SLAVERY IN BRITISH INDIA.
The extensive, populous1, and wealthy peninsula of Hindostan has suffered greatly from the crushing effects of the British slave system. From the foundation of the empire in India by Clive, conquest and extortion seem to have been the grand objects of the aristocratic government. There unscrupulous soldiers have fought, slaughtered2, enslaved, and plundered4. There younger sons, with rank, but without fortune, have filled their purses. There vast and magnificent tracts5 of country have been wasted with fire and sword, in punishment for the refusal of native princes to become slaves. There the fat of the land has been garnered6 up for the luxury of the conquerors7, while famine has destroyed the people by thousands. There, indeed, has the British aristocracy displayed its most malignant8 propensities—rioting in robbery and bloodshed—setting all religion at defiance9, while upholding the Christian10 standard—and earning to the full the continued execration11 of mankind.
In a powerful work, called "The Aristocracy of England: a History for the People, by John Hampden, Jun.," a book we commend to the people of England, we have the following passage:—
"From the hour that Clive and his coadjutors came into the discovery of the vast treasures of the native princes, whence he himself obtained, besides his jaghire of £30,000 per annum, about £300,000; and he and his fellows altogether, between 1759 and 1763, no less than £5,940,498, exclusive of this said jaghire, the cupidity12 of the aristocracy became excited to the highest degree; and from that period to the present, India has been one scene of flights of aristocratic locusts14, of fighting, plundering15, oppression, and extortion of the natives. We will not go into these things; they are fully16 and faithfully written in Mills's 'History of British India;' in Howitt's 'Colonization17 and Christianity;' and, above all, in the letters of the Honourable18 Frederick Shore, brother of Lord Teignmouth, a man who passed through all offices—from a clerk to that of a judge—and saw much of the system and working of things in many parts of India. He published his letters originally in the India papers, that any one on the spot might challenge their truth; and, since his death, they have been reprinted in England. The scene which that work opens up is the most extraordinary, and demands the attention of every lover of his country and his species. It fully accounts for the strange facts, that India is now drained of its wealth; that its public works, especially the tanks, which contributed by their waters to maintain its fertility, are fallen to decay; that one-third of the country is a jungle inhabited by tigers, who pay no taxes; that its people are reduced to the utmost wretchedness, and are often, when a crop fails, swept away by half a million at once by famine and its pendant, pestilence19, as in 1770, and again in 1838-9. To such a degree is this reduction of the wealth and cultivation20 of India carried, that while others of our colonies pay taxes to the amount of a pound or thirty shillings per head, India pays only four shillings.
[Pg 443]
"At the renewal21 of its charter in 1834, its income was about twenty millions, its debt about forty millions. Since then its income has gradually fallen to about seventeen millions, and its debt we hear now whispered to be about seventy millions. Such have been the effects of exhausted22 fields and physical energies on the one hand, and of wars, especially that of Afghanistan, on the other. It requires no conjurer, much less a very profound arithmetician, to perceive that at this rate we need be under no apprehension23 of Russia, for a very few years will take India out of our hands by mere24 financial force.
"Our aristocratic government, through the Board of Control, keep up and exert a vast patronage25 in India. The patronage of the president of this board alone, independent of his salary of £5000 a year, is about twenty-one thousand pounds. But the whole aristocracy have an interest in keeping up wars in India, that their sons as officers, especially in these times of European peace, may find here both employment and promotion26. This, then, the Company has to contend against; and few are they who are aware of the formidable nature of this power as it is exerted in this direction, and of the strange and unconstitutional legislative27 authority with which they have armed themselves for this purpose. How few are they who are aware that, while the East India Company has been blamed as the planners, authors, and movers of the fatal and atrocious invasion of Caboul, that the Directors of the Company only first, and to their great amazement28, learned the outbreak of that war from the public Indian papers. So far from that war being one of their originating, it was most opposed to their present policy, and disastrous29 to their affairs. How then came this monstrous30 war about, and who then did originate it? To explain this requires us to lay open a monstrous stretch of unconstitutional power on the part of our government—a monstrous stratagem31 for the maintenance of their aristocratic views in India, which it is wonderful could have escaped the notice and reprehension32 of the public. Let the reader mark well what follows.
"In the last charter, granted in 1834, a clause was introduced, binding33 a secret committee of the East India Company, consisting [Pg 444] of three persons only, the chairman, deputy chairman, and senior director, who are solemnly sworn to this work, to receive private despatches from the Board of Control, and without communicating them to a single individual besides themselves, to forward them to India, where the receivers are bound, without question or appeal, to enforce their immediate35 execution. By this inquisitorial system, this worse than Spanish or Venetian system of secret decrees, government has reserved to itself a direction of the affairs of India, freed from all constitutional or representative check, and reduced the India Company to a mere cat's-paw. By the sworn secrecy36 and implicit37 obedience38 of this mysterious triumvirate, the Company is made the unconscious instrument of measures most hostile to its own views, and most fatal to its best interests. It may at any hour become the medium of a secret order which may threaten the very destruction of its empire. Such was the case with the war of Caboul. The aristocratic government at home planned and ordered it; and the unconscious Company was made at once to carry out a scheme so atrocious, so wicked and unprincipled, as well as destructive to its plans of civil economy, and to bear also the infamy39 of it. Awaking, therefore, to the tremendous nature of the secret powers thus introduced into their machinery40 by government, the Company determined41 to exercise also a power happily intrusted to them. Hence the recall of Lord Ellenborough, who, in obedience to aristocratic views at home, was not only running headlong over all their plans of pacific policy, but with his armies and elephants was treading under foot their cotton and sugar plantations42. Hence, on the other hand, the favour and support which this warlike lord finds with the great martial43 duke, and the home government."
The policy of the European conquerors of India was fully illustrated44 during the gubernatorial term of Warren Hastings. Of his extortion the eloquent46 Macaulay says—
[Pg 445]
"The principle which directed all his dealings with his neighbours is fully expressed by the old motto of one of the great predatory families of Teviotdale—'Thou shalt want ere I want,' He seems to have laid it down, as a fundamental proposition which could not be disputed, that when he had not as many lacs of rupees as the public service required, he was to take them from anybody who had. One thing, indeed, is to be said in excuse for him. The pressure applied49 to him by his employers at home was such as only the highest virtue50 could have withstood—such as left him no choice except to commit great wrongs, or to resign his high post, and with that post all his hopes of fortune and distinction. It is perfectly51 true, that the directors never enjoined52 or applauded any crime. Far from it. Whoever examines their letters at that time will find there many just and humane53 sentiments, many excellent precepts54; in short, an admirable circle of political ethics55. But every exhortation56 is modified or annulled57 by a demand for money. 'Govern leniently58, and send more money; practise strict justice and moderation toward neighbouring powers, and send more money;' this is, in truth, the sum of almost all the instructions that Hastings ever received from home. Now these instructions, being interpreted, mean simply, 'Be the father and the oppressor of the people; be just and unjust, moderate and rapacious59.' The directors dealt with India as the church, in the good old times, dealt with a heretic. They delivered the victim over to the executioners, with an earnest request that all possible tenderness might be shown. We by no means accuse or suspect those who framed these despatches of hypocrisy60. It is probable that, writing fifteen thousand miles from the place where their orders were to be carried into effect, they never perceived the gross inconsistency of which they were guilty. But the inconsistency was at once manifest to their lieutenant62 at Calcutta, who, with an empty treasury64, with an unpaid65 army, with his own salary often in arrear66, with deficient67 crops, with government tenants68 daily running away, was called upon to remit69 home another half million without fail. Hastings saw that it was absolutely necessary for him to disregard either the moral discourses70 or the pecuniary71 requisitions of his employers. [Pg 446] Being forced to disobey them in something, he had to consider what kind of disobedience they would most readily pardon; and he correctly judged that the safest course would be to neglect the sermons and to find the rupees."
How were the rupees found? By selling provinces that had never belonged to the British dominions72; by the destruction of the brave Rohillas of Rohilcund, in the support of the cruel tyrant74, Surajah Dowlah, sovereign of Oude, of which terrible act Macaulay says—
"Then the horrors of Indian war were let loose on the fair valleys and cities of Rohilcund; the whole country was in a blaze. More than a hundred thousand people fled from their homes to pestilential jungles, preferring famine and fever and the haunts of tigers to the tyranny of him to whom an English and a Christian government had, for shameful76 lucre77, sold their substance and their blood, and the honour of their wives and daughters. Colonel Champion remonstrated78 with the Nabob Vizier, and sent strong representations to Fort William; but the governor had made no conditions as to the mode in which the war was to be carried on. He had troubled himself about nothing but his forty lacs; and, though he might disapprove79 of Surajah Dowlah's wanton barbarity, he did not think himself entitled to interfere80, except by offering advice. This delicacy81 excites the admiration82 of the reverend biographer. 'Mr. Hastings,' he says, 'could not himself dictate83 to the Nabob, nor permit the commander of the Company's troops to dictate how the war was to be carried on.' No, to be sure. Mr. Hastings had only to put down by main force the brave struggles of innocent men fighting for their liberty. Their military resistance crushed, his duties ended; and he had then only to fold his arms and look on while their villages were burned, their children butchered, and their women violated."
By such a course of action, Warren Hastings made the British empire in India pay. By such means did [Pg 447] the aristocrats84, of whom the governor was the tool, obtain the money which would enable them to live in luxury.
"The servants of the Company obtained—not for their employers, but for themselves—a monopoly of almost the whole internal trade; they forced the natives to buy dear and sell cheap; they insulted with perfect impunity85 the tribunals, the police, and the fiscal86 authorities of the country; they covered with their protection a set of native dependants87, who ranged through the provinces spreading desolation and terror wherever they appeared. Every servant of a British factor was armed with all the power of his master, and his master was armed with all the power of the Company. Enormous fortunes were thus rapidly accumulated at Calcutta, while thirty millions of human beings were reduced to the last extremity88 of wretchedness. They had been accustomed to live under tyranny, but never under tyranny like this; they found the little finger of the Company thicker than the loins of Surajah Dowlah. Under their old masters they had at least one resource; when the evil became insupportable, they rose and pulled down the government. But the English government was not to be so shaken off. That government, oppressive as the most oppressive form of barbarian89 despotism, was strong with all the strength of civilization; it resembled the government of evil genii rather than the government of human tyrants90." * * *
"The foreign lords of Bengal were naturally objects of hatred91 to all the neighbouring powers, and to all the haughty92 race presented a dauntless front; their armies, everywhere outnumbered, were everywhere victorious93. A succession of commanders, formed in the school of Clive, still maintained the fame of their country. 'It must be acknowledged,' says the Mussulman historian of those times, 'that this nation's presence of mind, firmness of temper, and undaunted bravery are past all question. They join the most resolute94 courage to the most cautious prudence95; nor have they their equal in the art of ranging themselves in battle array and fighting in order. If to so many military qualifications they knew how to join the arts of government—if they exerted as much [Pg 448] ingenuity96 and solicitude97 in relieving the people of God as they do in whatever concerns their military affairs, no nation in the world would be preferable to them or worthier98 of command; but the people under their dominion73 groan99 everywhere, and are reduced to poverty and distress100. O God! come to the assistance of thine afflicted101 servants, and deliver them from the oppressions they suffer.'"
From the earliest times the "village system," with its almost patriarchal regulations, seems to have prevailed in Hindostan. Each village had its distinct organization, and over a certain number of villages, or a district, was an hereditary102 chief and an accountant, both possessing great local influence and authority, and certain estates. [106] The Hindoos were strongly attached to their native villages, and could only be forced to abandon them by the most constant oppressions. Dynasties might change and revolutions occur, but so long as each little community remained undisturbed, the Hindoos were contented103. Mohammedan conquerors left this beautiful system, which had much more of genuine freedom than the British institutions at the present day, untouched. The English conquerors were not so merciful, although they were acquainted with Christianity. The destruction of local organizations and the centralization of authority, which is always attended with the increase of slavery, [107] have been the aims of English efforts. The principle that the government is the sole [Pg 449] proprietor104 of the land, and therefore entitled to a large share of the produce, has been established, and slavery, to escape famine and misery105, has become necessary to the Hindoos.
Exhaustion106 was the result of the excessive taxation107 laid upon the Hindoos by the East India Company. As the government became stinted108 for revenue, Lord Cornwallis was instructed to make a permanent settlement, by means of which all the rights of village proprietors109 over a large portion of Bengal were sacrificed in favour of the Zemindars, or head men, who were thus at once constituted great landed proprietors—masters of a large number of poor tenants, with power to punish at discretion110 those who were not able to pay whatever rent was demanded. [108] From free communities, the villages were reduced to the condition of British tenants-at-will. The Zemindaree system was first applied to Bengal. In Madras another system, called the Ryotwar, was introduced. This struck a fatal blow at the local organizations, which were the sources of freedom and happiness among the Hindoos. Government assumed all the functions of an immediate landholder, and dealt with the individual cultivators as its own tenants, getting as much out of them as possible.
The Zemindars are an unthrifty, rack-renting class, and take the uttermost farthing from the under-tenants. [Pg 450] Oppressions and evictions are their constant employments; and since they have been constituted a landed aristocracy, they have fully acted out the character in the genuine British fashion.
Another tenure111, called the Patnee, has been established of late years, by some of the great Zemindars, with the aid of government enactments112, and it is very common in Bengal. The great Zemindar, for a consideration, makes over a portion of his estate in fee to another, subject to a perpetual rent, payable113 through the collector, who receives it on behalf of the zemindar; and if it is not paid, the interests of the patneedar are sold by the collector. These, again, have sub-patneedars, and the system has become very much in vogue114 in certain districts. The parties are like the Irish middlemen, and the last screws the tenant63 to the uttermost. [109]
During the British government of Bengal, wealth has been accumulated by a certain superior class, and population, cultivation, and the receipts from rent of land, have largely increased; but, as in England, the mass of the people are poor and degraded. In the rich provinces of Upper India, where the miserable115 landed system of the conquerors has been introduced, the results have been even more deplorable. Communities, once free, happy, and possessed116 of plenty, are now broken up, or subjected to such excessive taxation that their members are kept in poverty and slavery.
[Pg 451]
Colonel Sleeman, in his "Rambles117 and Recollections of an Indian Official," records a conversation which he held with the head landholder of a village, organized under the Zemindar system. During the dialogue, some statements were made which are important for our purpose.
The colonel congratulated himself that he had given satisfactory replies to the arguments of the Zemindar, and accounted naturally for the evils suffered by the villagers. The reader will, doubtless, form a different opinion:—
"In the early part of November, after a heavy fall of rain, I was driving alone in my buggy from Garmuktesin on the Ganges, to Meerut. The roads were very bad, the stage a double one, and my horse became tired and unable to go on. I got out at a small village to give him a little rest and food; and sat down under the shade of one old tree upon the trunk of another that the storm had blown down, while my groom119, the only servant I had with me, rubbed down and baited my horse. I called for some parched120 grain from the same shop which supplied my horse, and got a draught121 of good water, drawn122 from the well by an old woman, in a brass123 jug124 lent to me for the purpose by the shopkeeper.
"While I sat contentedly125 and happily stripping my parched grain from its shell, and eating it grain by grain, the farmer, or head landholder of the village, a sturdy old Rajpoot, came up and sat himself, without any ceremony, down by my side, to have a little conversation. [To one of the dignitaries of the land, in whose presence the aristocracy are alone considered entitled to chairs, this easy familiarity seems at first strange and unaccountable; he is afraid that the man intends to offer him some indignity126, or what is still worse, mistakes him for something less than a dignitary! The following dialogue took place:—]
"'You are a Rajpoot, and a Zemindar?' (landholder.)
"'Yes; I am the head landholder of this village.'
[Pg 452]
"'Can you tell me how that village in the distance is elevated above the ground; is it from the debris127 of old villages, or from a rock underneath128?'
"'It is from the debris of old villages. That is the original seat of all the Rajpoots around; we all trace our descent from the founders129 of that village, who built and peopled it many centuries ago.'
"'And you have gone on subdividing130 your inheritances here as elsewhere, no doubt, till you have hardly any of you any thing to eat?'
"'True, we have hardly any of us enough to eat; but that is the fault of the government, that does not leave us enough—that takes from us as much when the season is bad as when it is good!'
"'But your assessment131 has not been increased, has it?'
"'No; we have concluded a settlement for twenty years upon the same footing as formerly132.'
"'And if the sky were to shower down upon you pearls and diamonds, instead of water, the government would never demand more from you than the rate fixed133 upon?'
'No.'
"'Then why should you expect remissions in bad seasons?'
"'It cannot be disputed that the burkut (blessing from above) is less under you than it used to be formerly, and that the lands yield less from our labour.'
"'True, my old friend, but do you know the reason why?'
"'No.'
"'Then I will tell you. Forty or fifty years ago, in what you call the times of the burkut, (blessing from above,) the cavalry134 of Seikh, free-booters from the Punjab, used to sweep over this fine plain, in which stands the said village from which you are all descended135; and to massacre136 the whole population of some villages; and a certain portion of that of every other village; and the lands of those killed used to lie waste for want of cultivators. Is not this all true?'
"'Yes, quite true.'
"'And the fine groves137 which had been planted over this plain [Pg 453] by your ancestors, as they separated from the great parent stock, and formed independent villages and hamlets for themselves, were all swept away and destroyed by the same hordes138 of free-booters, from whom your poor imbecile emperors, cooped up in yonder large city of Delhi, were utterly139 unable to defend you?'
"'Quite true,' said the old man with a sigh. 'I remember when all this fine plain was as thickly studded with fine groves of mango-trees as Rohilcund, or any other part of India.'
"'You know that the land requires rest from labour, as well as men and bullocks; and that if you go on sowing wheat, and other exhausting crops, it will go on yielding less and less returns, and at last not be worth the tilling?'
"'Quite well.'
"'Then why do you not give the land rest by leaving it longer fallow, or by a more frequent alternation of crops relieve it?'
"'Because we have now increased so much, that we should not get enough to eat were we to leave it to fallow; and unless we tilled it with exhausting crops we should not get the means of paying our rents to government.'
"'The Seikh hordes in former days prevented this; they killed off a certain portion of your families, and gave the land the rest which you now refuse it. When you had exhausted one part, you found another recovered by a long fallow, so that you had better returns; but now that we neither kill you, nor suffer you to be killed by others, you have brought all the cultivable lands into tillage; and under the old system of cropping to exhaustion, it is not surprising that they yield you less returns.'
"By this time we had a crowd of people seated around us upon the ground, as I went on munching140 my parched grain and talking to the old patriarch. They all laughed at the old man at the conclusion of my last speech, and he confessed I was right.
"'This is all true, sir, but still your government is not considerate; it goes on taking kingdom after kingdom and adding to its dominions, without diminishing the burden upon us its old subjects. Here you have had armies away taking Afghanistan, but we shall not have one rupee the less to pay.'
"'True, my friend, nor would you demand a rupee less from [Pg 454] those honest cultivators around us, if we were to leave you all your lands untaxed. You complain of the government—they complain of you. [Here the circle around us laughed at the old man again.] Nor would you subdivide141 the lands the less for having it rent free; on the contrary, it would be every generation subdivided142 the more, inasmuch as there would be more of local ties, and a greater disinclination on the part of the members of families to separate and seek service abroad.'
"'True, sir, very true; that is, no doubt, a very great evil.'
"'And you know it is not an evil produced by us, but one arising out of your own laws of inheritance. You have heard, no doubt, that with us the eldest143 son gets the whole of the land, and the younger sons all go out in search of service, with such share as they can get of the other property of their father?'
"'Yes, sir; but where shall we get service—you have none to give us. I would serve to-morrow, if you would take me as a soldier,' said he, stroking his white whiskers.
"The crowd laughed heartily144, and some wag observed, 'that perhaps I should think him too old.'
"'Well,' said the old man, smiling, 'the gentleman himself is not very young, and yet I dare say he is a good servant of his government.'
"This was paying me off for making the people laugh at his expense. 'True, my old friend,' said I, 'but I began to serve when I was young, and have been long learning.'
"'Very well,' said the old man; 'but I should be glad to serve the rest of my life upon a less salary than you got when you began to learn.'
"'Well, my friend, you complain of our government; but you must acknowledge that we do all we can to protect you, though it is true that we are often acting145 in the dark.'
"'Often, sir? you are always acting in the dark; you hardly any of you know any thing of what your revenue and police officers are doing; there is no justice or redress146 to be got without paying for it; and it is not often that those who pay can get it.'
"'True, my old friend, that is bad all over the world. You cannot presume to ask any thing even from the Deity147 himself, [Pg 455] without paying the priest who officiates in his temples; and if you should, you would none of you hope to get from your deity what you asked for.'
"Here the crowd laughed again, and one of them said 'that there was certainly this to be said for our government, that the European gentlemen themselves never took bribes148, whatever those under them might do.'
"'You must not be too sure of that neither. Did not the Lal Beebee (red lady) get a bribe149 for soliciting150 the judge, her husband, to let go Ameer Sing, who had been confined in jail?'
"'How did this take place?'
"'About three years ago Ameer Sing was sentenced to imprisonment151, and his friends spent a great deal of money in bribes to the native officers of the court, but all in vain. At last they were recommended to give a handsome present to the red lady. They did so, and Ameer Sing was released.'
"'But did they give the present into the lady's own hand?'
"'No, they gave it to one of her women.'
"'And how do you know that she ever gave it to her mistress, or that her mistress ever heard of the transaction?'
"'She might certainly have been acting without her mistress's knowledge; but the popular belief is, that Lal Beebee got the present.'
"I then told them the story of the affair at Jubbulpore, when Mrs. Smith's name had been used for a similar purpose, and the people around us were highly amused; and the old man's opinion of the transaction evidently underwent a change.[110]
[Pg 456]
"We became good friends, and the old man begged me to have my tents, which he supposed were coming up, pitched among them, that he might have an opportunity of showing that he was not a bad subject, though he grumbled152 against the government.
"The next day, at Meerut, I got a visit from the chief native judge, whose son, a talented youth, is in my office. Among other things, I asked him whether it might not be possible to improve the character of the police by increasing the salaries of the officers, and mentioned my conversation with the landholder.
"'Never, sir,' said the old gentleman; 'the man that now gets twenty-five rupees a month, is contented with making perhaps fifty or seventy-five more; and the people subject to his authority pay him accordingly. Give him a hundred, sir, and he will put a shawl over his shoulders, and the poor people will be obliged to pay him at a rate which will make up his income to four hundred. You will only alter his style of living, and make him a greater burden to the people; he will always take as long as he thinks he can with impunity.'
"'But do you not think that when people see a man adequately paid by government, they will the more readily complain at any attempt at unauthorized exactions?'
"'Not a bit, sir, as long as they see the same difficulties in the way of prosecuting155 them to conviction. In the administration of civil justice (the old gentleman is a civil judge) you may occasionally see your way, and understand what is doing; but in revenue and police you have never seen it in India, and never will, I think. The officers you employ will all add to their incomes by unauthorized means; and the lower their incomes, the less their pretensions156, and the less the populace have to pay.'"
In the "History of the Possessions of the Honourable East India Company," by R. Montgomery Martin, F. S. S., the following statements occur: [Pg 457]—
"The following estimate has been made of the population of the allied157 and independent states:—Hydrabad, 10,000,000; Oude, 6,000,000; Nagpoor, 3,000,000; Mysore, 3,000,000; Sattara, 1,500,000; Gurckwar, 2,000,000; Travancore and Cochin, 1,000,000; Rajpootana, and various minor158 principalities, 16,500,000; Sciudias territories, 4,000,000; the Seiks, 3,000,000; Nepál, 2,000,000; Cashmere, etc., 1,000,000; Scinde, 1,000,000; total, 51,000,000. This, of course, is but a rough estimate by Hamilton, (Slavery in British India.) For the last forty years the East India Company's government have been gradually, but safely, abolishing slavery throughout their dominions; they began in 1789 with putting down the maritime159 traffic, by prosecuting any person caught in exporting or importing slaves by sea, long before the British government abolished that infernal commerce in the Western world, and they have ever since sedulously160 sought the final extinction161 of that domestic servitude which had long existed throughout the East, as recognised by the Hindoo and Mohammedan law. In their despatches of 1798, it was termed 'an inhuman162 commerce and cruel traffic.' French, Dutch, or Danish subjects captured within the limit of their dominions in the act of purchasing or conveying slaves were imprisoned163 and heavily fined, and every encouragement was given to their civil and military servants to aid in protecting the first rights of humanity.
"Mr. Robertson, [111] in reference to Cawnpore, observes:—'Domestic slavery exists; but of an agricultural slave I do not recollect118 a single instance. When I speak of domestic slavery, I mean that status which I must call slavery for want of any more accurate designation. It does not, however, resemble that which is understood in Europe to be slavery; it is the mildest species of servitude. The domestic slaves are certain persons purchased in times of scarcity164; children purchased from their parents; they grow up in the family, and are almost entirely165 employed in domestic offices in the house; not liable to be resold.
"'There is a certain species of slavery in South Bahar, where [Pg 458] a man mortgages his labour for a certain sum of money; and this species of slavery exists also in Arracan and Ava. It is for his life, or until he shall pay the sum, that he is obliged to labour for the person who lends him the money; and if he can repay the sum, he emancipates166 himself.
"'Masters have no power of punishment recognised by our laws. Whatever may be the provision of the Mohammedan or Hindoo codes to that effect, it is a dead letter, for we would not recognise it. The master doubtless may sometimes inflict167 domestic punishment; but if he does, the slave rarely thinks of complaining of it. Were he to do so his complaint would be received.' This, in fact, is the palladium of liberty in England.
"In Malabar, according to the evidence of Mr. Baber, slavery, as mentioned by Mr. Robertson, also exists, and perhaps the same is the case in Guzerat and to the north; but the wonder is, not that such is the case, but that it is so partial in extent, and fortunately so bad in character, approximating indeed so much toward the feudal168 state as to be almost beyond the reach as well as the necessity of laws which at present would be practically inoperative. The fact, that of 100,000,000 British inhabitants, [or allowing five to a family, 20,000,000 families,] upward of 16,000,000 are landed proprietors, shows to what a confined extent even domestic slavery exists. A commission has been appointed by the new charter to inquire into this important but delicate subject.'"
We have quoted this passage from a writer who is a determined advocate of every thing British, whether it be good or had, in order to show by his own admission that chattel170 slavery, that is the precise form of slavery of which the British express such a holy horror, exists in British India under the sanction of British laws. Nor does it exist to a small extent only, as he would have us believe. It has always existed there, and must necessarily be on the increase, from the very cause [Pg 459] which he points out, viz. famine. No country in the world, thanks to British oppression, is so frequently and so extensively visited by famine as India; and as the natives can escape in many instances from starving to death by selling themselves, and can save their children by selling them into slavery, we can readily form an estimate of the great extent to which this takes place in cases of famine, where the people are perishing by thousands and tens of thousands. As to the statement that the government of the East India Company have been endeavouring to abolish this species of slavery, it proves any thing rather than a desire to benefit the natives of India. Chattel slaves are not desired by British subjects because the ownership of them involves the necessity of supporting them in sickness and old age. The kind of slavery which the British have imposed on the great mass of their East Indian subjects is infinitely171 more oppressive and inhuman than chattel slavery. Indeed it would not at all suit the views of the British aristocracy to have chattel slavery become so fashionable in India as to interfere with their own cherished system of political slavery, which is so extensively and successfully practised in England, Scotland, Ireland, and the West and East Indies. The money required for the support of chattel slaves could not be spared by the aristocratic governments in the colonies. The object is to take the fruits of the labourer's toil172 without providing for him at all. [Pg 460] When labourers are part of a master's capital, the better he provides for them the more they are worth. When they are not property, the character of their subsistence is of no importance; but they must yield the greater part of the results of their toil.
The "salt laws" of India are outrageously174 oppressive. An account of their operation will give the reader a taste of the character of the legislation to which the British have subjected conquered Hindoos. Such an account we find in a recent number of "Household Words," which Lord Shaftesbury and his associates in luxury and philanthropy should read more frequently than we can suppose they do:—
"Salt, in India, is a government monopoly. It is partially176 imported, and partially manufactured in government factories. These factories are situated177 in dreary178 marshes—the workers obtaining certain equivocal privileges, on condition of following their occupation in these pestiferous regions, where hundreds of these wretched people fall, annually179, victims to the plague or the floods.
"The salt consumed in India must be purchased through the government, at a duty of upward of two pounds per ton, making the price to the consumer about eight pence per pound. In England, salt may be purchased by retail180, three pounds, or wholesale181, five pounds for one penny; while in India, upward of thirty millions of persons, whose average incomes do not amount to above three shillings per week, are compelled to expend182 one-fourth of that pittance183 in salt for themselves and families.
"It may naturally be inferred, that, with such a heavy duty upon this important necessary of life, that underhand measures are adopted by the poor natives for supplying themselves. We shall see, however, by the following severe regulations, that the [Pg 461] experiment is too hazardous184 to be often attempted. Throughout the whole country there are numerous 'salt chokies,' or police stations, the superintendents186 of which are invested with powers of startling and extraordinary magnitude.
"When information is lodged187 with such superintendent185 that salt is stored in any place without a 'ruwana,' or permit, he proceeds to collect particulars of the description of the article, the quantity stated to be stored, and the name of the owner of the store. If the quantity stated to be stored exceeds seventy pounds, he proceeds with a body of police to make the seizure188. If the door is not opened to him at once, he is invested with full power to break it open; and if the police-officers exhibit the least backwardness in assisting, or show any sympathy with the unfortunate owner, they are liable to be heavily fined. The owner of the salt, with all persons found upon the premises189, are immediately apprehended191, and are liable to six months' imprisonment for the first offence, twelve for the second, and eighteen months for the third; so that if a poor Indian was to see a shower of salt in his garden, (there are showers of salt sometimes,) and to attempt to take advantage of it without paying duty, he would become liable to this heavy punishment. The superintendent of police is also empowered to detain and search trading vessels193, and if salt be found on board without a permit, the whole of the crew may be apprehended and tried for the offence. Any person erecting195 a distilling197 apparatus198 in his own house, merely to distil196 enough sea-water for the use of his household, is liable to such a fine as may ruin him. In this case, direct proof is not required, but inferred from circumstances at the discretion of the judge.
"If a person wishes to erect194 a factory upon his own estate, he must first give notice to the collector of revenue of all the particulars relative thereto, failing which, the collector may order all the works to be destroyed. Having given notice, officers are immediately quartered upon the premises, who have access to all parts thereof, for fear the company should be defrauded199 of the smallest amount of duty. When duty is paid upon any portion, the collector, upon giving a receipt, specifies200 the name and residence of the person to whom it is to be delivered, to whom it [Pg 462] must be delivered within a stated period, or become liable to fresh duty. To wind up, and make assurance doubly sure, the police may seize and detain any load or package which may pass the stations, till they are satisfied such load or package does not contain contraband201 salt.
"Such are the salt laws of India; such the monopoly by which a revenue of three millions sterling202 is raised; and such the system which, in these days of progress and improvement, acts as an incubus203 upon the energies, the mental resources, and social advancement204 of the immense population of India.
"Political economists205 of all shades of opinion—men who have well studied the subject—deliberately assert that nothing would tend so much toward the improvement of that country, and to a more complete development of its vast natural resources, than the abolition206 of these laws; and we can only hope, without blaming any one, that at no distant day a more enlightened policy will pervade207 the councils of the East India Company, and that the poor Hindoo will be emancipated208 from the thraldom209 of these odious210 enactments.
"But apart from every other consideration, there is one, in connection with the Indian salt-tax, which touches the domestic happiness and vital interest of every inhabitant in Great Britain. It is decided211, by incontrovertible medical testimony212, that cholera213 (whose ravages214 every individual among us knows something, alas215! too well about) is in a great measure engendered216, and its progress facilitated, by the prohibitory duties on salt in India, the very cradle of the pestilence. Our precautionary measures to turn aside the plague from our doors, appear to be somewhat ridiculous, while the plague itself is suffered to exist, when it might be destroyed—its existence being tolerated only to administer to the pecuniary advantage of a certain small class of the community. Let the medical men of this country look to it. Let the people of this country generally look to it; for there is matter for grave and solemn consideration, both nationally and individually, in the Indian salt-tax."
Yes, the salt-tax is very oppressive; but it pays [Pg 463] those who authorized153 its assessment, and that is sufficient for them. When they discover some means of obtaining its equivalent—some oppression quite as cruel but not so obvious—we may expect to hear of the abolition of the odious salt monopoly.
Famines (always frightfully destructive in India) have become more numerous than ever, under the blighting217 rule of the British aristocrats. Vast tracts of country, once the support of busy thousands, have been depopulated by these dreadful visitations.
"The soil seems to lie under a curse. Instead of yielding abundance for the wants of its own population and the inhabitants of other regions, it does not keep in existence its own children. It becomes the burying-place of millions who die upon its bosom218 crying for bread. In proof of this, turn your eyes backward upon the scenes of the past year. Go with me into the North-west provinces of the Bengal presidency219, and I will show you the bleaching220 skeletons of five hundred thousand human beings, who perished of hunger in the space of a few short months. Yes, died of hunger, in what has been justly called the granary of the world. Bear with me, if I speak of the scenes which were exhibited during the prevalence of this famine. The air for miles was poisoned by the effluvia emitted from the putrefying bodies of the dead. The rivers were choked with the corpses221 thrown into their channels. Mothers cast their little ones beneath the rolling waves, because they would not see them draw their last gasp222 and feel them stiffen223 in their arms. The English in the cities were prevented from taking their customary evening drives. Jackals and vultures approached, and fastened upon the bodies of men, women, and children before life was extinct. Madness, disease, despair stalked abroad, and no human power present to arrest their progress. It was the carnival224 of death. And this occurred in British India—in the reign75 of Victoria the [Pg 464] First. Nor was the event extraordinary and unforeseen. Far from it: 1835-36 witnessed a famine in the Northern provinces; 1833 beheld225 one to the eastward226; 1822-23 saw one in the Deccan."
The above extract from one of George Thompson's "Lectures on India," conveys an idea of the horrors of a famine in that country. What then must be the guilt61 of that government that adopts such measures as tend to increase the frequency and swell227 the horror of these scenes! By draining the resources of the people, and dooming228 them to the most pinching poverty, the British conquerors have greatly increased the dangers of the visitations of famine, and opened to it a wide field for destruction. The poor Hindoos may be said to live face to face with starvation. The following account of the famine of 1833 is given by Colonel Sleeman, in his "Rambles and Recollections:"—
"During the famine of 1833, as on all similar occasions, grain of every kind, attracted by high prices, flowed up in large streams from this favoured province (Malwa) toward Bundelcund; and the population of Bundelcund, as usual in such times of dearth229 and scarcity, flowed off toward Malwa against the stream of supply, under the assurance that the nearer they got to the source the greater would be their chance of employment and subsistence. Every village had its numbers of the dead and the dying; and the roads were all strewed230 with them; but they were mostly concentrated upon the great towns, and civil and military stations, where subscriptions231 were open for their support by both the European and native communities. The funds arising from these subscriptions lasted till the rain had fairly set in, when all able-bodied persons could easily find employment in tillage among the agricultural [Pg 465] communities of the villages around. After the rains have fairly set in, the sick and helpless only should be kept concentrated upon large towns and stations, where little or no employment is to be found; for the oldest and youngest of those who are able to work can then easily find employment in weeding the cotton, rice, sugar-cane, and other fields under autumn crops, and in preparing the land for the reception of the wheat, grain, and other spring seeds; and get advances from the farmers, agricultural capitalists, and other members of the village communities, who are all glad to share their superfluities with the distressed232, and to pay liberally for the little service they are able to give in return.
"At large places, where the greater numbers are concentrated, the scene becomes exceedingly distressing233, for in spite of the best dispositions234 and greatest efforts on the part of government and its officers, and the European and native communities, thousands commonly die of starvation. At Saugor, mothers, as they lay in the streets unable to walk, were seen holding up their infants, and imploring235 the passing stranger to take them in slavery, that they might at least live—hundreds were seen creeping into gardens, courtyards, and old ruins, concealing236 themselves under shrubs237, grass, mats, or straw, where they might die quietly, without having their bodies torn by birds and beasts before the breath had left them! Respectable families, who left home in search of the favoured land of Malwa, while yet a little property remained, finding all exhausted, took opium238 rather than beg, and husband, wife, and children died in each other's arms! Still more of such families lingered on in hope until all had been expended239; then shut their doors, took poison, and died all together, rather than expose their misery, and submit to the degradation240 of begging. All these things I have myself known and seen; and in the midst of these and a hundred other harrowing scenes which present themselves on such occasions, the European cannot fail to remark the patient resignation with which the poor people submit to their fate; and the absence of almost all those revolting acts which have characterized the famines of which he has read in other countries—such as the living feeding on the dead, and mothers devouring241 their own children. No such things are witnessed in Indian famines; [Pg 466] here all who suffer attribute the disaster to its real cause, the want of rain in due season; and indulge in no feelings of hatred against their rulers, superiors, or more fortunate equals in society, who happen to live beyond the influence of such calamities242. They gratefully receive the superfluities which the more favoured are always found ready to share with the afflicted in India; and though their sufferings often subdue243 the strongest of all pride—the pride of caste, they rarely ever drive people to acts of violence. The stream of emigration, guided as it always is by that of the agricultural produce flowing in from the more favoured countries, must necessarily concentrate upon the communities along the line it takes a greater number of people than they have the means of relieving, however benevolent244 their dispositions; and I must say, that I have never either seen or read of a nobler spirit than seems to animate245 all classes of these communities in India on such distressing occasions."
The same writer has some judicious246 general remarks upon the causes of famine in India, which are worthy247 of quotation248. We have only to add, that whatever may be found in the climate and character of the country that expose the people to the frequency of want, the conquerors have done their best to aggravate249 natural evils:—
"In India, unfavourable seasons produce much more disastrous consequences than in Europe. In England, not more than one-fourth of the population derive251 their incomes from the cultivation of the land around them. Three-fourths of the people have incomes, independent of the annual returns from those lands; and with these incomes they can purchase agricultural produce from other lands when the crops upon them fail. The farmers, who form so large a portion of the fourth class, have stock equal in value to four times the amount of the annual rent of their lands. They have also a great variety of crops; and it is very rare that more than [Pg 467] one or two of them fail, or are considerably252 affected253, the same season. If they fail in one district or province, the deficiency is very easily supplied to people who have equivalents to give for the produce of another. The sea, navigable rivers, fine roads, all are open and ready at all times for the transport of the super-abundance of one quarter to supply the deficiencies of another. In India the reverse of all this is unhappily everywhere to be found; more than three-fourths of the whole population are engaged in the cultivation of the land, and depend upon its annual returns for subsistence. The farmers and cultivators have none of them stock equal in value to more than half the amount of the annual rents of their lands. They have a great variety of crops; but all are exposed to the same accidents, and commonly fail at the same time. The autumn crops are sown in June and July, and ripen254 in October and November; and if seasonable showers do not fall in July, August, and September, all fail. The spring crops are sown in October and November, and ripen in March; and if seasonable showers do not happen to fall during December or January, all, save what are artificially irrigated255, fail. If they fail in one district or province, the people have few equivalents to offer for a supply of land produce from any other. Their roads are scarcely anywhere passable for wheeled carriages at any season, and nowhere at all seasons—they have nowhere a navigable canal, and only in one line a navigable river. Their land produce is conveyed upon the backs of bullocks, that move at the rate of six or eight miles a day, and add one hundred per cent. to the cost for every hundred miles they carry it in the best seasons, and more than two hundred in the worst. What in Europe is felt merely as a dearth, becomes in India, under all these disadvantages, a scarcity; and what is there a scarcity becomes here a famine."
Another illustration of the truth that poverty is the source of crime and depravity is found in India. Statistics and the evidence of recent travellers show that the amount of vice48 in the different provinces is just in [Pg 468] proportion to the length of time they have been under British rule. No stronger proof of the iniquity256 of the government—of its poisonous tendencies as well as positive injustice—could be adduced.
The cultivation and exportation of the pernicious drug, opium, which destroys hundreds of thousands of lives annually, have latterly been prominent objects of the East Indian government. The best tracts of land in India were chosen for the cultivation of the poppy. The people were told that they must either raise this plant, make opium, or give up their land. Furthermore, those who produced the drug were compelled to sell it to the Company. In the Bengal Presidency, the monopoly of the government is complete. It has its establishment for the manufacture of the drug. There are two great agencies at Ghazeepore and Patna, for the Benares and Bahar provinces. Each opium agent has several deputies in different districts, and a native establishment. They enter into contracts with the cultivator for the supply of opium at a rate fixed to suit the demand. The land-revenue authorities do not interfere, except to prevent cultivation without permission. The land cultivated is measured, and all the produce must be sold to the government. At the head agency the opium is packed in chests and sealed with the Company's seal. [112]
[Pg 469]
The imperial government of China, seeing that the traffic in opium was sowing misery and death among its subjects, prohibited the introduction of the drug within the empire in 1839. But the British had a vast amount of capital at stake, and the profits of the trade were too great to be relinquished257 for any considerations of humanity. War was declared; thousands of Chinese were slaughtered, and the imperial government forced to permit the destructive traffic on a more extensive scale than ever, and to pay $2,000,000 besides for daring to protest against it!
The annual revenue now realized from the opium traffic amounts to £3,500,000. It is estimated that about 400,000 Chinese perish every year in consequence of using the destructive drug, while the amount of individual and social misery proceeding258 from the same cause is appalling259 to every humane heart. Among the people of India who have been forced into the cultivation and manufacture of opium, the use of it has greatly increased under the fostering care of the government. The Company seems to be aware that a people enervated260 by excessive indulgence will make little effort to throw off the chains of slavery. Keep the Hindoo drunk with opium and he will not rebel.
The effects of this drug upon the consumer are thus described by a distinguished261 Chinese scholar:—"It exhausts the animal spirits, impedes262 the regular performance of business, wastes the flesh and blood, [Pg 470] dissipates every kind of property, renders the person ill-favoured, promotes obscenity, discloses secrets, violates the laws, attacks the vitals, and destroys life." This statement is confirmed by other natives, and also by foreign residents; and it is asserted that, as a general rule, a person does not live more than ten years after becoming addicted263 to the use of this drug.
The recent Burmese war had for one of its objects the opening of a road to the interior of China, for the purpose of extending the opium trade. And for such an object thousands of brave Burmese were slaughtered, fertile and beautiful regions desolated264, and others subjected to the peculiar265 slave-system of the East India Company. The extension of British dominion and the accumulation of wealth in British hands, instead of the spread of Christianity and the development of civilization, mark all the measures of the Company.
William Howitt, one of the ablest as well as the most democratic writers of England, thus confirms the statements made above:—
"The East India Company exists by monopolies of the land, of opium, and of salt. By their narrow, greedy, and purblind266 management of these resources, they have contrived267 to reduce that once affluent268 country to the uttermost depths of poverty and pauperism269. The people starve and perish in famine every now and then by half a million at a time. One-third of that superb peninsula is reduced to waste and jungle. While other colonies pay from twenty to thirty shillings per head of revenue, India yields only four shillings per head. The income of the government [Pg 471] at the last renewal of the charter was twenty millions; it is now reduced to about seventeen millions; and even to raise this, they have been obliged to double the tax on salt. The debt was forty millions; it is now said to be augmented270 by constant war, and the payment of the dividends271, which, whatever the real proceeds, are always kept up to the usual height, to seventy millions. This is a state of things which cannot last. It is a grand march toward financial inanition. It threatens, if not arrested by the voice of the British people, the certain and no very distant loss of India.
"We have some glimpses of the treatment of the people in the collection of the land-tax, as it is called, but really the rent. The government claims not the mere right of governing, but, as conquerors, the fee-simple of the land. Over the greater part of India there are no real freeholders. The land is the Company's, and they collect, not a tax, but a rent. They have their collectors all over India, who go and say as the crops stand, 'We shall take so much of this.' It is seldom less than one-half—it is more commonly sixty, seventy, and eighty per cent! This is killing272 the goose to come at the golden egg. It drives the people to despair; they run away and leave the land to become jungle; they perish by famine in thousands and tens of thousands.
"This is why no capitalists dare to settle and grow for us cotton, or manufacture for us sugar. There is no security—no fixity of taxation. It is one wholesale system of arbitrary plunder3, such as none but a conquered country in the first violence of victorious license273 ever was subjected to. But this system has here continued more than a generation; the country is reduced by it to a fatal condition—the only wonder is that we yet retain it at all.
"The same system is pursued in the opium monopoly. The finest lands are taken for the cultivation of the poppy; the government give the natives what they please for the opium, often about as many shillings as they get paid for it guineas per pound, and ship it off to curse China with it. 'In India,' says a writer in the Chinese Repository, 'the extent of territory occupied with the poppy, and the amount of population engaged in its cultivation [Pg 472] and the preparation of opium, are far greater than in any other part of the world.'
"Turkey is said to produce only 2000 chests of opium annually; India produces 40,000 of 134 lbs. each, and yielding a revenue of about £4,000,000 sterling.
"But perhaps worse than all is the salt monopoly. It is well known that the people of India are a vegetable diet people. Boiled rice is their chief food, and salt is an absolute necessary of life. With a vegetable diet in that hot climate, without plenty of salt, putrid274 diseases and rapid mortality are inevitable275. Nature, or Providence276, has therefore given salt in abundance. The sea throws it up already crystallized in many places; in others it is prepared by evaporation277; but the Company steps in and imposes two hundred per cent. on this indispensable article, and guards it by such penalties that the native dare not stoop to gather it when it lies at his feet. The consequence is that mortality prevails, to a terrific extent often, among the population. Officers of government are employed to destroy the salt naturally formed; and government determines how much salt shall be annually consumed.
"Now, let the people of England mark one thing. The cholera originates in the East. It has visited us once, and is on its march once more toward us. We have heard through the newspapers of its arrival in Syria, in Turkey, in Russia, at Vienna. In a few months it will probably be again among us.
"Has any one yet imagined that this scourge278 may possibly be the instrument of Divine retribution for our crimes and cruelties? Has any one imagined that we have any thing to do with the creation of this terrible pestilence? Yet there is little, there is scarcely the least doubt, that this awful instrument of death is occasioned by this very monopoly of salt—that it is the direct work of the four-and-twenty men in Leadenhall-street. The cholera is found to arise in the very centre of India. It commences in the midst of this swarming279 population, which subsists280 on vegetables, and which is deprived by the British government of the necessary salt! In that hot climate it acquires a deadly strength—thousands perish by it as by the stroke of lightning, and it hence [Pg 473] radiates over the globe, travelling at the speed of a horse in full gallop281. Thus it is that God visits our deeds upon our heads.
"Such is a brief glance at the mal-administration, the abuse, and the murderous treatment of India, permitted by great and Christian England to a knot of mere money-making traders. We commit the lives and happiness of one hundred and fifty millions of souls—the well-being282, and probably the chance of retention283, of one of the finest countries in the world, and the comfort and prosperity of every human creature in Great Britain, to the hands of those who are only, from day to day, grasping at the vitals of this glorious Eastern region to increase their dividends. This is bad enough, but this is not all. As if we had given them a charter in the most effectual manner to damage our dominions and blast all our prospects284 of trade, we have allowed these four-and-twenty men of Leadenhall-street not only to cripple India, but to exasperate285 and, as far as possible, close China against us. Two millions of people in India and three millions of people in China—all waiting for our manufactures, all capable of sending us the comforts and necessaries that we need—it would seem that to us, a nation especially devoted286 to trade, as if Providence had opened all the gorgeous and populous East to employ and to enrich us. One would have thought that every care and anxiety would have been aroused to put ourselves on the best footing with this swarming region. It has been the last thing thought of.
"The men of Leadenhall-street have been permitted, after having paralyzed India, to send to China not the articles that the Chinese wanted, but the very thing of all others that its authorities abhorred—that is, opium.
"It is well known with what assiduity these traders for years thrust this deadly drug into the ports of China; or it may be known from 'Medhurst's China,' from 'Thelwall's Iniquities288 of the Opium Trade,' from 'Montgomery Martin's Opium in China,' and various other works. It is well known what horrors, crimes, ruin of families, and destruction of individuals the rage of opium-smoking introduced among the millions of the Celestial289 Empire. Every horror, every species of reckless desperation, social depravity, and sensual crime, spread from the practice and [Pg 474] overran China as a plague. The rulers attempted to stop the evil by every means in their power. They enacted290 the severest punishments for the sale of it. These did not avail. They augmented the punishment to death. Without a stop to it the whole framework of society threatened to go to pieces. 'Opium,' says the Imperial edict itself, 'coming from the distant regions of barbarians291, has pervaded292 the country with its baneful293 influence.' The opium-smoker would steal, sell his property, his children, the mother of his children, and finally commit murder for it. The most ghastly spectacles were everywhere seen; instead of healthy and happy men, the most repulsive294 scenes. 'I visited one of the opium-houses,' said an individual quoted by Sir Robert Inglis, in the House of Commons, in 1843, 'and shall I tell you what I saw in this antechamber of hell? I thought it impossible to find anything worse than the results of drinking ardent295 spirits; but I have succeeded in finding something far worse. I saw Malays, Chinese, men and women, old and young, in one mass, in one common herd296, wallowing in their filth297, beastly, sensual, devilish, and this under the eyes of a Christian government.'
"They were these abominations and horrors that the Emperor of China determined to arrest. They were these which our East India Company determined to perpetuate298 for this base gain. When the emperor was asked to license the sale of opium, as he could not effect its exclusion299, and thus make a profit of it, what was his reply? 'It is true I cannot prevent the introduction of the flowing poison. Gain-seeking and corrupt300 men will, for profit and sensuality, defeat my wishes, but nothing will induce me to derive a benefit from the vice and misery of my people.'
"These were the sentiments of the Chinese monarch301; what was the conduct of the so-called Christian Englishmen? They determined to go on poisoning and demoralizing China, till they provoked the government to war, and then massacred the people to compel the continuance of the sale of opium."
Howitt evidently has as ardent a sympathy for those who have suffered from the tyranny of British rule as [Pg 475] Edmund Burke himself. The wholesale degradation of the Hindoos, which has resulted from the measures of the East India Company, calls loudly indeed for the denunciations of indignant humanity. The crime must have its punishment. The ill-gotten gains of the Company should be seized to carry out an ameliorating policy, and all concerned in enforcing the system of oppression should be taught that justice is not to be wounded with impunity.
The burdens imposed upon the Hindoos are precisely302 of the character and extent of those that have reduced Ireland to poverty and her people to slavery. Besides the enormous rents, which are sufficient of themselves to dishearten the tillers of the soil, the British authorities seem to have exhausted invention in devising taxes. So dear a price to live was never paid by any people except the Irish. What remains303 to the cultivator when the rent of the land and almost forty different taxes are paid?
Those Hindoos who wish to employ capital or labour in any other way than in cultivation of land are deterred304 by the formidable array of taxation. The chief taxes are styled the Veesabuddy, or tax on merchants, traders, and shopkeepers; the Mohturfa, or tax on weavers306, carpenters, stonecutters, and other mechanical trades; and the Bazeebab, consisting of smaller taxes annually rented out to the highest bidder307. The proprietor of the Bazeebab is thus constituted a petty chieftain, [Pg 476] with power to exact fees at marriages and religious ceremonies; to inquire into and fine the misconduct of females in families, and other misdemeanours—in fact, petty tyrants, who can at all times allege308 engagements to the government to justify309 extortion. [113] These proprietors are the worst kind of slaveholders.
The mode of settling the Mohturfa on looms310 is remarkable312 for the precision of its exaction154. Every circumstance of the weaver305's family is considered; the number of days which he devotes to his loom311, the number of his children, the assistance which he receives from them, and the number and quality of the pieces which he can produce in a year; so that, let him exert himself as he will, his industry will always be taxed to the highest degree. [114] This method is so detailed313 that the servants of the government cannot enter into it, and the assessment of the tax is therefore left to the heads of the villages. It is impossible for a weaver to know what he is to pay to the government for being allowed to carry on his business till the yearly demand is made. If he has worked hard, and turned out one or two pieces of cloth more than he did the year before, his tax is increased. The more industrious314 he is the more he is forced to pay.
The tax-gatherers are thorough inquisitors. According to Rikards, upward of seventy different kinds of [Pg 477] buildings—the houses, shops, or warehouses315 of different castes and professions—were ordered to be entered into the survey accounts; besides the following implements316 of professions, which were usually assessed to the public revenue, viz.: "Oil-mills, iron manufactory, toddy-drawer's stills, potter's kiln317, washerman's stone, goldsmith's tools, sawyer's saw, toddy-drawer's knives, fishing-nets, barber's hones, blacksmith's anvils318, pack-bullocks, cocoa-nut safe, small fishing-boats, cotton-beater's bow, carpenter's tools, large fishing-boats, looms, salt-storehouses. If a landlord objects to the assessment on trees, as old and past bearing, they are, one and all, ordered to be cut down—a measure as ridiculous as unjust—as it not only inflicts319 injury upon the landlord, but takes away the chance of future profit for the government. Mr. Rikards bears witness, as a collector of Malabar, that lands and produce were sometimes inserted in the survey account which absolutely did not exist, while other lands were assessed to the revenue at more than their actual produce. From all this, it is obvious that the Hindoo labourer or artisan is the slave of the tax-collector, who, moreover, has no interest in the life of his victim.
Labour being almost "dirt cheap" in India, whenever speculating companies of Englishmen wish to carry out any particular scheme for which labourers are required, they hire a number of Hindoo Coolies, induce them to visit any port of the country, and treat them abominably320, [Pg 478] knowing that the poor wretches321 have no protection. The operations of the Assam Tea Company illustrate45 this practice:—
"An inconsiderate expenditure322 of capital placed the Assam Tea Company in great jeopardy323, and at one time it was feared the scheme would be abandoned. The number of managers and assistants appointed by the Assam Company to carry on their affairs and superintend their tea gardens, on large salaries, was quite unnecessary; one or two experienced European superintendents to direct the native establishment would have answered every purpose. A vast number of Coolies (or labourers) were induced to proceed to Upper Assam to cultivate the gardens; but bad arrangements having been made to supply them with proper, wholesome324 food, many were seized with sickness. On their arrival at the tea-plantations, in the midst of high and dense325 tree jungle, numbers absconded326, and others met an untimely end. The rice served out to the Coolies from the Assam Tea Company's store-rooms, was so bad as not to be fit to be given to elephants, much less to human beings. The loss of these labourers, who had been conveyed to Upper Assam at a great expense, deprived the company of the means of cultivating so great an extent of country as would otherwise have been insured; for the scanty327 population of Upper Assam offered no means of replacing the deficiency of hands. Nor was the improvidence328 of the company in respect to labourers the only instance of their mismanagement. Although the company must have known that they had no real use or necessity for a steamer, a huge vessel192 was nevertheless purchased, and frequently sent up and down the Burrampooter river from Calcutta; carrying little else than a few thousand rupees for the payment of their establishment in Upper Assam, which might have been transmitted through native bankers, and have saved the company a most lavish329 and unprofitable expenditure of capital." [115]
[Pg 479]
Ay, and the expense is all that is thought worthy of consideration. The miserable victims to the measures of the company might perish like brutes330 without being even pitied.
On the verge331 of starvation, as so many of the Hindoo labourers generally are, it does not excite surprise that they are very ready to listen to the offers of those who are engaged in the "Cooley slave-trade." In addition to the astounding332 facts given by us in the previous chapter, in regard to this traffic in men, we quote the following from the London Spectator of October, 1838:—
"Under Lord Glenelg's patronage, the Eastern slave-trade prospers333 exceedingly. The traffic in Hill Coolies promises to become one of the most extensive under the British flag. A cargo334 arrived in Berbice about the beginning of May, in prime condition: and the Berbice Advertiser, one of the most respectable of the West India journals, states, that out of 289, conveyed in the Whitby, only eight died on the passage, and very few were ill. Only one circumstance was wanting to make them the happiest of human(?) beings—only eight women were sent as companions for the 280 men; and the deficiency of females was the more to be regretted because it was 'probable they would be shunned335 by the negroes from jealousy336 and speaking a different language.'
"The same newspaper contains a very curious document respecting the Hill Cooley traffic. It is a circular letter, dated the 8th January, 1838, from Henley, Dowson, and Bethel, of Calcutta, the agents most extensively engaged in the shipment of labourers from India to the Mauritius and British Guiana. These gentlemen thus state their claims to preference over other houses in the same business:—
"'We have within the last two years procured337 and shipped upward of 5000 free agricultural labourers for our friends at Mauritius; [Pg 480] and, from the circumstance of nearly 500 of the number being employed on estates in which we possess a direct interest, we can assure you that a happier and more contented labouring population is seldom to be met with in any part of the world, than the Dhargas or mountain tribes sent from this vast country.'
"Five thousand within two years to the Mauritius alone! This is pretty well, considering that the trade is in its infancy338. As to the statement of the happiness and contentment of the labourers, rather more impartial339 evidence than the good word of the exporters of the commodity advertised would be desirable. If Englishmen could fancy themselves Hill Coolies for an instant—landed in Berbice, in the proportion of 280 men to 8 of the gentler sex, 'speaking a different language,' and shunned by the very negroes—we are inclined to think they would not, even in that imaginary and momentary340 view, conceit341 themselves to be among the happiest of mankind.
"We proceed with the Calcutta circular:—
"'The labourers hitherto procured by us have cost their employers, landed at the Mauritius, about one hundred rupees (or 10l. sterling) per man; which sum comprises six months' advance of wages, provisions and water for the voyage, clothing, commission, passage, insurance, and all incidental charges.'
"'The expense attending the shipment of Indian labourers to the West India Colonies would be necessarily augmented—firstly, by the higher rate of passage-money, and the increased quantity of provisions and water; and, secondly342, from the necessity of making arrangements, indispensable to the health and comfort of native passengers, on a voyage of so long a duration, in the course of which they would be exposed to great vicissitude343 of climate.
"'On making ample allowance for these charges, we do not apprehend190 that a labourer, sent direct from this country to Demerara, and engaged to work on your estates for a period of five consecutive344 years, would cost, landed there, above two hundred and ten rupees, or 21l. sterling.'
"This sum of 210 rupees includes six months' wages—at what rate does the reader suppose? Why, five rupees, or ten shillings [Pg 481] sterling a month—half-a-crown a week—in Demerara! The passage is 10l., and the insurance 12s.; for they are insured at so much a head, like pigs or sheep.
"It is manifest that after their arrival in Demerara, the Indians will not, unless on compulsion, work for five years at the rate of 10s. a month, while the negroes receive much higher wages. They are therefore placed under strict control, and are just as much slaves as the Redemptioners, whom the virtuous345 Quakers inveigled346 into Pennsylvania a century or more ago. The Indians bind34 themselves to work in town or country, wherever their consignee347 or master may choose to employ them. One of the articles of their agreement is this:—
"'In order that the undersigned natives of India may be fully aware of the engagement they undertake, it is hereby notified, that they will be required to do all such work as the object for which they are engaged necessitates348; and that, as labourers attached to an estate, they will be required to clear forest and extract timber, carry manure349, dig and prepare land for planting, also to take charge of horses, mules350, and cattle of every description; in short, to do all such work as an estate for the cultivation of sugar-cane and the manufacture of sugar demands, or any branch of agriculture to which they may be destined351.'
"In case of disobedience or misconduct—that is, at the caprice of the master—they may be 'degraded,' and sent back at their own charge to Calcutta. They are to receive no wages during illness; and a rupee a month is to be deducted352 from their wages—thereby reducing them to 2s. a week—as an indemnity-fund for the cost of sending them back. What security there is for the kind treatment of the labourers does not appear: there is nothing in the contract but a promise to act equitably353.
"Now, in what respect do these men differ in condition from negro slaves, except very much for the worse? They must be more helpless than the negroes—if for no other reason, because of their ignorance of the language their masters use. They will not, for a long period certainly, be formidable from their numbers. How easily may even the miserable terms of the contract with their employers be evaded354! Suppose the Indian works steadily355 [Pg 482] for four years, it may suit his master to describe him as refractory356 and idle during the fifth, and then he will be sent back at his own cost; and the whole of his earnings357 may be expended in paying for his passage to Calcutta, where, after all, he is a long way from home.
"It is impossible to contemplate358 without pain the inevitable lot of these helpless beings; but the conduct of the government, which could sanction the infamous359 commerce of which the Hill Cooley will be the victims, while professing360 all the while such a holy horror of dealing47 in negroes, should rouse general indignation.
Is it only a certain shade of black, and a peculiar physical conformation, which excites the compassion361 of the Anti-Slavery people? If it is cruelty, oppression, and fraud which they abhor287 and desire to prevent, then let them renew their agitation362 in behalf of the kidnapped natives of India, now suffering, probably more acutely, all that made the lot of the negro a theme for eloquence363 and a field for Christian philanthropy."
This is written in the right spirit. The trade described has increased to an extent which calls for the interference of some humane power. Should the British government continue to sanction the traffic, it must stand responsible for a national crime.
Oppressive and violent as the British dominion in India undoubtedly364 is, the means devised to extend it are even more worthy of strong condemnation365. The government fixes its eyes upon a certain province, where the people are enjoying peace and plenty, and determines to get possession of it. The Romans themselves were not more fertile in pretences366 for forcible seizure of territory than these British plunderers. They quickly hunt up a pretender to the throne, support his claims [Pg 483] with a powerful army, make him their complete tool, dethrone the lawful367 sovereign, and extend their authority over the country. The course pursued toward Afghanistan in 1838 illustrates368 this outrageous175 violation369 of national rights.
The following account of the origin and progress of the Afghanistan war is given by an English writer in the Penny Magazine:—
"In 1747, Ahmeed Shah, an officer of an Afghan troop in the service of Persia, refounded the Afghan monarchy370, which was maintained until the death of his successor in 1793. Ahmeed was of the Douranee tribe, and the limits over which his sway extended is spoken of as the Douranee empire. Four of the sons of Ahmeed's successor disputed, and in turn possessed, the throne; and during this civil war several of the principal chiefs threw off their allegiance, and the Douranee empire ceased to exist, but was split up into the chiefships of Candahar, Herat, Caboul, and Peshawur. Herat afterward371 became a dependency of Persia, and Shah Shooja ool Moolook, the chief of Peshawur, lost his power after having enjoyed it for about six years. Dost Mohammed Kahn, the chief of Caboul, according to the testimony of the late Sir Alexander Burnes, writing in 1832, governed his territory with great judgment372, improved its internal administration and resources, and became the most powerful chief in Afghanistan. Shah Shooja was for many years a fugitive373 and a pensioner374 of the British government. He made one unsuccessful attempt to regain375 his territory, but Peshawur eventually became a tributary376 to the ruler of the Punjab. Such was the state of Afghanistan in 1836.
"In the above year the Anglo-Indian government complained that Dost Mohammed Khan, chief of Caboul, had engaged in schemes of aggrandizement377 which threatened the stability of the British frontier in India; and Sir Alexander Burnes, who was [Pg 484] sent with authority to represent to him the light in which his proceedings378 were viewed, was compelled to leave Caboul without having effected any change in his conduct. The siege of Herat, and the support which both Dost Mohammed and his brother, the chief of Candahar, gave to the designs of Persia in Afghanistan, the latter chief especially openly assisting the operations against Herat, created fresh alarm in the Anglo-Indian government as to the security of our frontier. Several minor chiefs also avowed379 their attachment380 to the Persians. As our policy, instead of hostility381, required an ally capable of resisting aggression382 on the western frontier of India, the Governor-general, from whose official papers we take these statements, 'was satisfied,' after serious and mature deliberation, 'that a pressing necessity, as well as every consideration of policy and justice, warranted us in espousing383 the cause of Shah Shooja ool Moolk;' and it was determined to place him on the throne. According to the Governor-general, speaking from the best authority, the testimony as to Shah Shooja's popularity was unanimous. In June, 1838, the late Sir William Macnaghten formed a tripartite treaty with the ruler of the Punjab and Shah Shooja; the object of which was to restore the latter to the throne of his ancestors. This policy it was conceived would conduce to the general freedom and security of commerce, the restoration of tranquillity384 upon the most important frontier of India, and the erection of a lasting385 barrier against hostile intrigue386 and encroachment387; and, while British influence would thus gain its proper footing among the nations of Central Asia, the prosperity of the Afghan people would be promoted.
"Troops were despatched from the Presidencies388 of Bengal and Bombay to co-operate with the contingents389 raised by the Shah and our other ally, the united force being intended to act together under the name of the 'Army of the Indus.' After a march of extraordinary length, through countries which had never before been traversed by British troops, and defiles390 which are the most difficult passes in the world, where no wheeled carriage had ever been, and where it was necessary for the engineers in many places to construct roads before the baggage could proceed, the combined forces from Bengal and Bombay reached Candahar in May, [Pg 485] 1839. According to the official accounts, the population were enthusiastic in welcoming the return of Shah Shooja. The next step was to advance toward Ghiznee and Caboul. On the 23d July, the strong and important fortress391 and citadel392 of Ghiznee, regarded throughout Asia as impregnable, was taken in two hours by blowing up the Caboul gate. The army had only been forty-eight hours before the place. An 'explosion party' carried three hundred pounds of gunpowder393 in twelve sand-bags, with a hose seventy-two feet long, the train was laid and fired, the party having just time to reach a tolerable shelter from the effects of the concussion394, though one of the officers was injured by its force. On the 7th of August the army entered Caboul. Dost Mohammed had recalled his son Mohammed Akhbar from Jellalabad with the troops guarding the Khyber Pass, and their united forces amounted to thirteen thousand men; but these troops refused to advance, and Dost Mohammed was obliged to take precipitate395 fight, accompanied only by a small number of horsemen. Shah Shooja made a triumphant396 entry into Caboul, and the troops of Dost Mohammed tendered their allegiance to him. The official accounts state that in his progress toward Caboul he was joined by every person of rank and influence in the country. As the tribes in the Bolan Pass committed many outrages397 and murders on the followers398 of the army of the Indus, at the instigation of their chief, the Khan of Khelat, his principal town (Khelat) was taken on the 13th of November, 1839. The political objects of the expedition had now apparently399 been obtained. The hostile chiefs of Caboul and Candahar were replaced by a friendly monarch. On the side of Scinde and Herat, British alliance and protection were courted. All this had been accomplished400 in a few months, but at an expense said to exceed three millions sterling."
The expense of national outrage173 is only of importance to the sordid401 and unprincipled men who conceived and superintended the Afghanistan expedition. In the first part of the above extract, the writer places the British government in the position of one who strikes in self-defence. [Pg 486] It was informed that Dost Mohammed entertained schemes of invasion dangerous to the British supremacy—informed by the exiled enemy of the chief of Caboul. The information was seasonable and exceedingly useful. Straightway a treaty was formed, by which the British agreed to place their tool for the enslavement of the Afghans upon the throne from which he had been driven. Further on, it is said, that when Shah Sooja appeared in Afghanistan he was joined by every person of rank and influence in the country. Just so; and the followers and supporters of Dost Mohammed nearly all submitted to the superior army of the British general. But two years afterward, the strength of the patriotic402 party was seen, when Caboul rose against Shah Sooja, drove him again from the throne, and defeated and massacred a considerable British garrison403. Shah Sooja was murdered soon afterward. But the British continued the war against the Afghans, with the object of reducing them to the same slavery under which the remainder of Hindostan was groaning404. The violation of national rights, the massacre of thousands, and the enslavement of millions were the glorious aims of British policy in the Afghan expedition. The policy then carried out has been more fully illustrated since that period. Whenever a territory was thought desirable by the government, neither national rights, the principles of justice and humanity, nor even the common right of property in individuals [Pg 487] has been respected. Wealth has been an object for the attainment405 of which plunder and massacre were not considered unworthy means.
Said Mr. John Bright, the radical406 reformer of Manchester, in a speech delivered in the House of Commons:—"It cannot be too universally known that the cultivators of the soil (in India) are in a very unsatisfactory condition; that they are, in truth, in a condition of almost extreme and universal poverty. All testimony concurred407 upon that point. He would call the attention of the House to the statement of a celebrated408 native of India, the Rajah Rammohun Roy, who, about twenty years ago, published a pamphlet in London, in which he pointed169 out the ruinous effects of the Zemindaree system, and the oppressions experienced by the ryots in the Presidencies of Bombay and Madras. After describing the state of affairs generally, he added, 'Such was the melancholy409 condition of the agricultural labourers, that it always gave him the greatest pain to allude410 to it.' Three years afterward, Mr. Shore, who was a judge in India, published a work which was considered as a standard work till now, and he stated 'that the British government was not regarded in a favourable250 light by the native population of India—that a system of taxation and extortion was carried on unparalleled in the annals of any country.'"
From all quarters we receive unimpeachable411 evidence that the locust13 system has performed its devouring work [Pg 488] on the broadest scale in India; and that the Hindoos are the victims of conquerors, slower, indeed, in their movements, than Tamerlane or Genghis Khan, but more destructive and more criminal than either of those great barbarian invaders412.
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1 populous | |
adj.人口稠密的,人口众多的 | |
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2 slaughtered | |
v.屠杀,杀戮,屠宰( slaughter的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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3 plunder | |
vt.劫掠财物,掠夺;n.劫掠物,赃物;劫掠 | |
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4 plundered | |
掠夺,抢劫( plunder的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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5 tracts | |
大片土地( tract的名词复数 ); 地带; (体内的)道; (尤指宣扬宗教、伦理或政治的)短文 | |
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6 garnered | |
v.收集并(通常)贮藏(某物),取得,获得( garner的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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7 conquerors | |
征服者,占领者( conqueror的名词复数 ) | |
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8 malignant | |
adj.恶性的,致命的;恶意的,恶毒的 | |
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9 defiance | |
n.挑战,挑衅,蔑视,违抗 | |
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10 Christian | |
adj.基督教徒的;n.基督教徒 | |
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11 execration | |
n.诅咒,念咒,憎恶 | |
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12 cupidity | |
n.贪心,贪财 | |
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13 locust | |
n.蝗虫;洋槐,刺槐 | |
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14 locusts | |
n.蝗虫( locust的名词复数 );贪吃的人;破坏者;槐树 | |
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15 plundering | |
掠夺,抢劫( plunder的现在分词 ) | |
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16 fully | |
adv.完全地,全部地,彻底地;充分地 | |
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17 colonization | |
殖民地的开拓,殖民,殖民地化; 移殖 | |
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18 honourable | |
adj.可敬的;荣誉的,光荣的 | |
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19 pestilence | |
n.瘟疫 | |
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20 cultivation | |
n.耕作,培养,栽培(法),养成 | |
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21 renewal | |
adj.(契约)延期,续订,更新,复活,重来 | |
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22 exhausted | |
adj.极其疲惫的,精疲力尽的 | |
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23 apprehension | |
n.理解,领悟;逮捕,拘捕;忧虑 | |
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24 mere | |
adj.纯粹的;仅仅,只不过 | |
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25 patronage | |
n.赞助,支援,援助;光顾,捧场 | |
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26 promotion | |
n.提升,晋级;促销,宣传 | |
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27 legislative | |
n.立法机构,立法权;adj.立法的,有立法权的 | |
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28 amazement | |
n.惊奇,惊讶 | |
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29 disastrous | |
adj.灾难性的,造成灾害的;极坏的,很糟的 | |
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30 monstrous | |
adj.巨大的;恐怖的;可耻的,丢脸的 | |
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31 stratagem | |
n.诡计,计谋 | |
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32 reprehension | |
n.非难,指责 | |
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33 binding | |
有约束力的,有效的,应遵守的 | |
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34 bind | |
vt.捆,包扎;装订;约束;使凝固;vi.变硬 | |
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35 immediate | |
adj.立即的;直接的,最接近的;紧靠的 | |
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36 secrecy | |
n.秘密,保密,隐蔽 | |
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37 implicit | |
a.暗示的,含蓄的,不明晰的,绝对的 | |
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38 obedience | |
n.服从,顺从 | |
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39 infamy | |
n.声名狼藉,出丑,恶行 | |
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40 machinery | |
n.(总称)机械,机器;机构 | |
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41 determined | |
adj.坚定的;有决心的 | |
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42 plantations | |
n.种植园,大农场( plantation的名词复数 ) | |
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43 martial | |
adj.战争的,军事的,尚武的,威武的 | |
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adj. 有插图的,列举的 动词illustrate的过去式和过去分词 | |
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45 illustrate | |
v.举例说明,阐明;图解,加插图 | |
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46 eloquent | |
adj.雄辩的,口才流利的;明白显示出的 | |
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47 dealing | |
n.经商方法,待人态度 | |
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48 vice | |
n.坏事;恶习;[pl.]台钳,老虎钳;adj.副的 | |
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49 applied | |
adj.应用的;v.应用,适用 | |
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50 virtue | |
n.德行,美德;贞操;优点;功效,效力 | |
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51 perfectly | |
adv.完美地,无可非议地,彻底地 | |
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52 enjoined | |
v.命令( enjoin的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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53 humane | |
adj.人道的,富有同情心的 | |
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54 precepts | |
n.规诫,戒律,箴言( precept的名词复数 ) | |
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55 ethics | |
n.伦理学;伦理观,道德标准 | |
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56 exhortation | |
n.劝告,规劝 | |
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57 annulled | |
v.宣告无效( annul的过去式和过去分词 );取消;使消失;抹去 | |
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58 leniently | |
温和地,仁慈地 | |
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59 rapacious | |
adj.贪婪的,强夺的 | |
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60 hypocrisy | |
n.伪善,虚伪 | |
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61 guilt | |
n.犯罪;内疚;过失,罪责 | |
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62 lieutenant | |
n.陆军中尉,海军上尉;代理官员,副职官员 | |
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63 tenant | |
n.承租人;房客;佃户;v.租借,租用 | |
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64 treasury | |
n.宝库;国库,金库;文库 | |
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65 unpaid | |
adj.未付款的,无报酬的 | |
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66 arrear | |
n.欠款 | |
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67 deficient | |
adj.不足的,不充份的,有缺陷的 | |
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68 tenants | |
n.房客( tenant的名词复数 );佃户;占用者;占有者 | |
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69 remit | |
v.汇款,汇寄;豁免(债务),免除(处罚等) | |
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70 discourses | |
论文( discourse的名词复数 ); 演说; 讲道; 话语 | |
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71 pecuniary | |
adj.金钱的;金钱上的 | |
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72 dominions | |
统治权( dominion的名词复数 ); 领土; 疆土; 版图 | |
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73 dominion | |
n.统治,管辖,支配权;领土,版图 | |
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74 tyrant | |
n.暴君,专制的君主,残暴的人 | |
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75 reign | |
n.统治时期,统治,支配,盛行;v.占优势 | |
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76 shameful | |
adj.可耻的,不道德的 | |
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77 lucre | |
n.金钱,财富 | |
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78 remonstrated | |
v.抗议( remonstrate的过去式和过去分词 );告诫 | |
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79 disapprove | |
v.不赞成,不同意,不批准 | |
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80 interfere | |
v.(in)干涉,干预;(with)妨碍,打扰 | |
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81 delicacy | |
n.精致,细微,微妙,精良;美味,佳肴 | |
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82 admiration | |
n.钦佩,赞美,羡慕 | |
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83 dictate | |
v.口授;(使)听写;指令,指示,命令 | |
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84 aristocrats | |
n.贵族( aristocrat的名词复数 ) | |
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85 impunity | |
n.(惩罚、损失、伤害等的)免除 | |
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86 fiscal | |
adj.财政的,会计的,国库的,国库岁入的 | |
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87 dependants | |
受赡养者,受扶养的家属( dependant的名词复数 ) | |
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88 extremity | |
n.末端,尽头;尽力;终极;极度 | |
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89 barbarian | |
n.野蛮人;adj.野蛮(人)的;未开化的 | |
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90 tyrants | |
专制统治者( tyrant的名词复数 ); 暴君似的人; (古希腊的)僭主; 严酷的事物 | |
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91 hatred | |
n.憎恶,憎恨,仇恨 | |
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92 haughty | |
adj.傲慢的,高傲的 | |
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93 victorious | |
adj.胜利的,得胜的 | |
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94 resolute | |
adj.坚决的,果敢的 | |
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95 prudence | |
n.谨慎,精明,节俭 | |
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96 ingenuity | |
n.别出心裁;善于发明创造 | |
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97 solicitude | |
n.焦虑 | |
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98 worthier | |
应得某事物( worthy的比较级 ); 值得做某事; 可尊敬的; 有(某人或事物)的典型特征 | |
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99 groan | |
vi./n.呻吟,抱怨;(发出)呻吟般的声音 | |
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100 distress | |
n.苦恼,痛苦,不舒适;不幸;vt.使悲痛 | |
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101 afflicted | |
使受痛苦,折磨( afflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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102 hereditary | |
adj.遗传的,遗传性的,可继承的,世袭的 | |
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103 contented | |
adj.满意的,安心的,知足的 | |
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104 proprietor | |
n.所有人;业主;经营者 | |
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105 misery | |
n.痛苦,苦恼,苦难;悲惨的境遇,贫苦 | |
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106 exhaustion | |
n.耗尽枯竭,疲惫,筋疲力尽,竭尽,详尽无遗的论述 | |
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107 taxation | |
n.征税,税收,税金 | |
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108 stinted | |
v.限制,节省(stint的过去式与过去分词形式) | |
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109 proprietors | |
n.所有人,业主( proprietor的名词复数 ) | |
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110 discretion | |
n.谨慎;随意处理 | |
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111 tenure | |
n.终身职位;任期;(土地)保有权,保有期 | |
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112 enactments | |
n.演出( enactment的名词复数 );展现;规定;通过 | |
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113 payable | |
adj.可付的,应付的,有利益的 | |
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114 Vogue | |
n.时髦,时尚;adj.流行的 | |
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115 miserable | |
adj.悲惨的,痛苦的;可怜的,糟糕的 | |
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116 possessed | |
adj.疯狂的;拥有的,占有的 | |
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117 rambles | |
(无目的地)漫游( ramble的第三人称单数 ); (喻)漫谈; 扯淡; 长篇大论 | |
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118 recollect | |
v.回忆,想起,记起,忆起,记得 | |
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119 groom | |
vt.给(马、狗等)梳毛,照料,使...整洁 | |
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120 parched | |
adj.焦干的;极渴的;v.(使)焦干 | |
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121 draught | |
n.拉,牵引,拖;一网(饮,吸,阵);顿服药量,通风;v.起草,设计 | |
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122 drawn | |
v.拖,拉,拔出;adj.憔悴的,紧张的 | |
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123 brass | |
n.黄铜;黄铜器,铜管乐器 | |
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124 jug | |
n.(有柄,小口,可盛水等的)大壶,罐,盂 | |
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125 contentedly | |
adv.心满意足地 | |
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126 indignity | |
n.侮辱,伤害尊严,轻蔑 | |
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127 debris | |
n.瓦砾堆,废墟,碎片 | |
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128 underneath | |
adj.在...下面,在...底下;adv.在下面 | |
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129 founders | |
n.创始人( founder的名词复数 ) | |
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130 subdividing | |
再分,细分( subdivide的现在分词 ) | |
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131 assessment | |
n.评价;评估;对财产的估价,被估定的金额 | |
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132 formerly | |
adv.从前,以前 | |
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133 fixed | |
adj.固定的,不变的,准备好的;(计算机)固定的 | |
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134 cavalry | |
n.骑兵;轻装甲部队 | |
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135 descended | |
a.为...后裔的,出身于...的 | |
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136 massacre | |
n.残杀,大屠杀;v.残杀,集体屠杀 | |
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137 groves | |
树丛,小树林( grove的名词复数 ) | |
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138 hordes | |
n.移动着的一大群( horde的名词复数 );部落 | |
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139 utterly | |
adv.完全地,绝对地 | |
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140 munching | |
v.用力咀嚼(某物),大嚼( munch的现在分词 ) | |
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141 subdivide | |
vt.细分(细区分,再划分,重分,叠分,分小类) | |
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142 subdivided | |
再分,细分( subdivide的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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143 eldest | |
adj.最年长的,最年老的 | |
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144 heartily | |
adv.衷心地,诚恳地,十分,很 | |
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145 acting | |
n.演戏,行为,假装;adj.代理的,临时的,演出用的 | |
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146 redress | |
n.赔偿,救济,矫正;v.纠正,匡正,革除 | |
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147 deity | |
n.神,神性;被奉若神明的人(或物) | |
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148 bribes | |
n.贿赂( bribe的名词复数 );向(某人)行贿,贿赂v.贿赂( bribe的第三人称单数 );向(某人)行贿,贿赂 | |
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149 bribe | |
n.贿赂;v.向…行贿,买通 | |
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150 soliciting | |
v.恳求( solicit的现在分词 );(指娼妇)拉客;索求;征求 | |
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151 imprisonment | |
n.关押,监禁,坐牢 | |
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152 grumbled | |
抱怨( grumble的过去式和过去分词 ); 发牢骚; 咕哝; 发哼声 | |
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153 authorized | |
a.委任的,许可的 | |
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154 exaction | |
n.强求,强征;杂税 | |
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155 prosecuting | |
检举、告发某人( prosecute的现在分词 ); 对某人提起公诉; 继续从事(某事物); 担任控方律师 | |
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156 pretensions | |
自称( pretension的名词复数 ); 自命不凡; 要求; 权力 | |
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157 allied | |
adj.协约国的;同盟国的 | |
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158 minor | |
adj.较小(少)的,较次要的;n.辅修学科;vi.辅修 | |
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159 maritime | |
adj.海的,海事的,航海的,近海的,沿海的 | |
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160 sedulously | |
ad.孜孜不倦地 | |
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161 extinction | |
n.熄灭,消亡,消灭,灭绝,绝种 | |
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162 inhuman | |
adj.残忍的,不人道的,无人性的 | |
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163 imprisoned | |
下狱,监禁( imprison的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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164 scarcity | |
n.缺乏,不足,萧条 | |
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165 entirely | |
ad.全部地,完整地;完全地,彻底地 | |
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166 emancipates | |
vt.解放(emancipate的第三人称单数形式) | |
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167 inflict | |
vt.(on)把…强加给,使遭受,使承担 | |
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168 feudal | |
adj.封建的,封地的,领地的 | |
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169 pointed | |
adj.尖的,直截了当的 | |
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170 chattel | |
n.动产;奴隶 | |
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171 infinitely | |
adv.无限地,无穷地 | |
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172 toil | |
vi.辛劳工作,艰难地行动;n.苦工,难事 | |
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173 outrage | |
n.暴行,侮辱,愤怒;vt.凌辱,激怒 | |
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174 outrageously | |
凶残地; 肆无忌惮地; 令人不能容忍地; 不寻常地 | |
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175 outrageous | |
adj.无理的,令人不能容忍的 | |
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176 partially | |
adv.部分地,从某些方面讲 | |
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177 situated | |
adj.坐落在...的,处于某种境地的 | |
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178 dreary | |
adj.令人沮丧的,沉闷的,单调乏味的 | |
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179 annually | |
adv.一年一次,每年 | |
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180 retail | |
v./n.零售;adv.以零售价格 | |
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181 wholesale | |
n.批发;adv.以批发方式;vt.批发,成批出售 | |
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182 expend | |
vt.花费,消费,消耗 | |
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183 pittance | |
n.微薄的薪水,少量 | |
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184 hazardous | |
adj.(有)危险的,冒险的;碰运气的 | |
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185 superintendent | |
n.监督人,主管,总监;(英国)警务长 | |
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186 superintendents | |
警长( superintendent的名词复数 ); (大楼的)管理人; 监管人; (美国)警察局长 | |
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187 lodged | |
v.存放( lodge的过去式和过去分词 );暂住;埋入;(权利、权威等)归属 | |
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188 seizure | |
n.没收;占有;抵押 | |
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189 premises | |
n.建筑物,房屋 | |
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190 apprehend | |
vt.理解,领悟,逮捕,拘捕,忧虑 | |
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191 apprehended | |
逮捕,拘押( apprehend的过去式和过去分词 ); 理解 | |
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192 vessel | |
n.船舶;容器,器皿;管,导管,血管 | |
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193 vessels | |
n.血管( vessel的名词复数 );船;容器;(具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的)人 | |
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194 erect | |
n./v.树立,建立,使竖立;adj.直立的,垂直的 | |
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195 erecting | |
v.使直立,竖起( erect的现在分词 );建立 | |
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196 distil | |
vt.蒸馏;提取…的精华,精选出 | |
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197 distilling | |
n.蒸馏(作用)v.蒸馏( distil的过去式和过去分词 )( distilled的过去分词 );从…提取精华 | |
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198 apparatus | |
n.装置,器械;器具,设备 | |
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199 defrauded | |
v.诈取,骗取( defraud的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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200 specifies | |
v.指定( specify的第三人称单数 );详述;提出…的条件;使具有特性 | |
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201 contraband | |
n.违禁品,走私品 | |
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202 sterling | |
adj.英币的(纯粹的,货真价实的);n.英国货币(英镑) | |
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203 incubus | |
n.负担;恶梦 | |
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204 advancement | |
n.前进,促进,提升 | |
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205 economists | |
n.经济学家,经济专家( economist的名词复数 ) | |
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206 abolition | |
n.废除,取消 | |
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207 pervade | |
v.弥漫,遍及,充满,渗透,漫延 | |
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208 emancipated | |
adj.被解放的,不受约束的v.解放某人(尤指摆脱政治、法律或社会的束缚)( emancipate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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209 thraldom | |
n.奴隶的身份,奴役,束缚 | |
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210 odious | |
adj.可憎的,讨厌的 | |
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211 decided | |
adj.决定了的,坚决的;明显的,明确的 | |
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212 testimony | |
n.证词;见证,证明 | |
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213 cholera | |
n.霍乱 | |
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214 ravages | |
劫掠后的残迹,破坏的结果,毁坏后的残迹 | |
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215 alas | |
int.唉(表示悲伤、忧愁、恐惧等) | |
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216 engendered | |
v.产生(某形势或状况),造成,引起( engender的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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217 blighting | |
使凋萎( blight的现在分词 ); 使颓丧; 损害; 妨害 | |
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218 bosom | |
n.胸,胸部;胸怀;内心;adj.亲密的 | |
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219 presidency | |
n.总统(校长,总经理)的职位(任期) | |
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220 bleaching | |
漂白法,漂白 | |
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221 corpses | |
n.死尸,尸体( corpse的名词复数 ) | |
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222 gasp | |
n.喘息,气喘;v.喘息;气吁吁他说 | |
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223 stiffen | |
v.(使)硬,(使)变挺,(使)变僵硬 | |
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224 carnival | |
n.嘉年华会,狂欢,狂欢节,巡回表演 | |
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225 beheld | |
v.看,注视( behold的过去式和过去分词 );瞧;看呀;(叙述中用于引出某人意外的出现)哎哟 | |
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226 eastward | |
adv.向东;adj.向东的;n.东方,东部 | |
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227 swell | |
vi.膨胀,肿胀;增长,增强 | |
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228 dooming | |
v.注定( doom的现在分词 );判定;使…的失败(或灭亡、毁灭、坏结局)成为必然;宣判 | |
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229 dearth | |
n.缺乏,粮食不足,饥谨 | |
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230 strewed | |
v.撒在…上( strew的过去式和过去分词 );散落于;点缀;撒满 | |
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231 subscriptions | |
n.(报刊等的)订阅费( subscription的名词复数 );捐款;(俱乐部的)会员费;捐助 | |
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232 distressed | |
痛苦的 | |
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233 distressing | |
a.使人痛苦的 | |
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234 dispositions | |
安排( disposition的名词复数 ); 倾向; (财产、金钱的)处置; 气质 | |
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235 imploring | |
恳求的,哀求的 | |
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236 concealing | |
v.隐藏,隐瞒,遮住( conceal的现在分词 ) | |
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237 shrubs | |
灌木( shrub的名词复数 ) | |
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238 opium | |
n.鸦片;adj.鸦片的 | |
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239 expended | |
v.花费( expend的过去式和过去分词 );使用(钱等)做某事;用光;耗尽 | |
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240 degradation | |
n.降级;低落;退化;陵削;降解;衰变 | |
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241 devouring | |
吞没( devour的现在分词 ); 耗尽; 津津有味地看; 狼吞虎咽地吃光 | |
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242 calamities | |
n.灾祸,灾难( calamity的名词复数 );不幸之事 | |
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243 subdue | |
vt.制服,使顺从,征服;抑制,克制 | |
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244 benevolent | |
adj.仁慈的,乐善好施的 | |
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245 animate | |
v.赋于生命,鼓励;adj.有生命的,有生气的 | |
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246 judicious | |
adj.明智的,明断的,能作出明智决定的 | |
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247 worthy | |
adj.(of)值得的,配得上的;有价值的 | |
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248 quotation | |
n.引文,引语,语录;报价,牌价,行情 | |
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249 aggravate | |
vt.加重(剧),使恶化;激怒,使恼火 | |
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250 favourable | |
adj.赞成的,称赞的,有利的,良好的,顺利的 | |
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251 derive | |
v.取得;导出;引申;来自;源自;出自 | |
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252 considerably | |
adv.极大地;相当大地;在很大程度上 | |
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253 affected | |
adj.不自然的,假装的 | |
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254 ripen | |
vt.使成熟;vi.成熟 | |
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255 irrigated | |
[医]冲洗的 | |
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256 iniquity | |
n.邪恶;不公正 | |
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257 relinquished | |
交出,让给( relinquish的过去式和过去分词 ); 放弃 | |
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258 proceeding | |
n.行动,进行,(pl.)会议录,学报 | |
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259 appalling | |
adj.骇人听闻的,令人震惊的,可怕的 | |
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260 enervated | |
adj.衰弱的,无力的v.使衰弱,使失去活力( enervate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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261 distinguished | |
adj.卓越的,杰出的,著名的 | |
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262 impedes | |
阻碍,妨碍,阻止( impede的第三人称单数 ) | |
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263 addicted | |
adj.沉溺于....的,对...上瘾的 | |
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264 desolated | |
adj.荒凉的,荒废的 | |
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265 peculiar | |
adj.古怪的,异常的;特殊的,特有的 | |
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266 purblind | |
adj.半盲的;愚笨的 | |
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267 contrived | |
adj.不自然的,做作的;虚构的 | |
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268 affluent | |
adj.富裕的,富有的,丰富的,富饶的 | |
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269 pauperism | |
n.有被救济的资格,贫困 | |
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270 Augmented | |
adj.增音的 动词augment的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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271 dividends | |
红利( dividend的名词复数 ); 股息; 被除数; (足球彩票的)彩金 | |
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272 killing | |
n.巨额利润;突然赚大钱,发大财 | |
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273 license | |
n.执照,许可证,特许;v.许可,特许 | |
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274 putrid | |
adj.腐臭的;有毒的;已腐烂的;卑劣的 | |
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275 inevitable | |
adj.不可避免的,必然发生的 | |
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276 providence | |
n.深谋远虑,天道,天意;远见;节约;上帝 | |
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277 evaporation | |
n.蒸发,消失 | |
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278 scourge | |
n.灾难,祸害;v.蹂躏 | |
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279 swarming | |
密集( swarm的现在分词 ); 云集; 成群地移动; 蜜蜂或其他飞行昆虫成群地飞来飞去 | |
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280 subsists | |
v.(靠很少的钱或食物)维持生活,生存下去( subsist的第三人称单数 ) | |
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281 gallop | |
v./n.(马或骑马等)飞奔;飞速发展 | |
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282 well-being | |
n.安康,安乐,幸福 | |
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283 retention | |
n.保留,保持,保持力,记忆力 | |
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284 prospects | |
n.希望,前途(恒为复数) | |
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285 exasperate | |
v.激怒,使(疾病)加剧,使恶化 | |
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286 devoted | |
adj.忠诚的,忠实的,热心的,献身于...的 | |
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287 abhor | |
v.憎恶;痛恨 | |
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288 iniquities | |
n.邪恶( iniquity的名词复数 );极不公正 | |
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289 celestial | |
adj.天体的;天上的 | |
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290 enacted | |
制定(法律),通过(法案)( enact的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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291 barbarians | |
n.野蛮人( barbarian的名词复数 );外国人;粗野的人;无教养的人 | |
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292 pervaded | |
v.遍及,弥漫( pervade的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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293 baneful | |
adj.有害的 | |
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294 repulsive | |
adj.排斥的,使人反感的 | |
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295 ardent | |
adj.热情的,热烈的,强烈的,烈性的 | |
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296 herd | |
n.兽群,牧群;vt.使集中,把…赶在一起 | |
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297 filth | |
n.肮脏,污物,污秽;淫猥 | |
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298 perpetuate | |
v.使永存,使永记不忘 | |
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299 exclusion | |
n.拒绝,排除,排斥,远足,远途旅行 | |
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300 corrupt | |
v.贿赂,收买;adj.腐败的,贪污的 | |
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301 monarch | |
n.帝王,君主,最高统治者 | |
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302 precisely | |
adv.恰好,正好,精确地,细致地 | |
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303 remains | |
n.剩余物,残留物;遗体,遗迹 | |
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304 deterred | |
v.阻止,制止( deter的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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305 weaver | |
n.织布工;编织者 | |
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306 weavers | |
织工,编织者( weaver的名词复数 ) | |
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307 bidder | |
n.(拍卖时的)出价人,报价人,投标人 | |
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308 allege | |
vt.宣称,申述,主张,断言 | |
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309 justify | |
vt.证明…正当(或有理),为…辩护 | |
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310 looms | |
n.织布机( loom的名词复数 )v.隐约出现,阴森地逼近( loom的第三人称单数 );隐约出现,阴森地逼近 | |
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311 loom | |
n.织布机,织机;v.隐现,(危险、忧虑等)迫近 | |
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312 remarkable | |
adj.显著的,异常的,非凡的,值得注意的 | |
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313 detailed | |
adj.详细的,详尽的,极注意细节的,完全的 | |
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314 industrious | |
adj.勤劳的,刻苦的,奋发的 | |
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315 warehouses | |
仓库,货栈( warehouse的名词复数 ) | |
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316 implements | |
n.工具( implement的名词复数 );家具;手段;[法律]履行(契约等)v.实现( implement的第三人称单数 );执行;贯彻;使生效 | |
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317 kiln | |
n.(砖、石灰等)窑,炉;v.烧窑 | |
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318 anvils | |
n.(铁)砧( anvil的名词复数 );砧骨 | |
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319 inflicts | |
把…强加给,使承受,遭受( inflict的第三人称单数 ) | |
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320 abominably | |
adv. 可恶地,可恨地,恶劣地 | |
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321 wretches | |
n.不幸的人( wretch的名词复数 );可怜的人;恶棍;坏蛋 | |
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322 expenditure | |
n.(时间、劳力、金钱等)支出;使用,消耗 | |
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323 jeopardy | |
n.危险;危难 | |
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324 wholesome | |
adj.适合;卫生的;有益健康的;显示身心健康的 | |
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325 dense | |
a.密集的,稠密的,浓密的;密度大的 | |
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326 absconded | |
v.(尤指逃避逮捕)潜逃,逃跑( abscond的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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327 scanty | |
adj.缺乏的,仅有的,节省的,狭小的,不够的 | |
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328 improvidence | |
n.目光短浅 | |
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329 lavish | |
adj.无节制的;浪费的;vt.慷慨地给予,挥霍 | |
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330 brutes | |
兽( brute的名词复数 ); 畜生; 残酷无情的人; 兽性 | |
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331 verge | |
n.边,边缘;v.接近,濒临 | |
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332 astounding | |
adj.使人震惊的vt.使震惊,使大吃一惊astound的现在分词) | |
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333 prospers | |
v.成功,兴旺( prosper的第三人称单数 ) | |
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334 cargo | |
n.(一只船或一架飞机运载的)货物 | |
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335 shunned | |
v.避开,回避,避免( shun的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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336 jealousy | |
n.妒忌,嫉妒,猜忌 | |
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337 procured | |
v.(努力)取得, (设法)获得( procure的过去式和过去分词 );拉皮条 | |
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338 infancy | |
n.婴儿期;幼年期;初期 | |
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339 impartial | |
adj.(in,to)公正的,无偏见的 | |
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340 momentary | |
adj.片刻的,瞬息的;短暂的 | |
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341 conceit | |
n.自负,自高自大 | |
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342 secondly | |
adv.第二,其次 | |
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343 vicissitude | |
n.变化,变迁,荣枯,盛衰 | |
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344 consecutive | |
adj.连续的,联贯的,始终一贯的 | |
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345 virtuous | |
adj.有品德的,善良的,贞洁的,有效力的 | |
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346 inveigled | |
v.诱骗,引诱( inveigle的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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347 consignee | |
n.受托者,收件人,代销人;承销人;收货人 | |
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348 necessitates | |
使…成为必要,需要( necessitate的第三人称单数 ) | |
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349 manure | |
n.粪,肥,肥粒;vt.施肥 | |
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350 mules | |
骡( mule的名词复数 ); 拖鞋; 顽固的人; 越境运毒者 | |
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351 destined | |
adj.命中注定的;(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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352 deducted | |
v.扣除,减去( deduct的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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353 equitably | |
公平地 | |
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354 evaded | |
逃避( evade的过去式和过去分词 ); 避开; 回避; 想不出 | |
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355 steadily | |
adv.稳定地;不变地;持续地 | |
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356 refractory | |
adj.倔强的,难驾驭的 | |
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357 earnings | |
n.工资收人;利润,利益,所得 | |
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358 contemplate | |
vt.盘算,计议;周密考虑;注视,凝视 | |
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359 infamous | |
adj.声名狼藉的,臭名昭著的,邪恶的 | |
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360 professing | |
声称( profess的现在分词 ); 宣称; 公开表明; 信奉 | |
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361 compassion | |
n.同情,怜悯 | |
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362 agitation | |
n.搅动;搅拌;鼓动,煽动 | |
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363 eloquence | |
n.雄辩;口才,修辞 | |
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364 undoubtedly | |
adv.确实地,无疑地 | |
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365 condemnation | |
n.谴责; 定罪 | |
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366 pretences | |
n.假装( pretence的名词复数 );作假;自命;自称 | |
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367 lawful | |
adj.法律许可的,守法的,合法的 | |
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368 illustrates | |
给…加插图( illustrate的第三人称单数 ); 说明; 表明; (用示例、图画等)说明 | |
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369 violation | |
n.违反(行为),违背(行为),侵犯 | |
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370 monarchy | |
n.君主,最高统治者;君主政体,君主国 | |
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371 afterward | |
adv.后来;以后 | |
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372 judgment | |
n.审判;判断力,识别力,看法,意见 | |
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373 fugitive | |
adj.逃亡的,易逝的;n.逃犯,逃亡者 | |
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374 pensioner | |
n.领养老金的人 | |
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375 regain | |
vt.重新获得,收复,恢复 | |
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376 tributary | |
n.支流;纳贡国;adj.附庸的;辅助的;支流的 | |
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377 aggrandizement | |
n.增大,强化,扩大 | |
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378 proceedings | |
n.进程,过程,议程;诉讼(程序);公报 | |
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379 avowed | |
adj.公开声明的,承认的v.公开声明,承认( avow的过去式和过去分词) | |
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380 attachment | |
n.附属物,附件;依恋;依附 | |
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381 hostility | |
n.敌对,敌意;抵制[pl.]交战,战争 | |
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382 aggression | |
n.进攻,侵略,侵犯,侵害 | |
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383 espousing | |
v.(决定)支持,拥护(目标、主张等)( espouse的现在分词 ) | |
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384 tranquillity | |
n. 平静, 安静 | |
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385 lasting | |
adj.永久的,永恒的;vbl.持续,维持 | |
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386 intrigue | |
vt.激起兴趣,迷住;vi.耍阴谋;n.阴谋,密谋 | |
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387 encroachment | |
n.侵入,蚕食 | |
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388 presidencies | |
n.总统的职位( presidency的名词复数 );总统的任期 | |
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389 contingents | |
(志趣相投、尤指来自同一地方的)一组与会者( contingent的名词复数 ); 代表团; (军队的)分遣队; 小分队 | |
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390 defiles | |
v.玷污( defile的第三人称单数 );污染;弄脏;纵列行进 | |
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391 fortress | |
n.堡垒,防御工事 | |
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392 citadel | |
n.城堡;堡垒;避难所 | |
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393 gunpowder | |
n.火药 | |
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394 concussion | |
n.脑震荡;震动 | |
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395 precipitate | |
adj.突如其来的;vt.使突然发生;n.沉淀物 | |
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396 triumphant | |
adj.胜利的,成功的;狂欢的,喜悦的 | |
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397 outrages | |
引起…的义愤,激怒( outrage的第三人称单数 ) | |
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398 followers | |
追随者( follower的名词复数 ); 用户; 契据的附面; 从动件 | |
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399 apparently | |
adv.显然地;表面上,似乎 | |
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400 accomplished | |
adj.有才艺的;有造诣的;达到了的 | |
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401 sordid | |
adj.肮脏的,不干净的,卑鄙的,暗淡的 | |
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402 patriotic | |
adj.爱国的,有爱国心的 | |
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403 garrison | |
n.卫戍部队;驻地,卫戍区;vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
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404 groaning | |
adj. 呜咽的, 呻吟的 动词groan的现在分词形式 | |
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405 attainment | |
n.达到,到达;[常pl.]成就,造诣 | |
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406 radical | |
n.激进份子,原子团,根号;adj.根本的,激进的,彻底的 | |
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407 concurred | |
同意(concur的过去式与过去分词形式) | |
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408 celebrated | |
adj.有名的,声誉卓著的 | |
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409 melancholy | |
n.忧郁,愁思;adj.令人感伤(沮丧)的,忧郁的 | |
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410 allude | |
v.提及,暗指 | |
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411 unimpeachable | |
adj.无可指责的;adv.无可怀疑地 | |
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412 invaders | |
入侵者,侵略者,侵入物( invader的名词复数 ) | |
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