂的，简单的 | |
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122
conjectured
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| 推测，猜测，猜想( conjecture的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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123
deference
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| n.尊重，顺从；敬意 | |
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