The direct and practical object of this little book was the promotion4 of English colonization5 on the American continent, where Spain at the South and France at the North then had firm foothold. Its mission was fully6 accomplished7 in giving the first effective impulse to the movements which led up to the ultimate establishment of the colonies that eventually formed the United States.
So it has a peculiar8 interest, especially for all Americans who would know their country, as a first source of the True History of the American Nation.
2The name of the compiler was modestly veiled in the earlier impressions under the initials “R. H.” appended to an “Epistle Dedicatorie,” addressed to “Master Phillip Sydney, Esquire,” which served for a preface. In subsequent editions, however, the author declared himself as “Richard Hakluyt, Preacher.”
He might with propriety9 have added to this simple clerical distinction other and broader titles. For, worthy10 as they may have been and doubtless were, the least of his accomplishments11 were those of a cleric. Yet under thirty when Divers Voyages appeared, he had already attained12 an assured place among scholars for his learning in cosmography, or the science of geography, and was particularly known to English men of affairs as an authority on Western discovery.
Divers Voyages was skilfully13 designed for its special purpose. The various accounts then extant in print or in manuscript, giving particulars of the discovery of the whole of the coast of North America, were brought together and so artfully arranged as at once to enlighten his laggard14 countrymen and to inflame15 their ambition and their desire for gain. By way of introduction was presented an informing list of writers of “geographie with the yeare wherein they wrote,” beginning with 1300 and ending with 1580; and another of travellers “both by sea and by lande,” between the years 1178 and 1582, who also, for the most part, had written of their own “travayles” and voyages: Venetians, Genoese, Portuguese16, Spaniards, and Frenchmen, as well as Englishmen. Next followed a note 3intended to show the “great probabilitie” by way of America of the much-sought-for Northwest Passage to India. Then came the “Epistle Dedicatorie” to “the right worshipfull and most vertuous gentleman” Master Sidney (not then knighted as Sir Philip Sidney), in which was detailed17 the compiler’s argument for the immediate18 colonization of the parts of North America claimed by England by right of first discovery made under her banners by the Cabots, with this pungent19 opening sentence, cleverly calculated to sting the English pride:
“I maruaile [marvel] not a little that since the first discouerie of America (which is nowe full fourescore and tenne yeeres) after so great conquests and plantings of the Spaniardes and Portingales [Portuguese] there that wee of Englande could neuer have the grace to set footing in such fertill and temperate20 places as are left as yet vnpossessed of them.”
And farther along this tingling21 snapper:
“Surely if there were in vs that desire to aduaunce the honour of our countrie which ought to bee in euery good man, wee woulde not all this while haue foreslowne [forborne] the possessing of those landes whiche of equitie and right appertaine vnto vs, as by the discourses23 that followe shall appeare more plainely.”
With these preliminaries the compiler first proceeded alluringly25 to exhibit “testimonies” of the Cabot discoveries of the mainland of North America for England a year before Columbus had sighted the continent.
This evidence comprised the letters-patent of King 4Henry the seventh issued to John Cabot and his three sons, Lewis, Sebastian, and Santius, authorizing26 the exploration of new and unknown regions, under date of the fifth of March, 1495/6, distinguished27 in American history as “the most ancient American state paper of England”; a “Note of Sebastian Gabotes voyage of Discouerie taken out of an old Chronicle written by Robert Fabian, sometime alderman of London”; a memorandum28 of “three sauage men which hee brought home and presented vnto the King”; and another reference to the Cabot voyages made by the Venetian historian, Giovanni Battista Ramusio, in the preface to one of his volumes of voyages and travels published in 1550–1563. Next followed, in the order named, a “Declaration” by Robert Thorne, a London merchant long resident in Seville, Spain, setting forth29 the discoveries made in the Indies for Portugal, and demonstrating to Henry the eighth of England that the northern parts of America remained for him to “take in hande,” which he failed to do; a “Booke” by Thorne, still in Seville, later prepared, in 1527, at the request of the British ambassador in Spain, being an “Information” on the same subject; the “Relation” of John Verazzano, the Florentine corsair, in the service of France, describing his voyage of discovery, made in 1524, along the eastern coast of America from about the present South Carolina to Newfoundland; an account of the discovery of Greenland and various phantom30 islands, with the coast of North America, by the brothers Zeno, Venetian navigators, in the late fourteenth century; 5and a report of the “true and last” discovery of Florida made by Captain John Ribault for France, in 1562.
The pamphlet closed with a chapter of practical instructions for intending colonists31 and an inviting32 list of commodities growing “in part of America not presently inhabited by any Christian33 from Florida northward34.”
Its publication was a revelation to the English public. Before it appeared the people in general of that day had little knowledge of the accomplishments of either their own or foreign voyagers in discovery and for commercial advantage. Merchants engaged in foreign trade or ventures—and adventurous36 mariners37, to be sure—kept themselves informed on what was going on and had gone on. But the information they collected was exclusively for the purposes of their own traffic. They were not interested in making it public. The real object, too, of many expeditions professing38 to aim at higher purposes, was, as John Winter Jones points out in his Introduction to the modern reprint of Divers Voyages, a gold-mine, or a treasure-laden galleon39 on the high seas. Hakluyt’s little book immediately gave a fresh turn to public interest. Its practical effect was the speedy forwarding of the expedition of Sir Humphrey Gilbert in the summer of 1583, the first of the English nation to carry people directly to erect40 a colony in the north countries of America. This was an unsuccessful attempt at an establishment at Newfoundland, and was followed by the loss of Sir Humphrey with the foundering42 of his cockle-shell of a ship on the return voyage.
6Two years after the appearance of Divers Voyages a second work came from the same hand for the same general object.
This was a work of broader scope and of larger significance. It was prepared not for the press but for private and confidential43 circulation. It was, in effect, a state paper, marshalling arguments in behalf of a specific policy, and was intended expressly for the eye of queen Elizabeth, and her principal advisers44. It exhibited the political, commercial, and religious advantages to be derived45 by England from American colonization at a critical juncture46 of affairs. The Catholic Philip the second of Spain was now aiming at the “suppression of heretics throughout the world,” and Elizabeth of England was his main object of insidious47 attack as “the principal of the princes of the reformed religion.” The particular purpose of the work was to enlist48 the throne in the large projects formed by Walter Raleigh in continuation of the scheme of Sir Humphrey Gilbert (Raleigh’s half-brother) after the lamentable49 fate of that chivalrous50 gentleman.
Only three or four copies of this paper are supposed to have been made. Its existence was unknown to the historians for more than two and a half centuries. The credit for bringing it to public light and for its reproduction in print was due to American bibliophiles and scholars.
The discovery of it came about in this wise. In the eighteen fifties a copy of a “Hakluyt Manuscript” appeared at an auction51 sale of a famous private library 7in London, and was bought by a shrewd and indefatigable52 collector of rare Americana, Henry Stevens of Vermont, at that time resident in London. On a blank leaf of the manuscript the purchaser found this pencilled memorandum, evidently made by the owner of the library, Lord Valentia:
“This unpublished Manuscript of Hakluyt is extremely rare. I procured53 it from the family of Sir Peter Thomson. The editors of the last edition [meaning the collection of Hakluyt’s works published in 1809–1812] would have given any money for it had it been known to have existed.”
Sir Peter Thomson was an eighteenth century collector of choice books, manuscripts, and literary curiosities. After his death in 1770, his collection went to the hammer. Here the trace ends, for how Sir Peter got the manuscript is not disclosed. Mr. Stevens endeavored to find a permanent place for the precious thing in the library of some American historical society or in the British Museum. At length, these endeavors failing, after two or three years, he disposed of it in England to Sir Thomas Phillips, another noteworthy collector, whose library at Thirlestane House, Cheltenham, became a storehouse of historical treasure. Here it lay till 1868, when it was practically rediscovered by another American—the learned Reverend Doctor Leonard Woods, fourth president of Bowdoin College, in Maine. President Woods was at that time in England searching for certain papers of Sir Fernandino Gorges54, the founder41 of Maine, and in this quest he 8visited Thirlestane House. He was one of those whose attention had been called to the manuscript by Mr. Stevens when it was in the latter’s possession. But then the Maine scholar did not fully comprehend its nature. As soon, however, as he had examined it at Thirlestane House he recognized its historical worth. Thereupon he caused an exact transcript55 to be made, and printed it for the first time in the Maine Historical Society’s Collections for 1877.
The thesis originally bore the caption56 Mr. Rawley’s Voyage; but subsequently a title more explicitly57 defining its character was affixed58 to the copy from which the print is made; and this title in turn has been reduced for popular service to A Discourse22 on Western Planting.
This “Discourse” boldly set forth the bearings of Raleigh’s enterprise upon the power of Spain (with which war was ultimately proclaimed). If pursued at once it would be “a great bridle59 of the Indies of the King of Spain,” and stay him from “flowing over all the face” of the firm land of America. Raleigh’s plan contemplated60 a flank movement upon Spain in the seas of the West Indies and the Spanish Main, while England was preparing for intervention61 in the Netherlands. From her American possessions, in the wealth which her treasure-ships brought thence, Spain was deriving62 the sinews of her strength. With this wealth she was enabled to support her armies in Europe, build and equip fleets, keep alive dissensions, bribe63, in her interests, “great men and whole states.” Her power in 9her American possessions Raleigh would break. English colonies planted on the North American continent would be in position to attack her at a vulnerable point and arrest her treasure-ships. A surprising weakness of her defences in Spanish America, through the withdrawal64 of her soldiers to maintain her armies in the Netherlands, had been discovered by Sir John Hawkins and Sir Francis Drake in recent voyages. In this unprotected condition of the region was found a powerful inducement to English colonization as now proposed.
The necessity of “speedy planting in divers fit places” upon these “lucky western discoveries” was also urged to prevent their being occupied by other nations which now had “the like intentions.” The queen of England’s title to America, “at least to so much as is from Florida to the circle artic,” by virtue65 of the Cabot discoveries, was reasserted as “more lawful66 and right than the Spaniard’s or any other prince’s.” The various “testimonies” to this claim were again enumerated67. Stress also was again laid upon the “probability of the easy and quick finding of the Northwest Passage.” The value to England, through her opening of the West, in the yield to her of “all the commodities of Europe, Africa, and Asia,” as far as her adventurers might travel, and in the supply of the wants of England’s decayed trades, was dwelt upon. It was shown that, with the possession of this region planted by Englishmen, England would obtain every material for creating great navies—goodly timber for 10building ships, trees for masts, pitch, tar68, and hemp—all for “no price.” Thus it was apparent “how easy a matter it may be to this realm swarming69 at this day with valiant70 youths rusting71 and hurtful for lack of employment, and having good makers72 of cable and all sorts of cordage, and the best and most cunning shipwrights73 of the world, to be lords of all those seas, and to spoil Philip’s Indian navy, and to deprive him of yearly passage of his treasure into Europe.” As for the religious argument, the zealous74 Protestant advocate reasoned that by planting in America from England the “glory of the gospel” would be enlarged, “sincere religion” be advanced therein, and a safe and sure place be provided “to receive people from all parts of the world that are forced to flee for the truth of God’s word.”
The first copy of this illuminating75 Discourse was delivered to the queen by Hakluyt in person, in August, shortly before the return of Raleigh’s “twoo barkes.” Another copy was given to Elizabeth’s chief secretary, Walsingham; and a third, it is believed, to Sir Philip Sidney.
FAC-SIMILE OF TITLE-PAGE OF “DIVERS VOYAGES.”
From the copy in the New York Public Library (Lenox Building).
Like Divers Voyages it had a signal effect. The two barks had been sent out in April, within a month from the issue of a patent to Raleigh, as a preliminary expedition, under two experienced navigators, to reconnoitre the southern coast above Florida and report. They were back in September, bringing glowing accounts of the region visited—the islands of Pamlico and Albemarle Sounds—together with report of their having 11taken formal possession of the country for the queen of England, and, as tangible76 evidence, two tawny77 natives of the wilderness78. With this happy outcome the Hakluyt Discourse clinched79 the matter, and Raleigh’s policy was adopted. Elizabeth immediately bestowed80 upon the region the name of Virginia, in token of her state of life as a virgin81 queen; Raleigh was knighted for his valour and enterprise; Parliament confirmed his patent of discovery; and in April following, 1585, his first colony of one hundred and eight persons sailed from Plymouth in a fleet of seven vessels82 and landed at Roanoke.
From that time for twenty years, till the forfeiture83 of Elizabeth’s grant by the attainder of James, in 1603, all that was done for American colonization by the English race was under Raleigh’s title, and with every step Hakluyt was repeatedly contributing informing literature to the cause to keep aflame the now aroused spirit of adventure.
In 1586, then in Paris, he had published, at his own expense, a manuscript account of Florida, written after the explorations of the French navigators Ribault and Laudonnière, in 1562–1564, and the attempted planting of Huguenot colonies there, ending tragically84 in a massacre85 by Spaniards. This manuscript he had come upon in archives, where it had lain hidden for above twenty years, “suppressed,” as he averred86, “by the malice87 of some too much affectioned to the Spanish cause.” The narrative88 was brought out in French, edited by a friend and fellow scholar, Martin Basanière, 12a professor of mathematics, and dedicated89 by the editor to Raleigh with high praise for his efforts to open the Western country. The following year Hakluyt issued in London an English translation of this book under the enticing90 title, A Notable Historie containing four Voyages made by certayne French captaynes into Florida, wherein the Great Riches and Fruitfulness of the country with the Maners of the people, hitherto concealed91, are brought to light; and to this edition he prefixed his own “Epistle Dedicatorie” to Raleigh, encouraging him, undismayed by previous failure, in the good work of Virginia colonization, which must ultimately prosper92 as these French captains’ exposition of the advantages and resources of the region demonstrated.
The same year, 1587, again in Paris, he published, also dedicated to Raleigh, and accompanied by a rare map, a revised edition in Latin of De Orbe Novo, the work of the Italian historian, Peter Martyr93, giving the history of the first thirty years of American discovery.
Next, in 1589, appeared the first volume of the magnum opus of our author, under the general title of The Principall Navigations, Voiages, and Discoueries of the English Nation made by Sea or over Land to the most remote and farthest distant Quarters of the Earth at any time within the compasse of these 1500 years—an elaborate work of which the Divers Voyages was the germ, having the same direct object in view. Its scheme embraced a collection, in three volumes, of narratives94 and records, in the original, of voyages and 13discoveries made by Englishmen from earliest times to the compiler’s day, sprinkled with accounts of the more important explorations for foreign nations having relation to those for England. The initial volume opened with an extended “Epistle Dedicatorie” addressed to Sir Francis Walsingham, the queen’s chief secretary, and a more detailed “Preface to the Favourable95 Reader.” It included the main part of the Divers Voyages.
Nine years later, in 1598, the first volume of a second edition, revised and enlarged, to include voyages made “within the compasse of these 1600 yeares,” instead of fifteen hundred, made its appearance. The second volume of this edition followed the next year, 1599, and the last in 1600. They were of large size, fools-cap folio, and contained altogether the impressive number of five hundred and seventeen separate narratives of adventures by Englishmen from the time of King Arthur to and through Elizabeth’s reign35.
Extended “Epistles Dedicatorie” were also prefixed to each of these volumes. That to the first was addressed to Charles Howard, the vanquisher96 of the Spanish Armada, 1588. Both of those to the second and third were to Sir Robert Cecil, Walsingham’s successor in the chief secretaryship, and afterward3 the Earl of Salisbury.
With the completion of the third volume Hakluyt’s work of research by no means ended. It was continued untiringly till the close of his life, and sufficient material was left by him in manuscript to constitute a 14fourth volume. This material passed to the hands of Samuel Purchas, the author of Purchas his Pilgrimages, or Relations of the World, etc., 1613, who utilized97 it, together with matter from the Principall Navigations, in a work of four volumes, published in 1625, under the title of Hakluytus Posthumus, or Purchas his Pilgrimes: containing a History of the World in Sea Voyages and Land Travels by Englishmen and Others. Afterward the Purchas his Pilgrimages was added as a fifth volume to the set. The combined work became most popularly known as Purchas’s Pilgrims, and was treated by some of the early historians as the first source of American history.
Nor did Hakluyt’s publications of an important nature and with the same general object—the fostering of naval98 enterprise generally and of American colonization in particular—end with the issue of his magnum opus. In 1601 he brought out, under the title of The Discoveries of the World, an English translation of a treatise99 by a Portuguese, Antonio Galvano. After that came an English version of Peter Martyr under this taking title: The Historie of the West Indies: Containing the Actes and Aduentures of the Spaniards, which have conquered and peopled those Countries, inriched with varietie of pleasant relation of the Manners, Ceremonies, Lawes, Governments, and Warres of the Indians: Published in Latin by Mr. Hakluyt and translated into English by M. Lok, Gent. This appeared a short time before the permanent colonization was effected, and was evidently timed to stimulate100 that movement.
15Next, in 1609, he produced a translation from the Portuguese of an account of De Soto’s discoveries in 1539–1543, with a description of Florida and its riches, designed to encourage and foster the Virginia colony. To this Hakluyt gave the English title Virginia Richly Valued by the description of the mainland of Florida her next neighbour. The dedication101 was addressed to the “Right Worshipfull Counsellors and others the cheerefull aduenturors for the aduancement of that Christian and noble plantation102 of Virginia,” and the booklet was commended to them as a “worke ... though small in shew yet great in substance,” yielding much light to the enterprise in which they were with him concerned, whether it was desired “to know the present and future commodities of our countrie, or the qualities and conditions of the Inhabitants, or what course is best to be taken with them.”
Two years later, in 1611, he issued a second edition, for the combined purpose of buoying103 up the spirits of the young colony, now disheartened by much suffering, and of procuring104 additional aid for it at home. This appeared with a new and more alluring24 title, in which particular stress was laid upon the wealth of gold, silver, and other precious things supposed to exist in the region, then believed to be the richest in the world: The worthie and famous historie of the travails105, discovery and conquest of that great continent of Terra Florida being lively paralleled with that of our own now inhabited Virginia. As also the commodities of said country with divers and excellent and rich mynes of 16golde, silver, and other metals etc. which cannot but give us a great and exceeding hope for our Virginia being so neere to one continent etc.
This was fittingly Hakluyt’s last published work.
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divers
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| adj.不同的；种种的 | |
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touching
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| adj.动人的，使人感伤的 | |
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afterward
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| adv.后来；以后 | |
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promotion
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| n.提升，晋级；促销，宣传 | |
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colonization
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| 殖民地的开拓，殖民，殖民地化； 移殖 | |
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fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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propriety
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| n.正当行为；正当；适当 | |
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worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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accomplishments
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| n.造诣；完成( accomplishment的名词复数 )；技能；成绩；成就 | |
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attained
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| （通常经过努力）实现( attain的过去式和过去分词 )； 达到； 获得； 达到（某年龄、水平、状况） | |
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skilfully
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laggard
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| n.落后者；adj.缓慢的，落后的 | |
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inflame
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| v.使燃烧；使极度激动；使发炎 | |
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Portuguese
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| n.葡萄牙人；葡萄牙语 | |
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detailed
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immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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pungent
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temperate
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tingling
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discourse
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discourses
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| 论文( discourse的名词复数 )； 演说； 讲道； 话语 | |
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alluring
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alluringly
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authorizing
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distinguished
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memorandum
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forth
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phantom
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colonists
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| n.殖民地开拓者，移民，殖民地居民( colonist的名词复数 ) | |
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inviting
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| adj.诱人的，引人注目的 | |
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Christian
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northward
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reign
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adventurous
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mariners
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professing
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galleon
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erect
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Founder
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foundering
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| v.创始人( founder的现在分词 ) | |
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confidential
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advisers
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| 顾问，劝告者( adviser的名词复数 )； （指导大学新生学科问题等的）指导教授 | |
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derived
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| vi.起源；由来；衍生；导出v.得到( derive的过去式和过去分词 )；（从…中）得到获得；源于；（从…中）提取 | |
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juncture
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| n.时刻，关键时刻，紧要关头 | |
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insidious
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| adj.阴险的，隐匿的，暗中为害的，（疾病）不知不觉之间加剧 | |
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enlist
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| vt.谋取(支持等)，赢得；征募；vi.入伍 | |
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lamentable
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| adj.令人惋惜的，悔恨的 | |
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chivalrous
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| adj.武士精神的；对女人彬彬有礼的 | |
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51
auction
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| n.拍卖；拍卖会；vt.拍卖 | |
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52
indefatigable
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| adj.不知疲倦的，不屈不挠的 | |
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53
procured
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| v.（努力）取得， （设法）获得( procure的过去式和过去分词 )；拉皮条 | |
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54
gorges
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| n.山峡，峡谷( gorge的名词复数 )；咽喉v.（用食物把自己）塞饱，填饱( gorge的第三人称单数 )；作呕 | |
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55
transcript
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| n.抄本，誊本，副本，肄业证书 | |
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caption
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| n.说明，字幕，标题；v.加上标题，加上说明 | |
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57
explicitly
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| ad.明确地，显然地 | |
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58
affixed
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| adj.[医]附着的，附着的v.附加( affix的过去式和过去分词 )；粘贴；加以；盖（印章） | |
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59
bridle
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| n.笼头，束缚；vt.抑制，约束；动怒 | |
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contemplated
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| adj. 预期的 动词contemplate的过去分词形式 | |
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intervention
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| n.介入，干涉，干预 | |
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deriving
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| v.得到( derive的现在分词 )；（从…中）得到获得；源于；（从…中）提取 | |
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63
bribe
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| n.贿赂；v.向…行贿，买通 | |
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withdrawal
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| n.取回，提款；撤退，撤军；收回，撤销 | |
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virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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lawful
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| adj.法律许可的，守法的，合法的 | |
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enumerated
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| v.列举，枚举，数( enumerate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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tar
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| n.柏油，焦油；vt.涂或浇柏油/焦油于 | |
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69
swarming
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| 密集( swarm的现在分词 )； 云集； 成群地移动； 蜜蜂或其他飞行昆虫成群地飞来飞去 | |
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valiant
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| adj.勇敢的，英勇的；n.勇士，勇敢的人 | |
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71
rusting
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| n.生锈v.（使）生锈( rust的现在分词 ) | |
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72
makers
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| n.制造者，制造商（maker的复数形式） | |
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shipwrights
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| n.造船者，修船者( shipwright的名词复数 ) | |
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zealous
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| adj.狂热的，热心的 | |
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illuminating
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| a.富于启发性的，有助阐明的 | |
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tangible
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| adj.有形的，可触摸的，确凿的，实际的 | |
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tawny
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| adj.茶色的，黄褐色的；n.黄褐色 | |
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wilderness
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| n.杳无人烟的一片陆地、水等，荒漠 | |
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clinched
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| v.（尤指两人）互相紧紧抱[扭]住( clinch的过去式和过去分词 )；解决（争端、交易），达成（协议） | |
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bestowed
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| 赠给，授予( bestow的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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virgin
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| n.处女，未婚女子；adj.未经使用的；未经开发的 | |
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vessels
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| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
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83
forfeiture
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| n.（名誉等）丧失 | |
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tragically
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| adv. 悲剧地，悲惨地 | |
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massacre
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| n.残杀，大屠杀；v.残杀，集体屠杀 | |
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averred
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| v.断言( aver的过去式和过去分词 )；证实；证明…属实；作为事实提出 | |
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malice
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| n.恶意，怨恨，蓄意；[律]预谋 | |
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narrative
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| n.叙述，故事；adj.叙事的，故事体的 | |
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dedicated
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| adj.一心一意的；献身的；热诚的 | |
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enticing
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| adj.迷人的；诱人的 | |
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concealed
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| a.隐藏的，隐蔽的 | |
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prosper
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| v.成功，兴隆，昌盛；使成功，使昌隆，繁荣 | |
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martyr
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| n.烈士，殉难者；vt.杀害，折磨，牺牲 | |
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narratives
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| 记叙文( narrative的名词复数 )； 故事； 叙述； 叙述部分 | |
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favourable
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| adj.赞成的，称赞的，有利的，良好的，顺利的 | |
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vanquisher
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| 征服者，胜利者 | |
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utilized
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| v.利用，使用( utilize的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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98
naval
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| adj.海军的，军舰的，船的 | |
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99
treatise
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| n.专著；(专题)论文 | |
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100
stimulate
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| vt.刺激，使兴奋；激励，使…振奋 | |
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101
dedication
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| n.奉献，献身，致力，题献，献辞 | |
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102
plantation
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| n.种植园，大农场 | |
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103
buoying
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| v.使浮起( buoy的现在分词 )；支持；为…设浮标；振奋…的精神 | |
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104
procuring
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| v.（努力）取得， （设法）获得( procure的现在分词 )；拉皮条 | |
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105
travails
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| n.艰苦劳动( travail的名词复数 )；辛勤努力；痛苦；分娩的阵痛 | |
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