(1884-1898)
Vain is the dream! However Hope may rave1,
He perished with the folk he could not save.
And though none surely told us he is dead,
And though perchance another in his stead,
Another, not less brave, when all was done,
Had fled unto the southward and the sun,
Had urged a way by force, or won by guile2
To streams remotest of the secret Nile,
Had raised an army of the Desert men,
And, waiting for his hour, had turned again
And fallen on that False Prophet, yet we know
Gordon is dead, and these things are not so!
Nay3, not for England’s cause, nor to restore
Her trampled4 flag—for he loved Honour more—
Nay, not for Life, Revenge, or Victory,
Would he have fled, whose hour had dawned to die.
The White Pasha, Andrew Lang.
Considerably5 before the events of the last chapter, Sir Samuel Baker6, the English explorer, had travelled through the unknown regions of the Upper Nile, and found that the country was almost entirely7 devoted8 to the slave-trade. An effort was made to improve conditions there. The Khedive for a time asserted his authority over these regions, two Englishmen being appointed in succession as his governors, the first Sir Samuel Baker himself, and the second Charles Gordon. For many years Gordon, who had come fresh from China, struggled to free the natives from the slave-traders, but his labours were rendered useless by the accession of a worthless Khedive. Shortly afterwards he returned to England, and the Soudan relapsed into its old corruption10. Then, in 1882, appeared one of those strange dramatic figures that in the East spring into prominence11 and disappear as abruptly—a fanatic12 named Mohammed Ahmed, proclaiming himself as Mahdi, and calling to his standard all true Mahommedans.
The Arabs have ever been ready to follow the sword, and very soon 6000 troops under Yusef Pasha were almost annihilated13. Swiftly one Egyptian garrison14 fell after another. The Mahdi advanced towards the north, and cut to pieces an Egyptian army under Colonel Hicks. The word passed from village to village, from mosque15 to mosque, from one solitary16 encampment to another that the Mahdi had indeed come at last, and with the defeat of Hicks’s army not only was Khartoum in hourly peril17, but Cairo itself was threatened.
Fortunately, the Arab—like the Highlander19 of old—is satisfied with the booty in hand, and very much prefers to see it safely put away before he takes to the field again in search of more. Such practical considerations were a check to the Mahdi’s religious zeal20, and permitted England to collect her strength—or one should say such strength as lay to her hand; for at this time public interest in Egypt was very luke-warm. The result was the tragic21 page in history that closed with the death of Gordon in Khartoum. There was one man in Egypt who was later on both to avenge22 Gordon and to subdue23 the Soudan, but he as yet was unknown. The name of this young man was Kitchener, and the war correspondent, Mr. John Macdonald, has given the following little sketch24 of the future victor of Omdurman as he was in the year 1883—the year in which the Mahdi renewed his activities. It is not without interest at the present time.
“Taylor,” he writes, “had invited me the night before to accompany him and his friend and witness the operation which they were both to supervise. A tall, slim, thin-faced, slightly stooping figure in long boots, ‘cut-away’ dark morning-coat and Egyptian fez, somewhat tilted25 over his eyes—such, as I remember him, was the young soldier who was destined26 to fulfil Gordon’s task of ‘smashing the Mahdi.’ ‘He’s quiet,’ Taylor whispered to me as we were getting ready; ‘that’s his way.’ And, again, with characteristic jerk of the head, ‘He’s clever.’ And so, in the raw, greyish early morning of January 8, 1883, the three of us drove in our dingy27 rattle-trap over the white dusty road Nilewards to meet the fellah cavaliers. Taylor did most of the talking. Kitchener expressed himself in an occasional nod or monosyllable.
“At the barracks we found some forty men waiting. I remember Kitchener’s gaze at the awkward, slipshod group as he took his position in the centre of a circular space round which the riders were to show their paces. ‘We begin with the officers,’ said Taylor turning to me; ‘we shall train them first, then put them to drill the troopers. We have no troopers just yet, though we have 440 horses ready for them.’
“And now began the selection of the fellah officers. They were to be tested in horsemanship. The first batch28 were ordered to mount. Round they went, Indian file, Kitchener, like a circus-master standing29 in the centre. Had he flourished a long whip he might have passed for a show-master at a rehearsal30. Neither audible nor visible sign did he give of any feeling roused in him by a performance most disappointing and sometimes ridiculous. His hands buried in his trousers pockets, he quietly watched the emergence31 of the least unfit. In half an hour or so the first native officers of the fellah cavalry32 were chosen. It was then that Kitchener made his longest speech, ‘We’ll have to drive it into those fellows,’ he muttered, as if thinking aloud.”
The importance of this extract is the glimpse it gives of the material that was the hope of Egypt.
That was the type of man that Kitchener took in hand, and that was the type of man who was to uphold the supremacy33 of the British arms against the fanatic forces of the Mahdi.
But between 1883 and Omdurman there was more than spade work—there was grim tragedy and humiliating defeat. In August 1883, when the Mahdi was again on the war-path, General Baker despatched native reinforcements from Cairo in the vain hope that they would be able to withstand the advance of the Arabs. On February 4, 1884, Baker’s poorly trained Egyptians encountered the Sudanese, and were practically annihilated. This disaster, following so quickly upon the rout35 of Hicks’s troops, awakened36 the Government at home to the fact that something must be done. Sir Gerald Graham was ordered to proceed with a force of 4000 British troops to Suakin. With his force were the 1st Battalion37 of the Gordon Highlanders and the Black Watch. On the 29th of February the British troops set out upon the road over which Baker himself had passed, and came in touch with the enemy at El-Teb. The Arabs were defended to some extent with entrenchments, and for an hour maintained a steady fire. Then, having grown confident by their easily-won victories over Egyptian troops, the Sudanese hurled38 themselves at the Highlanders, shaking their long spears, and shouting their battle-cries. They were met by the solid unbreakable square of the 42nd. Checked and demoralised, their advance was quickly turned into a rout. No sooner did the enemy waver than the cavalry were let loose, and the engagement at El-Teb was turned into a signal success.
On the 13th of March 1884 was fought the battle of Tamai, in which the Black Watch took a leading part. The Highlanders were ordered to charge at the enemy in front, but did not perceive that on their right lay a deep nullah or piece of hidden ground. No sooner was their flank exposed than hosts of the enemy leapt to their feet and broke upon them. The 42nd were caught between two fires and surrounded. The Naval39 Brigade, forced back, were compelled to surrender their guns. It became a hand-to-hand struggle, each man fighting for himself.
In the words of Kipling:
We took our chanst among the Kyber ‘ills,
The Boers knocked us silly at a mile,
The Burman give us Irriwaddy chills,
An’ a Zulu impi dished us up in style:
But all we ever got from such as they
Was pop to what the Fuzzy made us swaller;
We ‘eld our bloomin’ own, the papers say,
But man for man the Fuzzy knocked us ‘oller.
Then ‘ere’s to you, Fuzzy-Wuzzy, an’ the missis an’ the kid;
Our orders was to break you, an’ of course we went an’ did.
We sloshed you with Martinis, an’ it wasn’t ‘ardly fair;
But for all the odds40 again’ you, Fuzzy-Wuz, you broke the square.
For a moment it seemed as though Baker’s disaster was to be repeated. But the British regulars were very unlike the undisciplined Egyptians. “The spectacle,” wrote a war correspondent, “did not so much terrify as exercise a weird41, terrible fascination42. I do not suppose that either I or any one else who witnessed it will often again see its equal for magnificence. Though retreating, our men literally43 mowed44 down their assailants. In the smoke and dust of the battle, amid the bright gleam of their myriad45 spearheads, the semi-nude, brown-skinned, black, shaggy-haired warriors46 were falling down in scores. Of all the savage47 races of the world none are more desperately48 brave than the Soudan Arabs, who were breaking upon our ranks like a tempestuous49 sea. At last the pressure of the front upon the rear became so great that those of us who were mounted were for a few moments too tightly wedged together to be able to move; but we felt the collapse50 was only temporary.”
It was touch and go, but the undismayed veterans of the Black Watch and those other troops who formed the British force were bound, sooner or later, to enforce their superiority. Presently, shoulder to shoulder, forming where they could into squares, the 42nd and 65th began to advance. For a moment the conflict was in suspense51, then the crisis had passed. The victory was won.
Unhappily, the British Government took no advantage of Graham’s successes, and decided52 upon the evacuation of the Soudan. Under these circumstances the only thing left to do was to ensure the safety of the civilians53 in the various towns more or less under European control. There was one man above all others who was competent to deal with the exigencies54 of the situation, and that was General Gordon. He was begged by the Government to leave for Egypt to carry out this mission. We must not overlook, in justice to the Government, that neither they nor probably Gordon himself appreciated the strength of the revolutionary movement in the Soudan, so that when he arrived at Khartoum in February 1884 he was dismayed to find it was exceedingly likely that he would be isolated55 there, if not actually besieged56 by the enemy. Accordingly, he advised the Government to make good the advantage gained by Sir Gerald Graham, and ensure a lasting57 peace in the Soudan. But the Government refused to be interested in the problem. Then Gordon communicated with the country, stating that he had provisions for only five months. Lord Granville, without dealing58 with the situation in any way, instructed him to leave Khartoum as best he could, and it was not until the end of March that the grave danger to Gordon was realised. Lord Wolseley, voicing the sympathies of the English people, begged the Government to do something to save a man whom they had sent out to represent the country.
Then and only then, Mr. Gladstone, who had placed every possible obstacle in the path of action, permitted the British troops to set out for Egypt, with Wolseley in command. And so there embarked59 that melancholy60 expedition, against which time and ill-luck waged a remorseless warfare—an expedition that was to reach Khartoum two days after the murder of Gordon.
Under Major-General Earle the Black Watch came up the Nile, while Sir Charles Wilson was heading for Khartoum. On the 10th of February Earle’s columns came into conflict with the enemy at Kirbekan, when, to quote Wolseley’s despatch34, “The Black Watch advanced over rocks and broken ground upon the koppies, and after having by their fire in the coolest manner driven off a rush of the enemy, stormed the position under a heavy fire.”
The Arabs put up, as always, a desperate resistance; they hurled one attack after another upon the guns, but always to be met with a devastating61 fire. The Black Watch in a later stage in the battle attempted to cut off the retreat of the enemy. Having placed them in an ambuscade, General Earle prepared for a decisive action. “For this assault,” says Charles Lowe, “the order was about to be given, when a body of the Arabs, one of whom bore a banner, the rest being armed with swords and spears, boldly rushed down from the heights in front, and charged towards the nearest companies of the Black Watch, under Colonel Green. The Highlanders, though standing in line as at Balaclava, never budged62, but met their assailants with such a withering63 fire that those who were not mown down by the bullets of the Martini-Henrys turned and fled towards the river.”
It was the last effort of the Arabs, and a counter-attack now began. With ‘The Campbells are comin’’ the 42nd rushed up the hill-side, and the battle was soon over. Unfortunately, at the conclusion, General Earle was killed by one of the fugitives64.
The Gordons took part in the arduous66 advance up the Nile to Abu Hamid, and when they reached that place news came of the death of Gordon. The tragic words ‘Too late!’ echoed throughout Egypt and the world. To those who had strained every nerve to reach him the news was bitter indeed. The expedition had failed, and there was nothing for it but to return. The water in the Nile was falling, and the advance must needs be stopped.
The Government, now roused to action and anxious to satisfy the indignation of the public, decided that the Mahdi must be crushed; but the matter was long delayed, and it was many years before Kitchener came to avenge the murder of a great Scotsman, and one of the most memorable67 figures of the last century.
The failure of the Gordon Relief Expedition encouraged the Mahdi in the belief that his success was due to the direct guidance of God. In his own mind, at least, he had driven the British home again, and although his death occurred in 1885, it in no way concluded the threatening of Egypt. There were many contests between the Dervishes and the Egyptian troops, who, led by British officers, were now able to hold their own. The labours of Kitchener were already beginning to bear fruit.
In August 1886 he was appointed Governor of Suakin, and instantly set about fortifying68 the place against the Dervishes. Various engagements followed during the forthcoming years, and the struggle with the Mahdi’s forces went on until the campaign opened which was to end in the final and crushing victory of Omdurman. It must not be thought that this success was simply a success of arms; there had been many of those in the past. It was rather the culminating and final achievement in a long and silent campaign extending over many years, opening, as we have seen, with the first rather dismal69 efforts at training the Egyptians, passing on to that wonderful system of railways which crossed over five hundred miles of bare desert, to reach its appointed end in the fall of Omdurman and Mahdism.
It had taken sixteen years to make the Anglo-Egyptian army, and by the time the battle of Omdurman was fought it numbered 18,000 men, with 140 English officers.
From 1888 to 1892 Kitchener was Adjutant-General of the Egyptian Army; in 1892 he became Sirdar. At last, in 1894, he seized his opportunity. There was at this time a new Khedive—a young man who showed signs of resisting or criticising British rule. Without hesitation70 the Sirdar showed him very clearly that this would be unwise behaviour. He followed up his action by pushing forward his railways, mile by mile, towards Omdurman, the city of the Khalifa. It was impossible for the latter to surrender the city, for such an action would proclaim throughout the Soudan that the Mahdi was little better than a fugitive65. The dawn of peace was already breaking. Omdurman was within striking distance.
The Dongola Expedition took place in 1896, resulting in the capture of Dongola and the dispersal of the Arabs in that quarter. In 1897 the Government at last came to a practical decision, and determined71 to crush for ever the power of the Khalifa, and for that purpose despatched an army in which were included the Seaforth Highlanders and the Camerons. It was no unexpected event for Kitchener. More truly was it the last mile of the journey. His organisation72 was complete, his troops were efficient, he could take his own time, and the result was certain.
The Khalifa’s army was roughly estimated at 60,000 men, and divided into one division of 40,000 at Omdurman and another of 20,000 at Metammeh. The Sirdar, accompanied by General Gatacre and General Sir Archibald Hunter, was in command of a force of some 12,000 men perfectly73 equipped, and with some eight squadrons of Egyptian cavalry. The Camerons and Seaforths were brigaded under General Gatacre.
Mahmoud, who commanded the Khalifa’s troops at Metammeh, left that place and marched towards the River Atbara, where he settled down in a zeriba, and calmly awaited the British advance. This was a new turn in Dervish tactics; formerly74 they had been only too ready to rush upon the British bayonet. But Mahmoud had learnt with native shrewdness the foolishness of throwing men upon the British square. He also knew who best could play a waiting game. It was imperative75 that Kitchener should act, and act quickly, and so, on the night of April 7 he advanced to open the conflict. As the late G. W. Steevens has so graphically76 written: “All England and all Egypt and the flower of the black lands beyond, Birmingham and the West Highlands, the half-regenerated children of the earth’s earliest civilisation77, and grinning savages78 from the uttermost swamps of Equatoria, muscle and machinery79, lord and larrikin, Balliol and Board School, the Sirdar’s brain and the camel’s back—all welded into one, the awful war machine went forward into action.”
The Dervish zeriba lay some twenty miles distant. At about a quarter to four in the morning the advance guard came in sight of the enemy, and instantly the British force halted. It was, indeed, a formidable position that faced them. Mahmoud had studied the lie of the ground very carefully, and sheltered himself from artillery80 fire by a ridge81 of rising country. All around his camp was knotted and twisted together an entanglement82 of desert thorn some 10 feet high, and as much as 20 feet broad in some places. Behind these were trenches83 and bomb-proof shelters. Without the help of heavy artillery a frontal attack was the only possible way to gain the victory. And so in two ranks the British began their advance on the zeriba, headed by the Camerons and the Seaforth Highlanders. It has been said that General Gatacre was the first man to reach the formidable entanglement of desert thorn. At his heels came the Camerons, who, forcing a way through, managed to enter the zeriba. One of their pipers, standing upon a height of earth, began to play ‘The March of the Cameron Men,’ and fell almost at once, riddled84 with bullets. In the fierce conflict that followed none fought more staunchly than Lewis’s half brigade of Egyptians. That in itself was worth as much as half a dozen minor85 victories.
The fire of the Dervishes from their trenches rained thick and fast upon the Highlanders as they came through the break in the hedges, but when they had gained a real foothold inside the zeriba, the Dervishes lost heart, and made away towards the Atbara River. The fine strategy of Kitchener forcing an engagement at this point was now apparent. The enemy were faced with thirty miles of waterless desert, at the end of which it was probable they would encounter the British gunboats. It was more than a victory in arms; it struck the first devastating blow at the power of the Khalifa.
In answer to Kitchener’s despatch, Queen Victoria replied: “Anxious to know how the wounded British and Egyptians are going on. Am proud of the gallantry of my soldiers. So glad my Cameron Highlanders should have been amongst them.”
A writer in Blackwood’s Magazine relates the following striking incident, doubly pregnant with meaning to-day. “After Atbara,” he says, “and as we rode through the ‘dem,’ Lord Cecil joined us, and presently K. pulled up among the charred86 corpses87 on the burning ground to make some enquiries. Cecil made a grimace88 and pointed9 to the ground; it was strewn with Dervish shells lying about under our horses’ hoofs89 and the hoofs of the chief’s horse, with the grass on fire all around them. Neither of us spoke90, but Kismet, destiny, or whatever it is that sits behind the crupper, impelled91 K. to move on, and a few minutes later a column of smoke shot up into the air—the shells had exploded. But K. had passed on—destiny had need of him still.”
In July 1898 began the advance on Omdurman, in which the Camerons and Seaforths took part. The battle was fought on September 2nd. The Khalifa’s army numbered some 50,000 men, and the fight that was to end in the utter defeat of Mahdism extended over five hours. The Highlanders did not take as prominent a part here as at Atbara, and the chief battle honours lie with Brigadier-General Hector Macdonald, whose Soudanese troops were handled with much brilliancy, and the 21st Lancers, the glory of whose charge rang throughout England and the Empire.
The Dervishes, trusting to their overwhelming superiority in numbers, advanced in dense92 hordes93 against the British lines, and at this point of the engagement the Camerons and Seaforths withstood the fury of the opening attack with magnificent steadiness. The enemy were met with a murderous fire; whole lines and ranks were simply mown down by our shrapnel: attack upon attack was launched with reckless gallantry, always to be repulsed94.
In one portion of this campaign it has been related that for two hours a company of the Seaforths were engaged with a great number of the Dervishes, and as their ammunition96 had run short, they were compelled to use the bayonet. “Not one shot was fired,” says an eye-witness, “for two hours, and yet the greatest and most serious losses amongst the enemy occurred during the time when the Seaforths were getting in with the bayonet.” At Omdurman, in that great charge of the Dervishes, it became impossible to check them altogether, and so heavy was the fire that the rifles of the Cameron Highlanders became too hot to hold. To avert97 a repulse95 the curious spectacle was seen of men carrying and exchanging rifles with the reserve lines behind.
The stand made by the Dervishes has earned the praise of G. W. Steevens, who witnessed it. “Our men,” he says, “were perfect, but the Dervishes were superb—beyond perfection. It was their largest, best, and bravest army that ever fought against us for Mahdism, and it died worthily98 of the huge empire that Mahdism won and kept so long.” They lost, roughly, 11,000 men killed with 16,000 wounded; and with the battle of Omdurman came the end of the long struggle in the Soudan, and not only that, but the avenging99 of the death of Gordon.
The losses amongst the two Highland18 regiments100, and indeed the British force as a whole, were trifling101 for such a hard-fought action.
Whatever else the Highland regiments may have been asked to face before or since—for whirlwind fury and deathless courage, for wild disturbing swiftness and noisy violence, nothing could surpass a Dervish charge.
Troops that can meet that without wavering—front, rear, and flank—need have no qualms102 for the future exigencies of war.
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1
rave
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| vi.胡言乱语；热衷谈论；n.热情赞扬 | |
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guile
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| n.诈术 | |
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3
nay
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| adv.不；n.反对票，投反对票者 | |
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4
trampled
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| 踩( trample的过去式和过去分词 )； 践踏； 无视； 侵犯 | |
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5
considerably
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| adv.极大地；相当大地；在很大程度上 | |
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baker
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| n.面包师 | |
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7
entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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pointed
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| adj.尖的，直截了当的 | |
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corruption
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| n.腐败，堕落，贪污 | |
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prominence
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| n.突出；显著；杰出；重要 | |
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fanatic
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| n.狂热者，入迷者；adj.狂热入迷的 | |
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13
annihilated
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| v.（彻底）消灭( annihilate的过去式和过去分词 )；使无效；废止；彻底击溃 | |
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garrison
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| n.卫戍部队；驻地，卫戍区；vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
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15
mosque
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| n.清真寺 | |
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solitary
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| adj.孤独的，独立的，荒凉的；n.隐士 | |
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17
peril
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| n.(严重的)危险；危险的事物 | |
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highland
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| n.(pl.)高地，山地 | |
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highlander
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| n.高地的人，苏格兰高地地区的人 | |
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zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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tragic
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| adj.悲剧的，悲剧性的，悲惨的 | |
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avenge
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| v.为...复仇，为...报仇 | |
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subdue
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| vt.制服，使顺从，征服；抑制，克制 | |
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sketch
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| n.草图；梗概；素描；v.素描；概述 | |
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tilted
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| v. 倾斜的 | |
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destined
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| adj.命中注定的；(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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dingy
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| adj.昏暗的，肮脏的 | |
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batch
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| n.一批(组，群)；一批生产量 | |
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standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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rehearsal
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| n.排练，排演；练习 | |
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emergence
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| n.浮现，显现，出现，（植物）突出体 | |
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cavalry
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| n.骑兵；轻装甲部队 | |
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supremacy
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| n.至上；至高权力 | |
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despatch
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| n./v.(dispatch)派遣；发送；n.急件；新闻报道 | |
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rout
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| n.溃退，溃败；v.击溃，打垮 | |
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awakened
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| v.（使）醒( awaken的过去式和过去分词 )；（使）觉醒；弄醒；（使）意识到 | |
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battalion
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| n.营；部队；大队(的人) | |
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hurled
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| v.猛投，用力掷( hurl的过去式和过去分词 )；大声叫骂 | |
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naval
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| adj.海军的，军舰的，船的 | |
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odds
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| n.让步，机率，可能性，比率；胜败优劣之别 | |
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weird
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| adj.古怪的，离奇的；怪诞的，神秘而可怕的 | |
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42
fascination
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| n.令人着迷的事物，魅力，迷恋 | |
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43
literally
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| adv.照字面意义，逐字地；确实 | |
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mowed
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| v.刈，割( mow的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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myriad
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| adj.无数的；n.无数，极大数量 | |
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warriors
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| 武士，勇士，战士( warrior的名词复数 ) | |
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savage
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| adj.野蛮的；凶恶的，残暴的；n.未开化的人 | |
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desperately
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| adv.极度渴望地，绝望地，孤注一掷地 | |
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tempestuous
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| adj.狂暴的 | |
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collapse
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| vi.累倒；昏倒；倒塌；塌陷 | |
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suspense
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| n.（对可能发生的事）紧张感，担心，挂虑 | |
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decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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civilians
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| 平民，百姓( civilian的名词复数 )； 老百姓 | |
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exigencies
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| n.急切需要 | |
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isolated
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| adj.与世隔绝的 | |
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besieged
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| 包围，围困，围攻( besiege的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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lasting
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| adj.永久的，永恒的；vbl.持续，维持 | |
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dealing
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| n.经商方法，待人态度 | |
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embarked
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| 乘船( embark的过去式和过去分词 )； 装载； 从事 | |
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melancholy
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| n.忧郁，愁思；adj.令人感伤（沮丧）的，忧郁的 | |
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devastating
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| adj.毁灭性的，令人震惊的，强有力的 | |
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budged
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| v.（使）稍微移动( budge的过去式和过去分词 )；（使）改变主意，（使）让步 | |
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withering
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| 使人畏缩的，使人害羞的，使人难堪的 | |
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fugitives
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| n.亡命者，逃命者( fugitive的名词复数 ) | |
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fugitive
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| adj.逃亡的，易逝的；n.逃犯，逃亡者 | |
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arduous
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| adj.艰苦的，费力的，陡峭的 | |
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memorable
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| adj.值得回忆的，难忘的，特别的，显著的 | |
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fortifying
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| 筑防御工事于( fortify的现在分词 )； 筑堡于； 增强； 强化（食品） | |
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dismal
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| adj.阴沉的，凄凉的，令人忧郁的，差劲的 | |
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hesitation
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| n.犹豫，踌躇 | |
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determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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organisation
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| n.组织，安排，团体，有机休 | |
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perfectly
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| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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formerly
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| adv.从前，以前 | |
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imperative
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| n.命令，需要；规则；祈使语气；adj.强制的；紧急的 | |
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graphically
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| adv.通过图表；生动地，轮廓分明地 | |
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civilisation
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| n.文明，文化，开化，教化 | |
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savages
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| 未开化的人，野蛮人( savage的名词复数 ) | |
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machinery
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| n.(总称)机械，机器；机构 | |
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artillery
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| n.(军)火炮，大炮；炮兵(部队) | |
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ridge
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| n.山脊；鼻梁；分水岭 | |
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entanglement
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| n.纠缠，牵累 | |
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trenches
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| 深沟，地沟( trench的名词复数 )； 战壕 | |
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riddled
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| adj.布满的；充斥的；泛滥的v.解谜，出谜题(riddle的过去分词形式) | |
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minor
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| adj.较小(少)的，较次要的；n.辅修学科；vi.辅修 | |
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charred
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| v.把…烧成炭( char的过去式)；烧焦 | |
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corpses
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| n.死尸，尸体( corpse的名词复数 ) | |
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grimace
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| v.做鬼脸，面部歪扭 | |
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hoofs
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| n.（兽的）蹄，马蹄( hoof的名词复数 )v.（兽的）蹄，马蹄( hoof的第三人称单数 ) | |
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spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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impelled
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| v.推动、推进或敦促某人做某事( impel的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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dense
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| a.密集的，稠密的，浓密的；密度大的 | |
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hordes
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| n.移动着的一大群( horde的名词复数 )；部落 | |
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repulsed
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| v.击退( repulse的过去式和过去分词 )；驳斥；拒绝 | |
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95
repulse
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| n.击退，拒绝；vt.逐退，击退，拒绝 | |
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ammunition
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| n.军火，弹药 | |
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97
avert
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| v.防止，避免；转移(目光、注意力等) | |
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98
worthily
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| 重要地，可敬地，正当地 | |
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99
avenging
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| adj.报仇的，复仇的v.为…复仇，报…之仇( avenge的现在分词 )；为…报复 | |
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100
regiments
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| （军队的）团( regiment的名词复数 )； 大量的人或物 | |
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101
trifling
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| adj.微不足道的；没什么价值的 | |
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102
qualms
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| n.不安；内疚 | |
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