It remains1 to sum up the charges against the English oligarchy2, and to point out the path which justice, humanity, and the age require the government to pursue. In so doing, we shall go no farther than the facts previously3 adduced will afford us sure ground, nor speak more harshly than our duty to our oppressed fellow-men will demand. We pity the criminal even while we pass sentence upon her.
A government originating in, and suited for, a barbarous age must necessarily be unfit for one enjoying the meridian4 of civilization. The arrangement of lord and serf was appropriate to the period when war was regarded as the chief employment of mankind, and when more respect was paid to the kind of blood flowing in a man's veins5 than to his greatness or generosity6 of soul. But, in the nineteenth century, war is regarded as an evil to be avoided as long as possible. Peace is the rule, and conflict the exception. Christianity has taught us, also, that the good and the great in heart and mind—wherever born, wherever bred—are the true nobility of our race. It is the sin of the English government that it [Pg 490] works against the bright influence of the times and throws the gloomy shadow of feudalism over some of the fairest regions of the earth. It legislates8 for the age of William the Conqueror9 instead of the reign10 of Victoria.
The few for hereditary11 luxury and dominion12, the many for hereditary misery13 and slavery, is the grand fundamental principle of the English system. For every gorgeous palace there are a thousand hovels, where even beasts should not be forced to dwell. For every lord who spends his days in drinking, gambling14, hunting, horse-racing, and indulging himself in all the luxuries that money can purchase, a thousand persons, at least, must toil15 day and night to obtain the most wretched subsistence. In no country are the few richer than in England, and in no country are the masses more fearfully wretched. The great bulk of the property of England, both civil and ecclesiastical, is in the grasp of the aristocracy. All offices of church and state, yielding any considerable emolument17, are monopolized18 by the lords and their nominees19. The masses earn—the lords spend. The lords have all the property, but the masses pay all the taxes, and slave and starve that the taxes may be paid.
Without such a system, is it possible that there could be millions of acres of good land lying waste, and millions of paupers20 who dare not cultivate it?—that the workhouses could be crowded—that men, women, and [Pg 491] children could be driven to all kinds of work, and yet by the most exhausting toil not earn enough to enable them to live decently and comfortably—that honest and industrious21 people could starve by the wayside, or die of disease engendered22 in dirty hovels—that vice23 and crime could be practised to an appalling24 extent—that whole villages could be swept away and the poor labourers either driven into the crowded cities, or to a distant land, far from kindred and friends?
The aristocrats25 of England are the most extensive slaveholders in the world. In England, Wales, Scotland, and Ireland, they have the entire labouring mass for their slaves—men, women, and children being doomed26 to the most grinding toil to enable their masters to live in luxurious27 ease. In India and the other colonies they have treated the natives as the conquered were treated in the Middle Ages. They have drained their resources, oppressed them in every way, and disposed of tribes and nations as if they had been dealing28 with cattle. Add the slaves of India to the slaves of the United Kingdom, and we may count them by tens of millions. These slaves are not naturally inferior to their masters. They belong to races fertile in great and good men and women. Poets, artists, philosophers, historians, statesmen, and warriors29 of the first magnitude in genius have sprung from these down-trodden people. They have fully16 proved themselves capable of enjoying the sweets of freedom. They remain slaves because their masters [Pg 492] find it profitable, and know how to cozen30 and bully31 them into submission32.
The following description of France before the great revolution of 1789, by M. Thiers, is strikingly applicable to the condition of Great Britain at the present day:—
"The condition of the country, both political and economical, was intolerable. There was nothing but privilege—privilege vested in individuals, in classes, in towns, in provinces, and even in trades and professions. Every thing contributed to check industry and the natural genius of man. All the dignities of the state, civil, ecclesiastical, and military, were exclusively reserved to certain individuals. No man could take up a profession without certain titles and the compliance33 with certain pecuniary34 conditions. Even the favours of the crown were converted into family property, so that the king could scarcely exercise his own judgment35, or give any preference. Almost the only liberty left to the sovereign was that of making pecuniary gifts, and he had been reduced to the necessity of disputing with the Duke of Coigny for the abolition36 of a useless place. Every thing, then, was made immovable property in the hands of a few, and everywhere these few resisted the many who had been despoiled37. The burdens of the state weighed on one class only. The noblesse and the clergy38 possessed39 about two-thirds of the landed property; the other third, possessed by the people, paid taxes to the king, a long list of feudal7 droits to the noblesse, tithes40 to the clergy, and had, moreover, to support the devastations committed by noble sportsmen and their game. The taxes upon consumption pressed upon the great multitude, and consequently on the people. The collection of these imposts was managed in an unfair and irritating manner; the lords of the soil left long arrears41 with impunity42, but the people, upon any delay in payment, were harshly treated, arrested, and condemned43 to pay in their persons, in default of money to produce. The people, therefore, nourished with their labour and [Pg 493] defended with their blood the higher classes of society, without being able to procure44 a comfortable subsistence for themselves. The townspeople, a body of citizens, industrious, educated, less miserable45 than the people, could nevertheless obtain none of the advantages to which they had a right to aspire46, seeing that it was their industry that nourished and their talents that adorned47 the kingdom."
The elements of revolution are all to be found in Great Britain. A Mirabeau, with dauntless will and stormy eloquence48, could use them with tremendous effect. Yet the giant of the people does not raise his voice to plead the cause of the oppressed, and to awaken49 that irresistible50 enthusiasm which would sweep away the pampered51 aristocracy.
The armorial escutcheons of the aristocracy are fearfully significant of its character. Says John Hampden, Jun.: [116]—
"The whole emblazonment of aristocracy is one manifesto52 of savage53 barbarism, brute54 force, and propensity55 to robbery and plunder56. What are these objects on their shields? Daggers57, swords, lions' heads, dogs' heads, arrow-heads, boars' heads, cannon58 balls, clubs, with a medley59 of stars, moons, and unmeaning figures. What are the crests60 of these arms? Lascivious61 goats, rampant62 lions, fiery63 dragons, and griffins gone crazed: bulls' heads, block-heads, arms with uplifted daggers, beasts with daggers, and vultures tearing up helpless birds. What, again, are the supporters of these shields? What are the emblems64 of the powers by which they are maintained and upheld? The demonstration65 is deeply significant. They are the most singular assemblage of all that is fierce, savage, rampageous, villanous, lurking66, treacherous67, blood-thirsty, [Pg 494] cruel, and bestial68 in bestial natures. They are infuriated lions, boars, and tigers; they are raging bulls, filthy69 goats, horrid70 hyenas71, snarling72 dogs, drunken bears, and mad rams73; they are foxes, wolves, panthers, every thing that is creeping, sneaking74, thievish, and perfidious75. Nay76, nature cannot furnish emblems extensive enough, and so start up to our astonished sight the most hideous77 shapes of fiendlike dragons and griffins, black, blasted as by infernal fires; the most fuliginous of monsters; and if the human shape is assumed for the guardians78 and supporters of aristocracy, they are wild and savage men, armed with clubs and grim with hair, scowling79 brute defiance80, and seeming ready to knock down any man at the command of their lords. Ay, the very birds of prey81 are called in; and eagles, vultures, cormorants82, in most expressive83 attitudes, with most ludicrous embellishments of crowned heads, collared necks, escutcheoned sides, and with hoisted84 wings and beaks85 of open and devouring86 wrath87, proclaim the same great truth, that aristocracy is of the class of what the Germans call Raub-thieren, or robber-beasts—in our vernacular88, beasts of prey."
And the character thus published to the world has been acted out to the full from the days of the bastard89 Duke of Normandy and his horde90 of ruffians to the time of the "Iron Duke" and his associates in title and plunder. The hyenas and vultures have never been satisfied.
The crime of England lies in maintaining the slavery of a barbarous age in the middle of the nineteenth century; in keeping her slaves in physical misery, mental darkness, moral depravity, and heathenism; in carrying fire and sword into some of the loveliest regions of the earth, in order to gratify that thirst for wealth and dominion ever characteristic of an aristocracy; in [Pg 495] forcing her slaves in India to cultivate poison, and her weak neighbours of China to buy it; in plundering91 and oppressing the people of all her colonies; in concentrating the wealth of the United Kingdom and the dependencies in the purses of a few persons, and thus dooming92 all others beneath her iron rule to constant, exhausting, and unrewarded toil! We arraign93 her before the tribunal of justice and humanity, as the most powerful and destructive of tyrannies; as the author of Ireland's miseries94, and a course of action toward that island compared with which the dismemberment of Poland was merciful; as the remorseless conqueror of the Hindoos; as a government so oppressive that her people are flying by thousands to the shores of America to escape its inflictions! Though most criminals plead "not guilty," she cannot have the front to do so! The general judgment of civilized96 mankind has long ago pronounced a verdict of conviction.
Yet, guilty as is the English oligarchy, certain of its members have taken to lecturing the world about the duties of Christians97 and philanthropists. This, we suppose, in charity, is done upon the principle given by Hamlet to his mother—
"Assume a virtue98 if you have it not."
But a loftier authority than Shakspeare tells us to remove the beam from our own eye before we point to the mote99 that is in the eye of a brother. Example, [Pg 496] also, is more powerful than precept100. Pious101 exhortations102 from a villain103 are usually disregarded. A preacher should never have the blood of slaughtered104 victims on his hands.
We think it not difficult to show that England is the best friend of slavery, while professing105 an aversion to it, and dictating106 to other governments to strive for its abolition. At an enormous expense, she maintains men-of-war upon the coast of Africa, with the object of suppressing the trade in negro slaves. This expense her white slaves are taxed to pay; while the men-of-war have not only not suppressed the slave-trade, but have doubled its horrors, by compelling the slave-traders to inflict95 new tortures upon the negroes they capture and conceal107. In the mean time, the government is doing all in its power to impoverish108 and enslave (for the slavery of a people follows its poverty) the more intelligent races of the world. England prides herself upon her efforts to destroy the trade in African savages109 and chattel110 slavery. Her philanthropy is all black; miserable wretches111 with pale faces have no claims upon her assisting hand; and she refuses to recognise the only kind of slavery by which masters are necessitated112 to provide well for their slaves, while she enforces that system which starves them! England is the best friend of the most destructive species of slavery, and has extended it over tens of millions of human beings.
[Pg 497]
Justice, humanity, and the age demand the abolition of this exhausting, famine-breeding, and murderous system. It is hostile to every principle of right—to civilization, and to the loving spirit of Christianity. Starving millions groan113 beneath the yoke114. From the crowded factories and workshops—from the pestilential hovels—from the dark and slave-filled coal-pits—from the populous115 workhouses—from the vast army of wandering beggars in England and Scotland—from the perishing peasantry of Ireland—from the wretched Hindoos upon the Ganges and the Indus—from the betrayed Coolies in the West-India Islands—arises the cry for relief from the plunderers and the oppressors. "How long, O Lord, how long!"
A few thousand persons own the United Kingdom. They have robbed and reduced to slavery not only their own countrymen, but millions in other lands. They continue to rob wherever they find an opportunity. They spend what their crime has accumulated in all kinds of vice and dissipation, and rear their children to the same courses. Money raised for religious purposes they waste in luxurious living. They trade in all the offices of church and state. They persecute116, by exclusion117, all who do not subscribe118 to "thirty-nine articles" which they wish to force upon mankind. In brief, the oligarchy lies like an incubus119 upon the empire, and the people cannot call themselves either free or happy until the aristocrats be driven from their high [Pg 498] places. Burst, then, the chains, ye countrymen of Hampden and Vane! Show to the world that the old fire is not yet quenched120! that the spirits of your martyrs121 to liberty are yet among you, and their lessons in your hearts! Obtain your freedom—peaceably, if you can—but obtain it, for it expands and ennobles the life of a nation! In the air of liberty alone can a people enjoy a healthy existence. A day of real freedom is worth more than years in a dungeon122. What have you to dread123? Do you not know your strength? Be assured, this aristocracy could not stand an hour, were you resolved against its existence! It would be swept away as a feather before a hurricane. Do you fear that much blood would flow in the struggle? Consider the hundreds of thousands who are crushed out of existence every year by this aristocracy, and ask yourselves if it is not better that the system should be over-thrown, even at the expense of blood, than that it should continue its destructive career? Had not men better make an effort to secure freedom and plenty for their posterity124, than starve quietly by the wayside? These are the questions you should take home to your hearts. One grand, determined125, glorious effort, and you are free.
"Hereditary bondsmen, know ye not
Who would be free, themselves must strike the blow?"
The End
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1
remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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oligarchy
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| n.寡头政治 | |
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previously
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| adv.以前，先前（地） | |
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meridian
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| adj.子午线的；全盛期的 | |
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veins
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| n.纹理；矿脉( vein的名词复数 )；静脉；叶脉；纹理 | |
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generosity
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| n.大度，慷慨，慷慨的行为 | |
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feudal
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| adj.封建的，封地的，领地的 | |
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legislates
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| v.立法，制定法律( legislate的第三人称单数 ) | |
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conqueror
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| n.征服者，胜利者 | |
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reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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hereditary
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| adj.遗传的，遗传性的，可继承的，世袭的 | |
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dominion
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| n.统治，管辖，支配权；领土，版图 | |
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misery
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| n.痛苦，苦恼，苦难；悲惨的境遇，贫苦 | |
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gambling
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| n.赌博；投机 | |
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toil
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| vi.辛劳工作，艰难地行动；n.苦工，难事 | |
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fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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emolument
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| n.报酬，薪水 | |
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monopolized
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| v.垄断( monopolize的过去式和过去分词 )；独占；专卖；专营 | |
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nominees
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| n.被提名者，被任命者( nominee的名词复数 ) | |
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paupers
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| n.穷人( pauper的名词复数 )；贫民；贫穷 | |
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industrious
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| adj.勤劳的，刻苦的，奋发的 | |
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engendered
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| v.产生（某形势或状况），造成，引起( engender的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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vice
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| n.坏事；恶习；[pl.]台钳，老虎钳；adj.副的 | |
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appalling
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| adj.骇人听闻的，令人震惊的，可怕的 | |
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aristocrats
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| n.贵族( aristocrat的名词复数 ) | |
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doomed
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| 命定的 | |
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luxurious
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| adj.精美而昂贵的；豪华的 | |
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dealing
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| n.经商方法，待人态度 | |
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warriors
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| 武士，勇士，战士( warrior的名词复数 ) | |
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cozen
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| v.欺骗，哄骗 | |
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bully
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| n.恃强欺弱者，小流氓；vt.威胁，欺侮 | |
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submission
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| n.服从，投降；温顺，谦虚；提出 | |
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compliance
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| n.顺从；服从；附和；屈从 | |
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pecuniary
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| adj.金钱的；金钱上的 | |
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judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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abolition
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| n.废除，取消 | |
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despoiled
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| v.掠夺，抢劫( despoil的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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clergy
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| n.[总称]牧师，神职人员 | |
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possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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tithes
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| n.（宗教捐税）什一税，什一的教区税，小部分( tithe的名词复数 ) | |
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arrears
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| n.到期未付之债，拖欠的款项；待做的工作 | |
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impunity
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| n.(惩罚、损失、伤害等的)免除 | |
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condemned
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| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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procure
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| vt.获得，取得，促成；vi.拉皮条 | |
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miserable
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| adj.悲惨的，痛苦的；可怜的，糟糕的 | |
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aspire
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| vi.(to，after)渴望，追求，有志于 | |
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adorned
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| [计]被修饰的 | |
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eloquence
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| n.雄辩；口才，修辞 | |
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awaken
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| vi.醒，觉醒；vt.唤醒，使觉醒，唤起，激起 | |
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irresistible
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| adj.非常诱人的，无法拒绝的，无法抗拒的 | |
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pampered
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| adj.饮食过量的，饮食奢侈的v.纵容，宠，娇养( pamper的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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manifesto
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| n.宣言，声明 | |
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savage
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| adj.野蛮的；凶恶的，残暴的；n.未开化的人 | |
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brute
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| n.野兽，兽性 | |
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propensity
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| n.倾向；习性 | |
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plunder
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| vt.劫掠财物，掠夺；n.劫掠物，赃物；劫掠 | |
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daggers
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| 匕首，短剑( dagger的名词复数 ) | |
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cannon
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| n.大炮，火炮；飞机上的机关炮 | |
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medley
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| n.混合 | |
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crests
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| v.到达山顶（或浪峰）( crest的第三人称单数 )；到达洪峰，达到顶点 | |
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lascivious
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| adj.淫荡的，好色的 | |
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rampant
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| adj.(植物)蔓生的；狂暴的，无约束的 | |
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fiery
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| adj.燃烧着的，火红的；暴躁的；激烈的 | |
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emblems
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| n.象征，标记( emblem的名词复数 ) | |
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demonstration
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| n.表明，示范，论证，示威 | |
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lurking
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| 潜在 | |
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treacherous
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| adj.不可靠的，有暗藏的危险的；adj.背叛的，背信弃义的 | |
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bestial
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| adj.残忍的；野蛮的 | |
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filthy
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| adj.卑劣的；恶劣的，肮脏的 | |
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horrid
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| adj.可怕的；令人惊恐的；恐怖的；极讨厌的 | |
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hyenas
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| n.鬣狗( hyena的名词复数 ) | |
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snarling
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| v.（指狗）吠，嗥叫， （人）咆哮( snarl的现在分词 )；咆哮着说，厉声地说 | |
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rams
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| n.公羊( ram的名词复数 )；(R-)白羊（星）座；夯；攻城槌v.夯实（土等）( ram的第三人称单数 )；猛撞；猛压；反复灌输 | |
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sneaking
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| a.秘密的，不公开的 | |
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perfidious
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| adj.不忠的，背信弃义的 | |
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76
nay
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| adv.不；n.反对票，投反对票者 | |
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77
hideous
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| adj.丑陋的，可憎的，可怕的，恐怖的 | |
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78
guardians
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| 监护人( guardian的名词复数 )； 保护者，维护者 | |
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scowling
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| 怒视，生气地皱眉( scowl的现在分词 ) | |
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defiance
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| n.挑战，挑衅，蔑视，违抗 | |
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prey
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| n.被掠食者，牺牲者，掠食；v.捕食，掠夺，折磨 | |
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cormorants
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| 鸬鹚，贪婪的人( cormorant的名词复数 ) | |
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expressive
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| adj.表现的，表达…的，富于表情的 | |
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84
hoisted
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| 把…吊起，升起( hoist的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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beaks
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| n.鸟嘴( beak的名词复数 )；鹰钩嘴；尖鼻子；掌权者 | |
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86
devouring
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| 吞没( devour的现在分词 )； 耗尽； 津津有味地看； 狼吞虎咽地吃光 | |
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87
wrath
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| n.愤怒，愤慨，暴怒 | |
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88
vernacular
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| adj.地方的，用地方语写成的；n.白话；行话；本国语；动植物的俗名 | |
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bastard
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| n.坏蛋，混蛋；私生子 | |
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horde
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| n.群众，一大群 | |
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plundering
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| 掠夺，抢劫( plunder的现在分词 ) | |
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dooming
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| v.注定( doom的现在分词 )；判定；使…的失败（或灭亡、毁灭、坏结局）成为必然；宣判 | |
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arraign
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| v.提讯；控告 | |
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miseries
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| n.痛苦( misery的名词复数 )；痛苦的事；穷困；常发牢骚的人 | |
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inflict
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| vt.(on)把…强加给，使遭受，使承担 | |
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civilized
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| a.有教养的，文雅的 | |
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Christians
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| n.基督教徒( Christian的名词复数 ) | |
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virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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99
mote
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| n.微粒；斑点 | |
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100
precept
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| n.戒律；格言 | |
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pious
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| adj.虔诚的；道貌岸然的 | |
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102
exhortations
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| n.敦促( exhortation的名词复数 )；极力推荐；（正式的）演讲；（宗教仪式中的）劝诫 | |
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103
villain
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| n.反派演员，反面人物；恶棍；问题的起因 | |
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104
slaughtered
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| v.屠杀，杀戮，屠宰( slaughter的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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professing
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| 声称( profess的现在分词 )； 宣称； 公开表明； 信奉 | |
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106
dictating
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| v.大声讲或读( dictate的现在分词 )；口授；支配；摆布 | |
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107
conceal
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| v.隐藏，隐瞒，隐蔽 | |
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108
impoverish
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| vt.使穷困，使贫困 | |
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109
savages
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| 未开化的人，野蛮人( savage的名词复数 ) | |
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110
chattel
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| n.动产；奴隶 | |
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111
wretches
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| n.不幸的人( wretch的名词复数 )；可怜的人；恶棍；坏蛋 | |
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112
necessitated
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| 使…成为必要，需要( necessitate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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113
groan
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| vi./n.呻吟，抱怨；(发出)呻吟般的声音 | |
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114
yoke
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| n.轭；支配；v.给...上轭，连接，使成配偶 | |
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populous
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| adj.人口稠密的，人口众多的 | |
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116
persecute
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| vt.迫害，虐待；纠缠，骚扰 | |
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117
exclusion
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| n.拒绝，排除，排斥，远足，远途旅行 | |
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118
subscribe
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| vi.(to)订阅，订购；同意；vt.捐助，赞助 | |
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119
incubus
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| n.负担；恶梦 | |
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120
quenched
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| 解（渴）( quench的过去式和过去分词 )； 终止（某事物）； （用水）扑灭（火焰等）； 将（热物体）放入水中急速冷却 | |
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121
martyrs
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| n.martyr的复数形式；烈士( martyr的名词复数 )；殉道者；殉教者；乞怜者（向人诉苦以博取同情） | |
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122
dungeon
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| n.地牢，土牢 | |
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123
dread
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| vt.担忧，忧虑；惧怕，不敢；n.担忧，畏惧 | |
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124
posterity
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| n.后裔，子孙，后代 | |
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125
determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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