1. Growth of Luther’s Idea of his Divine Mission
Whereas the most zealous2 of Luther’s earliest pupils and followers3 outvied one another in depicting4 their master as the messenger of God, who had come before the world equipped with revelations from on high, the tendency of later Protestantism has been, more and more, to reduce Luther, so to speak, to a merely natural level, and to represent him as a hero indeed, but as one inspired by merely human motives7. An earlier generation exalted8 him to mystical regions, and, being nearer him in point of time and therefore knowing him better, grasped the fact that he was dominated by a certain supernaturalism. Many later and more recent writers, on the other hand, have preferred to square their conception of his personality with their own liberal views on religion. They hail Luther as the champion of free thought and therefore as the founder11 of modern intellectual life. What he discovered in his struggles with himself by reflection and pious12 meditation13, that, they say, he bequeathed to posterity14 without insisting upon the immutability15 of his ideas or claiming for them any infallibility. His only permanent work, his real legacy16 to posterity, was a negative one, viz. the breach17 with Popery, which he consummated18, thanks to his extraordinary powers.
This is, however, from the religious standpoint, to attenuate20 Luther’s figure as it appears in history, notwithstanding the tribute paid to his talents.
If he is not the “messenger of God,” whose doctrines21, inspired from on high, the world was bound to accept, then he ceases to be Luther, for it was from his supernatural estimate of himself that he drew all his strength and defiance23.[110] Force him to quit the dim, mystical heights from which he fancies he exercises his sway, and his claim on the faith of mankind becomes inexplicable24 and he himself an enigma25.
It has been pointed26 out above, how Luther gradually reached the conviction that he had received his doctrine22 by a special revelation, with the Divine mission to communicate it to the world and to reform the Church (vol. ii., p. 92 f.). The conviction, that, as he declares, “the Holy Ghost had revealed the Scriptures” to him culminated28 in that personal assurance of salvation30 which was suddenly vouchsafed31 to him in the Tower.[284]
It will repay us to examine more closely the nature of this idea, and its manifestations, now that we have the mature man before us.
The founder of the new Church has reached a period when he no longer scruples33 to speak of the “revelations” which had been made to him, and which he is compelled to proclaim. “By His Grace,” he says, “God has revealed this doctrine to me.”[285]—“I have it by revelation ... that will I not deny.”[286] Of his mission he assures us: “By God’s revelation I am called to be a sort of antipope”;[287] of his chief dogma, he will have it that “the Holy Ghost bestowed34 it upon me,”[288] and declares that “under pain of the curse of eternal reprobation” he had been “instructed (‘interminatum’) not to doubt of it in any way.”[289] Of this he solemnly assured the Elector Frederick in a letter written in 1522: “Concerning my cause I would say: Your Electoral Highness is aware, or, if not aware, is hereby apprised35 of the fact, that I received the Evangel, not from man, but from heaven[111] alone through our Lord Jesus Christ, so that I might well subscribe36 myself and boast of being a minister and evangelist—as, indeed, I shall do for the future.”[290]
It is because he has received the Word of God direct from on high that he is so firm. “God’s Word,” he cries, “is above everything to me; I have the Divine Majesty37 on my side, therefore I care not in the least though a thousand Augustines, or a thousand Harry-Churches [Henry VIII. of England was then still a Catholic] should be against me; I am quite certain that the true Church holds fast with me to God’s Word, and leaves it to the Harry-Churches to depend on the words of men.”[291]
There are many passages in which he merely claims to have been enlightened in his ruminations and labours and thus led to embrace the real, saving truth; less frequently do we hear of any actual, sudden inspiration from above. Where he does claim this most distinctly is in the matter of the discovery of his chief doctrine, viz. assurance of salvation by justifying39 faith, vouchsafed to him in the Tower of the Wittenberg monastery40. The fact that his mode of expression varies may be explained not merely by his own involuntary wavering, but by the very difficulty of imparting his favourite doctrine to others. His frame of mind, outward circumstances and the character of his hearers or readers were the cause of his choice of words. With his friends, for instance, more particularly the younger ones, and likewise in his sermons at Wittenberg, he was fond of laying stress on what he had once said to the lawyers when they molested41 him with Canon Law: “They shall respect our teaching, which is the Word of God spoken by the Holy Ghost through our lips.”[292] When speaking to larger audiences, on the other hand, he does not as a rule claim more than a gradual, inner enlightenment by God, which indeed partakes of the nature of a revelation, but to which he was led by his work and study and inward experience. In the presence of the fanatics43 he became, after 1524, more cautious in his claims, owing to the similar ones made on their own behalf by these sectarians.
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Yet the idea of an assurance born of God lies at the bottom of all his statements.
He worked himself into this belief until it became part of his nature.[293] He had to face many doubts and scruples, but he overcame them, and, in the latter years of his life, we hear little of any such. His struggle with these doubts, which clearly betray the faulty basis of his conviction, will be dealt with elsewhere.[294]
“I am certain and am determined44 to feel so.” Expressions such as this are not seldom to be met with in Luther’s letters and writings.[295]
An almost appalling45 strength of will lurks46 behind such assurances. Indeed, what impels47 him seems to savour more of self-suggestion than of inward experience. To the objections brought forward by his adversaries48 he frequently enough merely opposes his “certainty”; behind this he endeavours to conceal49 the defects of his proofs from Scripture27, and his inability to reply to the reasons urged against him. His determination to find conviction constitutes one of Luther’s salient psychological characteristics; of the Titanic50 strength at his disposal he made proof first and foremost in his own case.
Luther also succeeded in inducing in himself a pseudo-mystic mood in which he fancied himself acting51 in everything conformably with a Divine mission, everywhere specially52 guided and protected as beseemed a messenger of God.
For instance, he says that he wrote the pamphlet against the seditious peasants in obedience53 to a Divine command; “therefore my little book is right and will always be so, though all the world should be incensed54 at it.”[296]
“It is the Lord Who has done this,” he had declared of the Peasant Rising when he recognised in it elements favourable55 to his cause; “It is the Lord Who has done this and Who conceals56 these menaces and dangers from the eyes of the Princes, and will even bring it about Himself by means of their blindness and violence.” That the Princes are[113] threatened with destruction, that “I firmly believe the Spirit proclaims through me.”[297]
Later on he was no less sure that he could foresee in the Spirit the coming outbreak of a religious war in Germany; only the prayers which he—who had the Divine interests so much at heart—offered, could avail to stave off the war; at least the delay was mainly the result of this prayer: “I am assured that God really hearkens to my prayer, and I know that so long as I live there will be no war in Germany.”
Never does he tire of declaring that the misfortunes and deaths which his foes57 have to deplore59 are the result of the intervention60 of heaven on behalf of his cause.[298] He was convinced that he had repeatedly been cured in sickness and saved from death by Christ, by Him, as he says in 1534, “in Whose faith I commenced all this and carried it through, to the admiration62 even of my opponents.”[299] He, “one of the Apostles and Evangelists of Germany, is,” so he proclaims in 1526 in a pamphlet, “a man delivered over to death and only preserved in life by a wonder and in defiance of the wrath63 of the devil and his saints.”[300]
In February, 1520, he speaks of the intimation he has received of a great storm impending64, were God not to place some hindrance65 in the way of Satan. “I have seen Satan’s cunning plans for my destruction and that of many others. Doubtless the Divine Word can never be administered without confusion, tumult66 and danger. It is a word of boundless67 majesty, it works great things and is wonderful on high.” This was to be his only guide in his undertaking68. He was compelled, so he declared on the same occasion, “to leave the whole matter to God, to resign himself to His guidance and to look on while wind and waves make the ship their plaything.”[301]
He frequently repeats later that his professorship at the University had been bestowed upon him by a Divine dispensation and against his will; whereas others were[114] honoured for their academic labours, he complains to Spalatin of being persecuted70; “I teach against my will and yet I have to endure evil things.” “What I now do and have done, I was compelled to do.” “I have enough sins on my conscience without incurring71 the unpardonable one of being unfaithful to my office, of refraining from scourging72 evil and of neglecting the truth to the detriment73 of so many thousand souls.”[302]—At the time when the Disputation at Leipzig was preparing, he tells the same confidant that the matter must be left to God: “I do not desire that it should happen according to our designs, otherwise I would prefer to desist from it altogether.” Spalatin must not desire to see the matter judged and settled according to human wisdom, but should remember that we know nothing of “God’s plans.”[303]
Everything had befallen him in accordance with God’s design. It was in accordance therewith, nay74, “at the command of God,” that he had become a monk75, so at least he says later. This, too, was his reason for giving up the office in choir76 and the recitation of the Breviary. “Our Lord God dragged me by force from the canonical77 hours, anno 1520.”[304] His marriage likewise was the direct result of God’s plan. “The Lord suddenly flung me into matrimony in a wonderful way while my thoughts were set in quite another direction.”[305] At an earlier date he had, so he said, defended the theses of his Resolutions only “because God compelled him to advance all these propositions.”[306]
His first encounter with Dr. Eck took place, so he was persuaded, “at God’s behest.”[307] “God takes good care that I should not be idle.”[308] It is God Who “calls and compels him” to return to Wittenberg after his stay at the Wartburg.[309]—It is not surprising, then, that he also attributes to God’s doing the increase in the number of his friends and followers.
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The success of his efforts to bring about a great falling away from the Catholic Church he regarded as a clear Divine confirmation78 of his mission, so that “no higher proof or miracle was needed.”[310] Even the disturbance79 and tumult which resulted bore witness in his favour, since Christ says: “I am come to send a sword.” All around him prevailed “discord, revolt and uproar,”[311] because, forsooth, the Gospel was there at work; the calm, unquestioned sovereignty of Popery within its own boundaries was a sure sign of its being the devil’s own.[312] “Did I not meet with curses, I should not believe that my cause was from God.”[313]
It is evident from these and other like statements how greatly his fame, the increase of his followers and his unexpected success engrossed80 and intoxicated81 him. In judging of him we must not under-estimate the effect of the din19 of applause in encouraging him in his self-suggestion. The cheers of so great a crowd, as Erasmus remarked in a letter to Melanchthon, might well have turned the head even of the humblest man. What anchor could have held the bark exposed to such a storm? Outbursts such as the following, to which Luther gave vent61 under the influence of the deafening82 ovation83, were only to be expected of such a man as he, when he had once cut himself adrift from the Church: “God has now given judgment84 ... and, contrary to the expectation of the whole world, has brought things to such a pass.... The position of the Pope grows daily worse, that we may extol85 the work of God herein.”[314] Under the magic influence of the unhoped-for growth of his movement of revolt, he declared it could only be due to a higher power, “which so disposed things that even the gates of hell were unable to prevent them.” Not he, but “another man, drives the wheel.” It is as clear as day that no man could, single-handed, have achieved so much, and, by “mere6 word of mouth,” done more harm to the Pope, the bishops87, priests and monks88 than all worldly powers hitherto.[315] Christ was working for him so strenuously89, so he declares in all[116] seriousness, that he might well calmly await His complete victory over Antichrist; for this reason there was really no need to trouble about the ecclesiastical organisation90 of the new Church, or to think of all the things it would otherwise have been necessary for him to remember.
His mere success was not the only Divine witness in his favour; Luther was also of opinion that owing to God’s notable working, signs and wonders had taken place in plenty in confirmation of the new teaching; such Divine wonders, however, must not be “thrown to the winds.”[316] He seems, nevertheless, to have had at one time the intention of collecting and publishing these miracles.[317]
In short, “the first-fruits of the Grace of God,” he says, have come upon us; in these he was unwilling91 that later teachers, who differed from him, should be allowed to participate.[318]
Was not the guidance of Christ also plainly visible in the fact that he, the proclaimer of His Word, had been delivered from so many ambushes92 on the part of the enemies who lay in wait for him? Such a thought lay at the root of his words to his pupil Mathesius: There was no doubt that poison had frequently been administered to him, but “an important personage had been heard to say, that none had any effect on him.” On one occasion, however, when an attempt had been made to poison him, He “Who said, ‘If they drink any deadly thing it shall not hurt them,’ blessed him, and preserved him then and afterwards from all mischief93.”[319] “I also believe,” Luther once said, according to Bindseil’s Latin “Colloquia,” that “my pulpit-chair and cushion were frequently poisoned, yet God preserved me.”[320] Similar words are recorded in the Diary of Cordatus.[321] This accounts for the strange tales which grew up amongst his pupils and followers of how “God Almighty94 had always preserved him in a wonderful manner,” of how He “had affrighted the knaves96” who sought his life, and so forth97, of which the early editions of Luther’s Works have so much to say.
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Among the characteristics most highly extolled98 by his earliest followers as exemplifying his mission must be instanced, first, his inflexible99 courage, amounting frequently to foolhardiness, in the accomplishment100 of his set task, viz. the establishing of the Evangel and the destruction of Popery; secondly101, his extraordinary capacity for work and the perseverance102 of which he gave such signal proof in his literary undertakings103; thirdly, his entire disregard for temporal advantages, which he himself held up as an example to those of the evangelical preachers whose worldliness had become a reproach to the Lutheran cause.
Very strange and remarkable104 is the connection between Luther’s mysticism and the simple and homely105 view he took of life; the pleasure with which he welcomed everything good which came in his way—so far as it was free from any trace of Popery—the kindly106, practical turn of his manner of thinking and acting when among his own people, and that love for humour and good cheer which so strikingly contrasts with the puritanical107 behaviour of his opponents, the Anabaptists and fanatics.
To reconcile his mysticism with habits at first blush so divergent would present quite a problem in itself were we not to take into account the fact, that homeliness108 and humour had been his from the very beginning, whereas his mysticism was a later growth, always to some extent alien to his character. His mysticism he carefully confined to what related to his supposed Divine mission, though at times he does indeed seem to extend indefinitely the range of this mission. Yet, when the duties of his office had cost him pain or tried his temper, he was ever glad to return to the realities of life, and to seek relief in social intercourse110 or in his family circle.
When it was a question of the working of miracles by the heaven-sent messenger, he was of too practical a turn of mind to appeal to anything but the ostensible111 tokens of the Divine favour worked around him and on his behalf in proof of the truth of the new Evangel. He carefully avoided attributing any miracles to his own powers, even when assisted by Divine grace, though, occasionally, he seems to imply that, were the need to arise, he might well work wonders by the power of God, were he only to ask it of Him. With the question of miracles and predictions[118] as proofs of Luther’s Divine mission we shall deal later (p. 153 ff.).
While on the one hand Luther’s views of miracles and prophecies witness to an error which was not without effect on his persuasion112 of his Divine mission, on the other his pseudo-mystic notion of his special calling led him superstitiously113 to see in chance events of history either the extraordinary confirmation of his mission or the celestial114 condemnation115 of Popery.
We know that Luther not only shared the superstitions117 of his contemporaries, but also defended them with all the weight of his great name and literary talents.[322] When at Vienna, in January, 1520, something unusual was perceived in the sky, he at once referred it to “his tragedy,” as he had done even previously118 in similar cases. He also expressed the wish that he himself might be favoured with some such sign. The noisy spirits which had formerly119 disturbed people had, he believed, been reduced in number throughout the world solely120 owing to his Evangel. The omnipotence121 of the devil and the evil he worked on men was, so he thought, to be restrained only by the power of that Word which had again been made known to the world, thanks to his preaching.[323] It was his intention to publish an account of the demoniacal happenings which had taken place in his day and which confirmed his mission; he was only prevented from doing this by want of time.[324] To astrology, unlike Melanchthon, he ever showed himself averse123.
Another element which loomed124 large in his persuasion that he was a prophet was his so-called “temptations,” i.e. the mental troubles, which, so he thought, were caused by the devil and which, coinciding as they often did with other sufferings, were sometimes the cause of long fits of misery125 and dejection.[325]
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These temptations in their most extreme form Luther compared with the death-agony. His extraordinary experiences, of which he never understood the pathological cause, were regarded by him as God’s own testimony126 to his election. His conviction was that, by imposing127 on him these pangs128 of hell, God was cleansing129 him for the grand task assigned to him, even as He had done with other favoured souls in the past. When plunged130 in the abyss of such sufferings he felt like St. Paul, the Apostle of the Gentiles, who likewise was buffeted131 by Satan (vol. i., p. 381 f.), and whom he would fain have emulated133 in his “revelations” of the Divine mysteries. Only in the sequel, however, will it be possible to describe Luther’s pathology for the benefit of those to whom it may be of interest.
All his troubles, whether due to doubt and sadness or to the fury of foes stirred up by Satan against him, he utilised, so he tells us, as an incentive134 to immerse himself ever more and more in the study of Holy Scripture, to cultivate the understanding bestowed upon him, and to seek its practical applications. “My theology was not all learnt in a day; I was obliged to explore deeper and deeper to acquire it. My temptations helped me, for it is impossible to understand Holy Scripture without experience and temptations. This is what the fanatics and unruly spirits lack, viz. that capital gainsayer136 the devil, who alone can teach a man this. St. Paul had a devil, who beat him with his fists and drove him by the way of temptation diligently138 to study Holy Scripture. I have had the Pope, the Universities and all the scholars, and, behind them all, the devil, hanging round my neck: they drove me to the Bible and made me read it until at length I reached the right understanding of it. Unless we have such a devil, we remain mere speculative139 theologians, for whose precious imaginings the world is not much better.”[326] This casual saying of Luther’s gives us a good glimpse into his customary process of thought when in presence of troubles and temptations, great or small.
The above passage, moreover, agrees with many similar statements of his, inasmuch as, far from ascribing his doctrine to any actual revelation, he makes its discovery to result from effort on his part, under the guidance of a higher illumination. Luther, less than any other, could scarcely[120] have been unconscious of the gradual change in his views, more particularly at the outset of his career as Evangelist and prophet; at the very least it was clear that, in the earlier period of his higher mission, he had taught much that was borrowed from Popery and which he discarded only later; at that time, as he puts it, he was still “besotted with Popery.”
Periodic Upheaval140 of Luther’s Idea of his Divine Mission.
Luther’s consciousness of his Divine mission found expression with varying degrees of intensity141 at different periods of his life.
At certain junctures143, notably144 when historic events were impending, it was apt to burst forth, producing in him effects of a character almost terrifying. Such was the case, for instance, in the days which immediately preceded and followed the proclamation of the Bull of Excommunication. At that time it seemed as though every spirit of revolt had entered into him to use him as a tool for defying the authority of the Church. Such was the depth of his persuasion, that he, the excommunicate, was carried away to proclaim his unassailable prophetic rights in tones of the utmost conviction.
Towards the end of his stay at the Wartburg and during the first period of his struggle with the Anabaptists at Wittenberg, we again hear him insisting on his own exalted mission; owing, however, to the mystic illumination of which the fanatics boasted, his claims are now based, not so much on mystical considerations, as on the “outward Word,” whose authentic146 representative he had, by his works, proved himself to be.
The loneliness and gloom of the Wartburg and his “diabolical” experiences there doubtless helped to convince him yet more of the reality of his mission. The ensuing struggle with those of the innovators who differed from him and even threatened to oust147 him, acted as a further stimulus148 and aroused his powers of resistance to the utmost. Nor must we forget the threatening attitude of the Imperial authorities at Nuremberg, whom he was resolved to oppose with the greatest determination; only by impressing on his followers that he was something more than human[121] would it be possible for him successfully to hold in check the hostility149 of Emperor and Princes. The supposed world-wide success of his venture also dazed him at this critical juncture142, a fact which further elucidates150 the situation.
Triumphantly152 he cries: “The Lord has already begun to mock at Satan and his slaves. Satan is in truth vanquished153, and the Pope, too, with all his abominations! Now our only concern is the soap-bubble which has swelled155 to such alarming dimensions [the Nuremberg menace]. We believe in Christ, the Son of God, believe in His dominion156 over life and death. Whom then shall we fear? The first-fruits of victory have already fallen to us; we rejoice at the overthrow157 of the Papal tyranny, whereas formerly Kings and Princes were content to submit to its oppression; how much easier will it be to vanquish154 and despise the Princes themselves!”
“If Christ assures us,” he continues in this same letter, one of the first dispatched after his “Patmos” at the Wartburg, “that the Father has placed all things under His feet, it is certain that He lieth not; ‘all things’ must also comprise the mighty95 ones assembled at Nuremberg, not to speak of that Dresden bubble [Duke George of Saxony]. Let them therefore set about deposing158 Christ. We, however, will calmly look on while the Father Almighty preserves His Son at His right hand from the face and the tail of these smoking firebrands” (Isa. vii. 4). Should a rising or a tumult among the people ensue “which cannot be suppressed by force, then that will be the Lord’s own work; He conceals the danger from the sight of the Princes; and, owing to their blindness and rebellion, He will work such things that methinks all Germany will be deluged159 with blood. We shall ‘set ourselves like a hedge before God in favour of the land and the people’ (Ezek. xxii. 30), in this day of His great wrath, wherefore do you and your people pray for us.”
These words were addressed to an old Augustinian friend to whom he showed himself undisguisedly and in his true colours. In the same letter he has it that he considers it quite certain that Carlstadt, Gabriel Zwilling and the fanatical Anabaptists were preaching without any real call, in fact, against God’s will. To himself he applies the words of our Redeemer: “He Whom God has sent speaketh the words of God” (John iii. 34), and “He that seeketh the glory of Him that sent Him is true” (John vii. 18). Fully109 convinced of the Divine inspiration and compulsion he exclaims: “For this reason did I yield to necessity and return [from the Wartburg], viz. that I might, if God wills, put an end to this devils’ uproar” (of the fanatics).[327]
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If Luther sought to show the fanatics that their fruits bore witness against them and their doctrine, it is worthy161 of note that Staupitz, his former Superior, about this very time, confronted Luther with the disastrous162 fruits of his action, in order to dissuade163 him from the course he was pursuing. Staupitz, who so far had been his patron, had grown apprehensive164 of the character of the movement. His warning, however, only acted as oil on the flame of the enthusiasm then surging up in Luther. In his reply, dated in May, 1522, we find the real Luther, the prophet full of his own great plans: “You write that my undertaking is praised [by discreditable people], and by those who frequent houses of ill-fame, and that much scandal has been given by my latest writings. I am not surprised at this, neither am I apprehensive. It is certain that we for our part have been careful to proclaim the pure Word without causing any tumult; the good and the bad alike make use of this Word, and this, as you know, we cannot help.... For we do what Christ foretold166 when He commanded the angels to collect and remove out of His Kingdom all scandals. Father, I cannot do otherwise than destroy the Kingdom of the Pope, the Kingdom of abomination and wickedness together with all its train. God is already doing this without us, without any assistance from us, merely by His Word. The end of this Kingdom is come before the Lord. The matter far exceeds our powers of comprehension.... Great commotion167 of minds, great scandals and great signs must follow, in view of God’s greatness. But, dear father, I hope this will not trouble you; God’s plan is visible in these things and His mighty hand. You will remember that at the outset everybody thought my undertaking suspicious, doubtful and altogether too bad, and yet it has held the field and will hold its own in spite of your apprehensions168; only have patience. Satan feels the smart of his wound, and that is why he rages so greatly and sets all at loggerheads. But Christ Who has begun the work will trample170 him under foot; and the gates of hell will do their worst, but all in vain.”
So perverted171 an application of the promise solemnly made by Christ to the Church of Peter, that the gates of hell should not prevail against it, had surely never before been heard. Words such as these would even sound incredible did we not learn from the same letter into what a state of nervous excitement the ban and excommunication had plunged him. At Antwerp, Jacob Probst, one of his followers, was to be burned with two of his comrades, and in various localities Luther’s writings, by order of the authorities, were being consigned173 to the flames. This it was which made him say in his letter: “My death by fire is already under discussion; but I only defy Satan and his myrmidons the more that the day of Christ may be hastened, when an end will be put to Antichrist. Farewell, father, and pray for me.... The Evangel is a scandal to the self-righteous and to all who think themselves wise.”[328]
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The later occasions on which this peculiar174 mystic idea asserted itself most strongly and vividly176 were during the exciting events of the Peasant War of 1525; in 1528, at the time his Evangel was in danger from the Empire, while he was tormented177 within; his sojourn178 in the fortress179 of Coburg during the much-dreaded Diet of Augsburg, in 1530, when he again endured profound mental agony; the period of the Schmalkald negotiations181, in 1537, when the Council of Trent had already been summoned, while Luther was suffering much from disease; finally, in the last years of his life, accompanied as they were by recurring182 friction183 with the various Courts and hostile parties, when a growing bitterness dominated his spirit.
In this last period of his career the sense of his Divine mission revived in full force, never again to quit him. His statements concerning his mission now bear a more pessimistic stamp, but he nevertheless holds fast to it and allows nothing to disconcert him by any suspicion of a mistake on his part, nor does he betray any trace of his earlier doubts and misgivings184.
“We know that it is God’s cause,” he says in 1541 to the Electoral Chancellor185 Brück: “God has commenced it and carried it through, and He too will finish it! Whoever does not wish to follow us, let him fall to the rear, with the Emperor and the Turk; all the devils shall gain nothing here, let what God wills befall us.”[329]
“It annoys me that they should esteem186 these things [of the Evangel] as though they were secular187, Imperial, Turkish or princely matters to be decided188 and controlled, bestowed and accepted by reason alone. It is a matter which God and the devil with their respective angels must arrange. Whoever does not believe this will do no good in the business.”[330]
When the negotiations at Ratisbon seemed to be exposing the timorous189 Melanchthon to the “snares of Satan,” Luther in his wonted presumptuous191 fashion wrote to him: “Our cause is not to be controlled by our own action, but only by God’s Providence192. The Word progresses, prayer is ardent193, hope endures, faith conquers, so that verily we cannot but see it, and might even sleep calmly and feast were we not so carnal; for the words of Moses are also addressed to us: ‘The Lord will fight for you and you shall hold your peace’ (cp. Exod. xiv. 14). It is certain[124] that the Lord is fighting, that He is slowly and gradually descending194 from His Throne to the [Last] Judgment which we so anxiously look for. The signs announcing the approaching Judgment are all too numerous.... Hence put away all fear. Be strong and glad and untroubled, for the Lord is near. Let them undertake what they please, the Henrys [he is thinking of Henry of Brunswick, an opponent], the bishops, and likewise the Turks and Satan himself. We are children of the kingdom, and we await and honour Him as our Saviour195 Whom these Henrys spit upon and crucify anew.”[331]
In what frame of mind he then was, and what strange judgments196 he could pass, is seen even more plainly from what he adds concerning a tract197 he had just published against Duke Henry of Brunswick.
This work, entitled “Wider Hans Worst,” is, in style and matter, an attack of indescribable violence on this Catholic prince and Catholics in general. Yet Luther writes of it to Melanchthon: “I have re-read my book against this devil, and I cannot understand what has happened to make me so restrained. I attribute it to my headache which prevented my mind from being carried away on the wings of the storm.” The “bloodhound and incendiary assassin,” as he calls the Duke, would otherwise have had to listen to a very different song for having compelled Luther to “waste his time on Henry’s devil’s excrement198.” That the Duke had been the originator of the appalling number of fires which occurred in the Electorate199 of Hesse in 1540, both Luther and Melanchthon were firmly convinced. Luther’s readiness to cherish the blackest suspicions, his volcanic200 rage against Catholics, the pessimism201 of his reiterated202 cry: “Let everything fall, stand or sink into ruins, as it pleases; let things take their own course,”[332] form a remarkable accompaniment to the thrilling tones in which he again asserts his consciousness of the fulfilment of his Divine mission.
We must here revert203 to some of Luther’s Statements concerning the triumphant151 progress of the Evangel and the determined resistance to be offered to all opposing forces—solemn declarations which attain204 their full meaning only in the light of his idea of his own Divine mission. We give the gist205 of the passages already quoted in detail elsewhere. These passages, which reek206 of revolution, are altogether inspired by the glowing idea of his heavenly mission apart from which they are scarcely comprehensible.
“If war is to come of it, let it come,” etc. “Princely foes are delivered up to us as a holocaust207 in order that they may[125] be rewarded according to their works”; God will “deliver His people even from the fiery208 furnace of Babylon.”[333]
“Let things run on merrily and be prepared for the worst,” “whether it be war or revolt, as God’s anger may decree.”[334]
“Let justice take its course even should the whole world fall into ruins.”[335]
“It is said, ‘If the Pope fall, Germany will perish.’[336] But what has this to do with me?”
“It is God’s Word. Let what cannot stand, fall, and what is not to remain, pass away.” “It is a great thing,” he continues, “that for the sake of the young man [the Divine Redeemer] this Jewish Kingdom and the Divine Service which had been so gloriously instituted and ordered should fall to the ground.” Not Christ alone, he says, had spoken of His work in the same way that he (Luther) did of his own, but St. Paul also, in spite of his grief over the Jews, had, like himself, constantly declared: “The Word is true, else everything must fall into ruins; for He Who sent me and commanded me to preach, will not lie.”[337]
His followers recalled his words, that it were better “all churches, convents and foundations throughout the world should be rooted out” than that “even one soul should be seduced210 by such [Popish] error.”[338] And again: “Are we to forswear the truth?” “Would it be strange were the rulers, the nobles and laity211 to fall upon the Pope, the bishops, priests and monks and drive them out of the land?” They had brought it upon themselves and it was necessary “to pray for them.”[339] But prayer might not suffice. If no improvement took place, then “a general destruction of all the foundations and convents would be the best reformation.”[340]
[126]
These outbursts date almost all from the time of the Diet of Augsburg, or that immediately succeeding it. They might, however, be compared with some earlier utterances213 not one whit214 less full of fanaticism215; for instance, where he says to the Elector, in 1522: “Not only the spiritual but also the secular power must yield to the Evangel, whether willingly or unwillingly”;[341] or the opening sentences of his “Bull of the Evening Feed of our Most Holy Lord the Pope” (1522): “After having had to put up with so many hawkers of bulls, cardinals216 ... and the countless217 horde218 of extortioners and swindlers and knaves whom the Rhine would hardly suffice to drown ...!”[342]
A flood of rage and passionate219 enthusiasm for his mission finds vent in these words: “If they hope ever to exterminate220 the Turks they must begin with the Pope.”[343] “The Pope drives the whole world from the Christian221 faith to his devilish lies, so that the Pope’s rule is ten times worse than that of the Turk for both body and soul.”[344]
Previous to this, in February, 1519, he reveals in the following words the agitation222 and ferment223 going on within him: “I adjure224 you,” he says to his friend Spalatin, “if you would think aright of the Evangel, not to imagine that such a cause can be fought out without tumults225, scandal and rebellion. You cannot make a pen out of a sword, or peace of war. The Word of God is a sword, war, ruin, scandal, destruction, poison and, as we read in the Old Covenant226, ‘Like to a bear in the road and a lioness in the wood,’ so it withstands the sons of Ephraim.”[345]
No Apostle or Prophet ever laid claim to a Divine authorisation for their preaching in language so violent. Indeed, mere phrases and extracts from his writings scarcely suffice to give a true picture of the intensity of his prepossession for his supposed Divine calling and of his furious hatred227 of his opponents. It would, in fact, be necessary to read in their entirety certain of his polemical works. That they have not done so is the explanation why so many know only a polished Luther and have scarcely an inkling of the fierceness of the struggle which centred round his consciousness[127] of a Divine mission, and of the depth of his animosity against those who dared to gainsay135 him.
Nor was this consciousness of his without its effects on those around him. During the long years of his public life, it kindled229 the passion of thousands and contributed largely to the Peasant Revolt and the unhappy religious wars which followed later. Indirectly230 it was also productive of disaster for the Empire by forcing it to make terms with the turbulent elements within, and by preventing it from displaying a united front against the Turks and other enemies without. On the other hand, in the case of very many who honestly looked on Luther as a real reformer of the Church, it also served to infuse into them new enthusiasm for what they deemed the Christian cause.
Its effect on Luther’s character in later life was such as to make him, in his writings to the German people, rave231 like a maniac232 of the different forms of death best suited for Pope and Cardinals, viz. being hanged on the gallows233 with their tongues torn out, being drowned in the Tyrrhenean Sea, or “flayed alive.”[346] “How my flesh creeps and how my blood boils,” he cries, after one such outburst.[347]
If we remember the frenzy234 with which he carried out his religious enterprise, the high tension at which he ever worked and his inexhaustible source of eloquence235, it is easy to fancy ourselves face to face with something more than human. The real nature of the spirit which, throughout Luther’s life, was ever so frantically236 at work within him, must for ever remain a secret. One eye alone, that of the All-seeing, can pierce these depths. Anxious Catholic contemporaries of Luther’s strongly suspected that they had to deal with one possessed237 by the evil spirit. This opinion was openly voiced, first by Johann Nathin, Luther’s contemporary at the Erfurt monastery, by Emser, Cochl?us, Dungersheim and certain other early opponents, and then by several others whose testimony will be heard later (vol. iv., xxvii., 1).
Catholic contemporaries also urged that his claim to a Divine mission was mere impudence238. A simple monk, hitherto quite unknown to the world, so they said, breaks[128] his vows239 and dares to set himself in opposition240 to the universal Church. A man, whose repute was not of the best, and who not only lacked any higher attestation241, but actually exhibited in his doctrine of evangelical freedom, in the disorderly lives of his followers and in the dissensions promoted by his fanatical and stormy rhetoric242, those very signs which our Redeemer had warned His disciples243 would follow false prophets—such a man, they argued, could surely not be a reformer, but was rather a destroyer, of Christendom; he perceives not that the Church, for all her present abuses and corruption244, has nevertheless all down the ages scattered245 throughout the world the Divine blessings246 committed to her care by a promise which shall never fail, and that she will soon rise again purer and more beautiful than ever, for the lasting247 benefit of mankind.
Luther, on the contrary, sought to base his claim to a Divine mission on the abuses rampant248 in Popery, which, he would have it, was altogether under the dominion of the devil and quite beyond redemption.
2. His Mission Alleged250 against the Papists
Luther, subsequent to his apostasy251, accustomed himself to speak of Catholicism in a fashion scarcely credible172. He did not shrink even from the grossest and most impudent252 depreciation253 of the Church of the Popes. His incessant254 indulgence in such abuse calls for some examination into its nature and the mental state of which it was a product.
The Pope and the Papacy.
The Roman Curia, Luther repeatedly declared, did not believe one word of all the truths of religion; at the faithful who held fast to Revelation they scoffed255 and called them good simpletons (“buoni cristiani”); they knew nothing either of the Creed256 or of the Our Father, and from all the ecclesiastical books put together not as much could be learnt as from one page of Martin Luther’s Catechism.
“Mark this well,” he declared as early as 1520 in his work “Von dem Bapstum tzu Rome,” of all that is ordered of God not one jot257 or tittle is observed at Rome; indeed, they mock at it as folly258 when anyone pays any attention to it. They don’t mind a bit that the Gospel and the faith of Christ are perishing throughout[129] the world, and would not lift a finger to prevent it.[348] The Popes are simply “Epicureans,” so that, naturally, almost all those who return from Rome bring back home with them an “Epicurean faith.” “For this at least is certain, viz. that the Pope and the Cardinals, together with their schools of knaves, believe in nothing at all; in fact, they smile when they hear faith mentioned.”[349]
“What cares the Pope about prayer and God’s Word? He has his own god to serve, viz. the devil. But this is a mere trifle.... What is far worse, and a real masterpiece of all the devils in hell, is, that he usurps259 the authority to set up laws and articles of faith.... He roars, as though chock-full of devils, that whosoever does not obey him and his Romish Church cannot be saved.... Papistically, knavishly260, nay, in a truly devilish way, does the Pope, like the stupid scoundrel he is, use the name of the holy Roman Church, when he really means his school of knaves, his Church of harlots and hermaphrodites, the devil’s own hotchpotch.... For such is the language of his Romish Church, and whoever has to do with the Pope and the Roman See must first learn this or else he fares badly. For the devil, who founded the Papacy, speaks and works everything through the Pope and the Roman See.”[350]
His “Heer-Predigt widder den5 Türcken,” in 1529, supplied him with the occasion for the following aside: “The Pope’s doctrine is mere spiritual murder and not one whit better than the teaching and blasphemy261 of Mohammed or the Turks.... We have nothing but devils on either side and everywhere.”[351] “They even try to force us poor Christians262 at the point of the sword to worship the devil and blaspheme Christ. Other tyrants263 have at least this in their favour, that they crucify the Lord of Glory ignorantly, like the Turks, the heathen and the Jews ... but they [the Papists], say: We know that Christ’s words and acts testify against us, but nevertheless we shall not endure His Word, or yield to it.”[352] “I believe the Pope is the devil incarnate264 in disguise; for he is Antichrist. For, as Christ is true God and man, so Antichrist is the incarnation of the devil.”[353]
“The superstition116 of the Pope exceeds that of the Jews.” Though the Pope drags countless souls down to hell, yet we may not say to him: “For shame! Why act you thus?” “Had not his prestige been overthrown265 by the Word [i.e. by my preaching] even the devil would have vomited266 him forth. But this deliverance [from the Pope] we esteem a small matter and have become ungrateful. God, however, will send other forms of darkness to avenge268 this ingratitude269; we still have this consolation270, that the Last Day cannot be far distant; for the prophecy[130] of Daniel has been entirely271 fulfilled, where he describes the Papacy as though he had actually seen its doings.”[354]
“At Rome,” so he assures his readers, “they pull the noses of us German fools,” and then say, that “it is of Divine institution that none can be made bishop86 without the authority of Rome. I can only wonder that Germany ... has a farthing left for this horde of unspeakable, intolerable Roman fools, scoundrels and robbers.”[355] “Worse even than this rapacious272 seizing of the money of foreigners is the Pope’s usurped273 right of deciding matters of faith. He acts just as he pleases in accordance with the imaginary interior inspirations which he believes he receives.” “He does just the same as Thomas Münzer and the Anabaptists, for he treads under foot the outward Word of God, trusts entirely to higher illumination and gives vent to his own fond inventions against Holy Scripture; which is the reason why we blame him. We care not for mere human thoughts; what we want is the outward Word.”[356]
“In short, what shall I say? No error, superstition or idolatry is too gross to be admitted and accepted; at Rome they even honour the Pope as God. And the heathen also had a god, whose name it was not lawful275 to utter.”[357]
The Catholics.
If we turn from the Pope-God or Pope-devil to the Papists, from the Roman Curia to the Catholics, we find them scourged276 in similar language.
Amidst a wealth of imagery quite bewildering to the mind, one idea emerges clearly, viz. that he has been summoned by God for the purpose of rebuilding Christianity from the very foundation. Nothing but such a mission could justify38 him in forcing upon himself and others the belief, that the existing Church had been utterly277 corrupted278 by the devil and that everybody who dared to oppose him was inspired by Satan.
“No one can be a Papist unless he is at the very least a murderer, robber or persecutor,” for “he must agree” that the “Pope and his crew are right in burning and banishing279 people,”[358] etc. The worst thing about the Papists is the Mass; he would rather he had “kept a brothel, or been a robber, than have sacrificed and blasphemed Christ for fifteen years by saying Mass.”[359]
[131]
Their bloodthirstiness is beyond belief. “They would not care a scrap281 were no Prince or ruler left in Germany, and were the whole land bathed in blood, so long as they were free to exercise their tyranny and lead their godless and shameless life.”[360] So shameless is their life that the morals of the Lutherans glitter like gold in comparison. Yea, “our life even when it reeks282 most of sin is better than all their [the Papists’] sanctity, though it should seem to smell as sweet as balsam.”[361] The Catholics had destroyed the Baptism instituted by Christ, and replaced it by a baptism of works, hence their doctrine is as pernicious as that of the Anabaptists, nay, is exactly on a level with that of the Jews.[362]
The Catholics profess69 “unbelief in God,” and “put to death those guileless Christians who refuse to countenance283 such idolatry”; they are “not fit to be compared with oxen or asses,” seeing that they exalt9 “their self-chosen works,” “far above God’s commandment. For in addition to the idolatry and ungodly teaching whereby they daily outrage284 and blaspheme God, they do not perform any works of charity towards their neighbour, nay, would rather leave anyone to perish in want than stretch out a hand to help him. Again, they are as careful not to deviate285 by a hair’s breadth from their man-made ordinances286, rules and commands as were the Jews with regard to the Sabbath.... They make no scruple32 of cheating their neighbour of his money and goods in order to fill their own belly287.... Such perverse288 and crazy saints, more foolish than ever ox or ass29, are all those, Mohammedans, Turks or whatever else they be called, who refuse to listen to or receive Christ.”[363]
It was Luther that Dr. Jonas had heard, on one occasion at table, express the opinion concerning the Papists: “Young fellows, take note of this definition: A Papist is a liar175 and murderer, nay, the devil himself. Hence they are not to be trusted, for they thirst for our blood.”[364]
Luther himself assures us that “the blindness of the Papists and the anger of God against the Papacy was terrible.” “Christians, redeemed289 by the Blood of Christ, put away this blood and worshipped the crib, surely an awful fall! If this had happened amongst the heathen it would have been regarded as monstrous290.”[365]
The Catholics, Luther taught, never pray, in fact, they do not know how to pray but only how to blaspheme. We find other almost incredible allegations born of his fancy and voiced in a sermon in 1524, of which we have a transcript291. “They taught the Our Father, but warned us not to use it [by instructing us to get others to pray for us in our stead]. It is true that for many years I shouted [’bawled,’ he says elsewhere] in the monastery [in choir], but never did I pray. They mock the[132] Lord God with their prayers. Never did they approach God with their hearts so as to pray for anything in faith.”[366]
Had it been possible for a man to be saved in Popery? He, Luther, replies that this might have happened because “some laymen292” may have “held the crucifix in front of the dying man and said: Look up to Jesus, Who died on the cross for you. By this means many a dying man had turned to Christ in spite of having previously believed in the false, miraculous293 signs [which the devil performs in Popery] and acted as an idolator. Such, however, were lucky.”[367] He admits incidentally that “many of our forefathers” had been saved in this exceptional way, though only such as “had been led astray into error, but had not clung to it.”[368] In any case it was a miracle. “Those pious souls,” “many of whom had by God’s grace been wonderfully preserved in the true faith in the midst of Popery,” had been saved, so he fancies, in much the same way as “Abraham in Ur of the Chaldeans, and Lot in Sodom.”[369]
Now, however, matters stood differently; thanks to his mission light had dawned again, and the unbelief of the Catholics was therefore all the more reprehensible294. In the heat of his polemic228 Luther goes so far as to accuse the Papists who oppose him of the sin against the Holy Ghost. At any rate they were acting against their conscience, as he had pointed out before. He also hints that theirs is that worst sin, of which Christ declares (Matt. xii. 31), that it can be forgiven neither in this world nor in the next. The greater part of a sermon on this text which he preached at Wittenberg, in 1528 or 1529, deals with this criminal blindness on the part of Catholics, this deliberate turning away from the truth of the Holy Ghost to which Matthew refers. Here, as elsewhere, Luther’s presupposition is: I teach “the bright Evangel with which even they can find no fault”; I preach “nothing but what is plain to all and so clearly grounded on Scripture that they themselves are forced to admit it”; “what is so plainly proved by the Holy Ghost” that it stands out as a “truth known to all.” He proceeds: “When I was a learned Doctor I did not believe there was such a thing on earth as the sin against the Holy Ghost, for I never imagined or believed it was possible to find a heart that could be so wicked.” But “now the Papal horde” has descended295 to this, for they “blaspheme and lie against their conscience”; they “are unable to refute our Evangel or to advance anything against it,” “yet they knowingly oppose our teaching out of waywardness and hatred of the truth, so that no admonition, counsel, prayer or chastisement296 is of any avail.” “Thus openly to smite297 the Holy Ghost on the mouth,” nay, “to spit in His Face,” is to emulate132 the treachery of Judas in the depth of their “obstinate and venomous hearts”; for such it was “forbidden to pray,[133]” according to 1 John v. 16, because this would be to “insult the spirit of grace and tread under foot the Son of God.” The Papists richly deserve that the “Holy Ghost should forsake298 them,” and that they should go “wantonly to their destruction according to their desire.” In short, “It is better for people to be sunk in sin, to be prostitutes and utter scamps, for at least they may yet come to a knowledge of the truth; but these devil’s saints who go to Divine worship full of good works, when they hear the Holy Ghost openly testifying against them, strike Him on the mouth and say: it is all heresy299 and devilry.”[370]
The tone of hatred and of blind prejudice in favour of his cause which here finds utterance212 may be explained to some extent by his experience during the sharp struggles of conscience through which he was then going, and which formed the worst crisis of his inner states of terror. (See vol. v., xxxii., 4.) Nor must the connection be overlooked between his apparent confidence here and the attempt which he makes in one passage of the sermon to justify theologically his radical300 subversion301 of olden doctrine. The brief argument runs as follows: “From St. Paul everyone can infer that it cannot be achieved by works, otherwise the Blood of Christ is made of no account.” Hence the holiness-by-works of the Catholics was an abomination.[371]
On another occasion Luther, speaking of the wilful302 blindness of the Catholics, declared that “God’s untold303 wrath must sooner or later fall upon such Epicurean pigs and donkeys”; the devil must be a spirit of tremendous power to incite304 them “deliberately to withstand God.” They say and admit: “‘That is, I know, the Word of God, but even though it is the Word of God I shall not suffer it, listen to it, nor regard it, but shall reprove it and call it heretical, and whoever is determined to obey God in this matter ... him I will put to death or banish280.’ I could never have believed there was such a sin.”[372]
As such declarations of the wilful obstinacy305 of the Catholics are quite commonly made by him, we are tempted306 to assume that such was really his opinion; if so, we are here face to face with a remarkable instance of what his self-deception was capable.
[134]
Even at the Wartburg, however, he was already on the road to such an idea, for, while still there, he had declared that the Papists were unworthy to receive the truth which he preached: “Had they been worthy of the truth, they would long ago have been converted by my many writings.” “If I teach them they only revile307 me; I implore308 and they merely mock at me; I scold them and they grow angry; I pray for them and they reject my prayer; I forgive them their trespass309 and they will have none of my forgiveness; I am ready to sacrifice myself for them and yet they only curse me. What more can I do than Christ?”[373]
It is true that according to him the Papists were ignorant to the last degree, and such ignorance had indeed always prevailed under Popery. “I myself have been a learned Doctor of theology and yet I never understood the Ten Commandments aright. Nay, there have been many celebrated310 Doctors who were not sure whether there were nine or ten or eleven Commandments; much less did they know anything of the Gospel or of Christ.”[374]
Still, this appalling ignorance on the part of the Papists did not afford any excuse or ground for charitable treatment. Their malice311, particularly that of the Popes, is too great. “The Popes are a pot-boil of the very worst men on earth. They boast of the name of Christ, St. Peter and the Churches and yet are full of the worst devils in hell, full, absolutely full, so full that they drivel, spew and vomit267 nothing but devils.”[375]
A passage in the “Table-Talk” collected by Mathesius and recently published, shows that Luther considered his frenzied312 anti-popery as the most suitable method of combating Popish errors; “Philip [Melanchthon] isn’t as yet angry enough with the Pope,” he said some time in the winter of 1542-43; “he is moderate by nature and always acts with moderation, which may possibly be of some use, as he himself hopes. But my storming (impetus) knocks the bottom out of the cask; my way is to fall upon them with clubs ... for the devil can only be vanquished by contempt. Enough has been written and said to the weak, as[135] for the hardened, nothing is of any avail ... I rush in with all my might, but against the devil.”[376]
His attitude towards scholarly Catholics was very apparent in the later episodes of his controversy313 with Erasmus.[377]
After having charged Popes and Cardinals with lack of faith, it can be no matter for surprise that he should have represented Erasmus as an utter infidel and a preacher of Epicureanism. The pretexts314 upon which Luther based this charge had been triumphantly demolished315 by Erasmus, and only Luther’s prejudice in favour of his own mission to save Christendom from destruction could have led him to describe Erasmus as a depraved fellow, who personified all the infidelity and corruption of the Papacy.
“This man learned his infidelity in Rome,” Luther ventured to say of him; hence his wish “to have his Epicureanism praised.” “He is the worst foe58 of Christ that has arisen for the last thousand years.”[378] In 1519, before Erasmus took the field against him, Luther had written to him, praising him, and, in the hope of securing his co-operation, had said: “You are our ornament316 and our hope.... Who is there into whose mind Erasmus has not penetrated317, who does not see in him a teacher, or over whom he has not established his sway? You are displeasing318 to many, but therein I discern the gifts of our Gracious God.... With these my words, barbarous as they are, I would fain pay homage319 to the excellence320 of your mind to which we, all of us, are indebted.... Please look on me as a little brother in Christ, who is wholly devoted321 to you and loves you dearly.”[379]
On another occasion Luther abuses his opponent as follows: “The only foundation of all his teaching is his desire to gain the applause of the world; he weights the scale with ignorance and malice.” “What is the good of reproaching him with being on the same road as Epicurus, Lucian and the sceptics? By doing so I merely succeeded in rousing the viper322, and in its fury against me it gave birth to the Viperaspides [i.e. the “Hyperaspistes”]. In Italy and at Rome he sucked in the milk of the Lami? and Meg?r? and now no medicine is of any avail.” Even in what Erasmus says concerning the Creed, we see the “os et organum Satan?.” He may be compared with the enemy in the Gospel, who, while men slept, sowed cockel in the field. We can understand now how Sacramentarians, Donatists, Arians, Anabaptists, Epicureans and so forth have again made their appearance. He sowed his seed and then disappeared. And yet he stands in high honour with Pope and Prince. “Who would[136] have believed that the hatred of Luther was so strong? A poor man is made great simply through Luther.”[380]
This letter Erasmus described in the title of his printed reply as “Epistola non sobria Martini Lutheri.” Others, he says, might well explain it as a mental aberration323, or as due to the influence of some evil demon122.[381]
Luther, quite undismayed, continued to deny that Erasmus was in any sense a believer: “He regards the Christian religion and doctrine as a comedy or tragedy”; he is “a perfect counterfeit324 and image of Epicurus”; to this “incarnate scoundrel, God—the Father, Son and Holy Ghost—is merely ludicrous.” “Whereas I did not take the trouble to read most of the other screeds published against me, but merely put them to the basest use that paper can be put—which indeed was all they were worth—I read through the whole of the ‘Diatribe’ of Erasmus, though I was often tempted to throw it aside.” He, like Democritus, the cynical325 heathen philosopher, looks on our whole theology as nothing better than a fairy tale.[382]
We may well be permitted to regard such statements made by Luther in his later years concerning the Catholics more as the result of a delusion326 than as deliberate falsehoods. It may be that Luther gradually persuaded himself that such was really the case. If this be so, we must, however, admit with D?llinger “the unparalleled perversion327 and darkening of Luther’s judgment”; this, adds D?llinger, would explain “much in his statements which must otherwise appear enigmatical.”[383] Considerations such as those we have seen him (p. 121 ff.) allege249 concerning the truth of his cause being proved by its success, could scarcely have impressed any save an unsettled mind such as his. He seems to have accustomed himself to explaining the complex and highly questionable328 movement at the head of which he stood in a light other than the true one, so much so that he could declare: “God knows all this is not my doing, a fact of which the whole world should have been aware long ago.”[384] Brimful of the enthusiasm he had imbibed329 at the[137] Wartburg he wrote, from Wittenberg, on June 27, 1522, in a similar tone to Staupitz, who was then Benedictine Abbot at Salzburg: “God has undertaken it [the destruction of the abomination of the kingdom of the Pope] without our help and without human aid, merely by the Word. Its end has come before the Lord. The matter is beyond our reason or understanding, hence it is useless to expect all to grasp it. For the sake of God’s power it is meet and just that people’s minds be deeply stirred and that there should be great scandals and great signs. Dear father, do not let this disturb you; I am hopeful. You see God’s plan in these matters and His Mighty Hand. Remember how my cause from the outset seemed to the world doubtful and intolerable, and how, notwithstanding, from day to day it has gained the upper hand more and more. It will also gain the upper hand in what you now anticipate with misplaced apprehension169; just you wait and see. Satan feels the smart of the wound inflicted330 on him, that is why he rages so furiously and throws everything into confusion. But Christ Who began the work will tread him under foot in defiance of all the gates of hell.”[385]
From the very outset of his career Luther had been paving the way for this delusion as to the true character of his Catholic opponents, his own higher mission and God’s overthrow of all gainsayers.
In 1518 he declared, as a sort of prelude331 to the idea of his Divine mission, that the Catholic Doctors who opposed him were sunk in “chaotic darkness,” and that he preached “the one true light, Jesus Christ.”[386] Even in 1517, in publishing his Resolutions, he had said of the setting up of his Indulgence Theses, that the Lord Himself had compelled him to advance all this. “Let Christ see to it whether it be His cause or mine.”[387]
His pupils and Wittenberg adherents332 treasured up such assurances of his extraordinary mission in order to excite their own enthusiasm. Even Albert Dürer, who was further removed from the sphere of his influence, spoke42 of him in[138] the third decade of the century as “a man enlightened by the Holy Ghost and one who has the Spirit of God.”[388] Long after his death the chord which he had struck continued to vibrate among those who were devoted to him. On his tomb at Wittenberg might be read: “Taught by the Divine inspiration and called by God’s Word, he disseminated333 throughout the world the new light of the Evangel.” Old, orthodox Lutheranism honoured him as God’s own messenger; the Protestant Pietists, at the turn of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, attributed to Luther, to quote the words of Gottfried Arnold, a truly “apostolic call,” received by means of a “direct inspiration, impulse or Divine apprehension”; this Divine mission, Arnold says, was “generally” admitted, although he himself, as a staunch Pietist, was willing to allow to Luther “the power and illumination of the Spirit” only during the period previous to the dispute with Carlstadt, who was equally enlightened from above. “For a while,” says Arnold, i.e. for about seven years, Luther was “in very truth mightily334 guided by God and employed as His instrument.”[389]
Other Lutheran theologians, Gerhard and Calovius, for instance, refused to see in Luther’s case anything more than an indirect call; about the middle of the eighteenth century the editor of Luther’s Works, Consistorialrat Prof. J. G. Walch, of Jena, asserted openly of Luther’s mission that he “was not called directly by God as had been the case with the Prophets and Apostles”; his call had only in so far been beyond the ordinary in that “God, after decreeing in His Divine plans the Reformation, had chosen Luther as His tool”; hence Luther’s providential mission was only to be inferred from the “divinity of the Reformation,” which, however, was apparent to all who “did not wantonly and maliciously335 shut their eyes to facts.” Extraordinary gifts had not indeed been bestowed upon him by God, though he had all the “gifts pertaining336 to his office” in rich measure, and likewise the “sanctifying gifts” and the “spiritual graces”; the latter Walch then proceeds to dissect337 with painstaking338 exactitude.[390]
[139]
Such a view marks the transition to the modern conception of Luther so widely prevalent among Protestants to-day, which, while extolling339 him as the powerful instrument of the Reformation, naturalises him, so to speak, and takes him down from the pedestal of the God-illumined teacher and prophet, who proclaims a Divine interpretation340 of Scripture binding341 upon all.[391]
[140]
Apocalyptico-Mystic Vesture.
Against Catholics Luther also used certain pseudo-mystic elements drawn343 from his consciousness of a higher mission and based principally on Holy Scripture.
In this respect his one-sided study of the Bible explains much, and should avail to mitigate344 our judgment on him. Stories and scenes from the Old Testament345, incidents from the heroic times of the prophets, the lives of the patriarchs, to which he had devoted special Commentaries, so engrossed his mind, that, unwittingly, he came to clothe all in the garb346 of the prominent figures of Bible history. He was fond of imagining himself as one of those privileged heroes living in the same world of miracles as of yore.
[141]
If a she-ass could speak to Balaam then how much more can he, Luther, proclaim the truth by the power from on high, even though the whole world should be astonished at the solitary347 figure who dares to stand up against it. He calls to mind, that the prophet Elias was almost alone in refusing to bow the knee to Baal. Discouraged by the opposition he met with from the Catholic party he was ready to liken himself to Jeremias the prophet, and like him to say: “We would have cured Babylon, but she is not healed, let us forsake her.”[392]
In the New Testament Christ Himself and the Apostles were Luther’s favourite types, because, like himself, they were against a whole world whose views were different. The fact that they were alone did not, he says, diminish their reputation, and their success proved their mission. Like Paul and Athanasius and Augustine it is his duty to withstand the stream of false opinions: “My rock, that on which I build, stands firm and will not totter348 or fall in spite of all the gates of hell; of this I am certain.... Who knows what God wills to work by our means?”[393]
When, at different periods of his public career, and in preparing his various works for the press, he had occasion to ruminate349 on the biblical questions connected with Antichrist, he was wont190 also to consider the prophecies of Daniel on the end of the world. By dint350 of a diligent137 comparison of all the passages on the abominations of the latter days he came to find therein the corruption of the Papacy fully described, even down to the smallest details, with an account of its overthrow, and, consequently, also of his own mission. In the same way that he saw the impending fall of the Turkish Empire predicted, so also he recognised that the German Empire must shortly perish, since, as he had[142] learnt from Daniel, it was to receive no other constitution. As for the Papacy, at least according to one of the most forcible of his pronouncements, within two years “it would vanish like smoke, together with all its swarm351 of parasites352.”
In Daniel viii. we read that a king will come, “of a shameless face, and understanding dark sentences.” He will lay all things waste and destroy the mighty and the people of the saints according to his will. “Craft shall be successful in his hands and his heart shall be puffed353 up. He shall rise up against the prince of princes, and shall be broken without a hand.” His coming will be “after many days.”[394] The king thus prophesied354 is generally admitted to have been Antiochus Epiphanes, while the words “after many days” do not refer to the Last Day or to the End of the World, but to the latter end of the Jewish people. Luther, however, took these words and the whole prophecy in an erroneous, apocalyptic342 sense. He brought the description of the king into connection with the passages on Antichrist, and the great apostasy, in the Second Epistle to the Thessalonians, the Second Epistle to Timothy and the Second Epistle of Peter, etc.[395] There seemed to him not the slightest doubt that the Papacy, with its pernicious arrogance355 and revolt against God, was here described in minutest detail.
This idea he finally elaborated while writing his violent work “On the Babylonish Captivity356.” He therein promised to tell the Papists things such as they had never heard before. This promise he fulfilled soon after in the detailed357 reply to Ambrosius Catharinus, which he hastily wrote in the month of March, 1521. In this Latin work he proved in detail to the satisfaction of learned readers, whether in Germany or abroad, that the Papacy was plainly depicted358 in the Bible as Antichrist, and likewise its approaching great fall.[396]
“I think that, through my exposition of the Prophet Daniel, I have carried out excellently what I promised the Papists to do.” Thus to his friend Link, on the completion of the work.[397]
Daniel’s Antichrist, according to Luther’s interpretation,[143] assumes various shapes. These, Luther assures us, are the different forms and masks of Romish superstition and Romish hypocrisy359. Amongst these he reckons, as the last, the Universities, because they had made use of the Divine Word in order to deceive the world; here he introduces the prophecy in Apocalypse ix., where a star falls from heaven, the fountains of the deep are opened, locusts360 with the strength of scorpions361 rise up out of a thick smoke, and a King reigns362 over them whose name is Apollyon, or destroyer. The star Luther takes to be Thomas Aquinas, the smoke is the empty words and opinions of Aristotle and the philosophers, the destructive locusts are the Universities, and Apollyon is their master, viz. Aristotle. As for Antichrist himself, i.e. the Papacy, Jesus will destroy him with the breath of His mouth, according to the word of St. Paul, which agrees with the “destruction without hands” prophesied by Daniel. “Thus the Pope and his kingdom are not to be destroyed by laymen, although they greatly dread180 this [at Rome]; they are not worthy of so mild a chastisement, but are being reserved for the Second Coming of Christ because they have been, and still remain, His most furious enemies. Such is the end of Antichrist, who exalts363 himself above all things and does not fight with hands, but by the breath and spirit of Satan. Breath shall destroy breath, truth unmask deceit, for the unmasking of a lie means bringing it to nought364.”[398]
Apocalyptic fancies such as the above were to dog Luther’s footsteps for the rest of his life. Both in his writings and in his “Table-Talk” he was never backward in putting forth his views on this abstruse365 subject.
Of the ideas concerning the Papal Antichrist which, since Hus’s time were current among the classes hostile to Rome,[399] Luther selected and absorbed whatever was worst. Hus’s work on the Church he read in February, 1520. The birth and growth of the theory in his mind even previous to this can, however, be traced step by step, and the process affords us a valuable insight into his mentality366 by revealing so well its pseudo-mystical element.
We may distinguish between the earliest private and the earliest public appearance of Luther’s idea of the Papal Antichrist. Its first unmistakable private trace is to be met with in a letter of December 11, 1518, to his brother-monk and sympathiser Wenceslaus Link. Luther was at[144] that time labouring under the emotion incident on his interrogation at Augsburg, of which he had just published the “Acta.” Sending a copy to his friend he declares, that his pen is already at work at much greater things, that he knew not whence the ideas that filled his mind came, but that he would send Link whatever writings he published, that he might see “whether I am right in my surmise367 that the real Antichrist, according to Paul [2 Thess. ii., 3 ff.], rules at the Roman Curia.”[400] The first public expression of this idea is, however, to be found in the pronouncement he made subsequent to the Leipzig Disputation in the summer of 1519, viz. that if the Pope arrogated368 to himself alone the power of interpreting Scripture, then he was exalting369 himself above God’s Word and was worse than Antichrist.[401]
Not long after Luther showed how deeply he had drunk in the ideas of Hus; in February, 1520, he confessed to being a Husite, since both he and Staupitz too had hitherto taught precisely370 Hus’s doctrine, though without having recognised him as their leader; the plain, evangelical truth had been burnt a hundred years before in the person of Hus. “I am so astonished I know not what to think when I contemplate371 these terrible judgments of God upon men.”[402] On March 19 he sent to Spalatin a copy of Hus’s writing, which had just been printed for the first time, praising the author as a “marvel of intellect and learning.”[403]
In his conception of Antichrist Luther differed from antiquity372 in that he applied373 the term not so much to a person as to a system, or a condition of things: the ecclesiastical government of Rome, with its “pretensions” and its “corruption,” appears to him in his apocalyptic dreams as the real Antichrist. That he finally came to see in the person of the Pope more and more an embodiment of Antichrist was, however, only to be expected; when one wearer of the Papal tiara died, the mask of Antichrist passed to his successor, a matter of no difficulty since, as the end of the world was nigh, the number of the Popes was in any case complete.
As early as February 24, 1520, having previously found[145] new fuel for his ire in the perusal374 of Hutten’s edition of Lorenzo Valla’s dissertation375 against the Donation of Constantine, he wrote to Spalatin:[404] “Nothing is too utterly monstrous not to be acceptable at Rome;[405] of the impudent forgery376 of the Donation they have made a dogma[!]. I have come to such a pass that I can scarcely doubt that the Pope is the real Antichrist whom the world, according to the accepted view, awaits. His life, behaviour, words and laws all fit the character too well. But more of this when we meet.” The allusion377 to the “accepted view” may refer to a work, reprinted at Erfurt in 1516, and which Luther must certainly have known, viz. the “Booklet on the Life and Rule of End-Christ as Divinely decreed, how he corrupteth the world through his false teaching and devilish counsel, and how, after this, the two prophets Enoch and ‘Helyas’ shall win back Christendom by preaching the Christian faith.”
Greater even than the influence of such writings, in confirming him in his persuasion that the Pope was Antichrist, was that of the excitement caused by his polemics378. We have already had occasion to speak of his stormy replies to the “Epitome” of Silvester Prierias and the controversial pamphlet of Augustine Alveld the Franciscan friar. In the latter rejoinder he promises to handle the Papacy “mercilessly” and to belabour Antichrist as he deserves. “Circumstances demand imperatively379 that the veil be torn from the mysteries of Antichrist; indeed, in their effrontery380 they themselves refuse to be any longer shrouded381 in darkness.” Speaking of Prierias, who was a Roman, he says: “I believe that at Rome they have all gone stark382, staring mad, and become senseless fools, stocks, stones, devils and a very hell”; “what now can we expect from Rome where such a monster is permitted to take his place in the Church?”[406] In his replies to Prierias and Alveld he depicts383 Antichrist in the worst colours to be supplied by a vivid imagination and an over-mastering fury: If such things are taught in Rome, then “the veritable Antichrist is indeed seated in the Temple of God, and rules in the purple-clad Babylon at Rome, while the Roman Curia is the synagogue of Satan....[146] Who can Antichrist be, if not such a Pope? O Satan, Satan, how greatly dost thou abuse the patience of thy Creator to thine own destruction!”[407]
The anger of the sensitive and excitable Wittenberg professor had been roused by contradiction, particularly by the tract which hailed from Rome, but the arrival of the Bull of Excommunication moved him to the very depths of his soul and led him to commit to writing the most hateful travesties384 of the Roman Papacy.
In the storm and stress of the struggle, which in the latter half of 1520 produced the so-called great Reformation works, the Antichrist theory, in its final form, was made to serve as a bulwark385 against the Papal excommunication and its consequences. Luther drops all qualifications and henceforth his assertions are positive. The wider becomes the breach separating him from Rome, the blacker must he paint his opponents in order to justify himself before the world and to his own satisfaction. Previous to its publication he summed up the contents of his “An den christlichen Adel” as follows: “There the Pope is severely386 mauled and treated as Antichrist.”[408] As a matter of fact, the comparison is so startling that he could well speak of the booklet as “a trumpet-blast against the world-destroying tyranny of the Roman Antichrist.”[409] In the writing “On the Babylonish Captivity,” a few weeks later, he exclaims: “Now I know and am certain that the Papacy is the empire of Babylon.” “The Popes are Antichrists and desire to be honoured in the stead of Christ.... The Papacy is nothing but the empire of Babylon and of the veritable Antichrist, because with its doctrines and laws it merely makes sin more plentiful388; hence the Pope is the ‘man of sin’ and the ‘son of destruction.’”[410]
Hereby he had prepared the way for his attack upon Leo the Tenth’s Bull of Excommunication, which he published in German and Latin at the end of October, 1520, under the title, “Widder die Bullen des Endchrists” and “Adversus execrabilem Antichristi bullam.”[411] Such a name[147] was well calculated to strike the fancy of the masses, and there cannot be the slightest doubt that Luther welcomed it as a taking, popular cry.
It is easy to meet the objection that the Papal Antichrist was nothing more to Luther than a serviceable catchword, and that he never meant it seriously. That such was not the case we have abundantly proved already; on the contrary, we have here a clear outgrowth of his pseudo-mysticism. He ever preserved it as a sacred possession, and it found its way in due season into the Schmalkald Articles[412] and into the Notes Luther appended to his German Bible.[413] The idea, which never left him, of the world’s approaching end—with this we shall deal at greater length in vol. v., xxxi. 2—is without a doubt closely linked with his cherished theory of his being the revealer of Antichrist and the chosen instrument of God for averting389 His malice in the latter days.
The Bible assures us, according to Luther, that, “after the downfall of the Pope and the delivery of the poor, no one on earth would be feared as a tyrant” (Psalm x. 18); now, he continues, “this would not be possible were the world to continue after the Pope’s fall, for the world cannot exist without tyrants. And thus the prophet agrees with the Apostle that Christ at His coming [i.e. His second coming, for the Last Judgment] will upset the holy Roman Chair. God grant this happen speedily. Amen.”[414]
In 1541, Luther wrote a Latin essay on the Chronology of the World, which, in 1550, was published in German by Johann Aurifaber under the title of “Luthers Chronica.” This work, which witnesses both to Luther’s industry and to his interest in history, is also made to serve its author’s views on Antichrist. Towards the end, alluding390 to what he had already said concerning the several periods of the world’s history, he adds, that it was “to be hoped that the end of the world was drawing near, for the sixth millenary of its history would not be completed, any more than the three days between Christ’s death and resurrection.” Besides, “at no other time had greater and more numerous signs taken place, which gives us a certain hope that the Last Day is at the very door.”[415] Of the year A.D. 1000 we here read: “The Roman[148] Bishop becometh Antichrist, thanks to the power of the sword.”[416]
In the same year his tireless pen, amongst other writings, produced a Commentary on Daniel xii. concerning the “end of the days,” the abomination of desolation and the general retribution. The Papal Antichrist here again supplies him with abundant exemplifications of the fulfilment of the prophecy; the signs foretold to herald391 the destruction of this Empire, so hostile to God, had almost all been accomplished392, and the great day was at hand.
Other people, and, among them some of the great lights of Catholicism, both before and after Luther’s day, have erred10 in their exegesis393 of Antichrist and been led to expect prematurely394 the end of the world. Yet only in Luther do we find united a fanatical expectation of the end with a minute acquaintance with its every detail, scriptural demonstrations395 with anxious observation of the events of the times, all steeped in the deadliest hatred of that mortal enemy the Papacy.
His conviction that God was proving his mission by signs and wonders sometimes assumed unfortunate forms, for instance, when he superstitiously seeks its attestation in incidents of his own day.
We see an example of this in the meaning he attached to the huge whale driven ashore396 near Haarlem, in which he saw a sign of God’s wrath against the Papists. “The Lord has given them an ominous397 sign,” he writes, on June 13, 1522, to Speratus, “if so be they enter into themselves and do penance398. For He has cast a sea monster called a whale, 70 feet in length and 35 feet in girth, on the shore near Haarlem. Such a monster it is usual to regard as a certain sign of wrath. May God have mercy on them and on us.”[417] Other natural phenomena399, amongst them an earthquake in Spain, led him to write as follows to Spalatin at the beginning of the following year: “Don’t think that I shall creep back into a corner however much Behemoth and his crew may rage. New and awful portents401 occur day by day, and you have doubtless heard of the earthquake in Spain.”[418]
When, in 1536, extraordinary deeds were narrated403 of a girl at Frankfurt-on-the-Oder, and attributed to demoniacal possession (she could, for instance, produce coins from all sorts of impossible places, even out of men’s beards), Luther, we are told, utilised in the pulpit these terrible signs and portents, “as a warning to abandoned persons who deem themselves secure, in order that now, at last, they may begin to fear God and to put their trust in Him.”[419]
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At Freiberg in Saxony, towards the end of 1522, a cow was delivered of a deformed404 calf405. On this becoming known, people, as was then the vogue406, set about discovering the meaning of the portent402. An astrologer of Prague first took the extraordinary phenomenon to refer to Luther, whose hateful and wicked behaviour was portrayed407 in the miscarriage408. Luther, on the other hand, discovered that the monstrosity really represented a naked calf clothed in a cowl (the skin was drawn up into strange creases409 on the back), and that it therefore indicated the monkish410 state, of the worthlessness of which it was a true picture, and God’s wrath against monasticism. In a tract published in the spring, 1523, he compared in such detail and with such wealth of fancy the creature to the monks that the work itself was termed monstrous.[420] The cowl represented the monkish worship, “with prayers, Masses, chanting and fasting,” which they perform to the calf, i.e. “to the false idol274 in their lying hearts”; just as the calf eats nothing but grass, so “they fatten411 on sensual enjoyments412 here on earth.” “The cowl over the hind-quarters of the calf is torn,” this signifies the monks’ “impurity”; the calf’s legs are “their impudent Doctors” and pillars; the calf assumes the attitude of a preacher, which means that their preaching is despicable; it is also blind because they are blind; it has ears, and these signify the abuse of the confessional; with the horns with which it is provided it shall break down their power; the tightening414 of the cowl around its neck signifies their obstinacy, etc. A woodcut of the calf helped the reader to understand the mysteries better. To show that he meant it all in deadly earnest, he adduced texts from Scripture which might prove how “well-grounded” was his interpretation. He declares, that he only speaks of what he is quite sure, and that he refrains from a further, i.e. a prophetic, interpretation of the “Monk-Calf” because it was not sufficiently415 certain, although “God gives us to understand by these portents that some great misfortune and change is imminent416.” His hope is that this change might be the coming of the Last Day, [150]“since many signs have so far coincided.” Hence his strange delusion concerning the calf goes hand in hand with his habitual417 one concerning the approaching end of the world.
It would be to misapprehend the whole character of the writing to assert, as has recently been done by an historian of Luther, that the author was merely joking, and that what he says of the Monk-Calf was simply a jest at the expense of the Pope and the monks. As a matter of fact, every line of the work protests against such a misrepresentation of the author and his prophetic mysticism, and no one can read the pamphlet without being struck by the entire seriousness which it breathes.
The tragic418 earnestness of the whole is evident in the very first pages, where Luther allows a friend to give his own interpretation of a similar abortion419 (the Pope-Ass) born in Italy. Here the writer is no other than the learned Humanist Melanchthon, who, like Luther, with the help of a woodcut, describes and explains the portent. Pope-Ass and Monk-Calf made the round of Germany together, in successive editions. Melanchthon, scholar though he was, is not one whit less earnest in the significance he attaches to the “Pope-Ass found dead in 1496 in the Tiber at Rome.”
After this double work, so little to the credit of German literature, had frequently been reprinted, Luther, in 1535, added two additional pages to Melanchthon’s text with a corroboration420 entitled: “Dr. Martin Luther’s Amen to the interpretation of the Pope-Ass.” He here accepts entirely Melanchthon’s exposition, which was more than the latter was willing to do for Luther’s interpretation of the Monk-Calf. Melanchthon’s opinion, for which perhaps more might be said, was that the misshapen calf stood for the corruption of the Lutheran teaching by sensuality and perverse doctrine, iconoclast421 violence and revolutionary peasant movements.[421]
In his “Amen” to Melanchthon’s Pope-Ass, Luther writes: “The Sublime422, Divine Wisdom Itself” “created this hideous423, shocking and horrible image.” “Well may the whole world be affrighted and tremble.” “People are terrified if a spirit or devil appears, or makes a clatter424 in a corner, though this is but mere child’s play compared with such an abomination, wherein God manifests Himself[151] openly and shows Himself so cruel. Great indeed is the wrath which must be impending over the Papacy.”[422]
In his Church-postils Luther spoke of the “Pope-Ass” with an earnestness calculated to make a profound impression upon the susceptible425. He referred to the “dreadful beast which the Tiber had cast up at Rome some years before, with an ass’s head, a body like a woman’s, an elephant’s foot for a right hand, with fish scales on its legs, and a dragon’s head at its rear, etc. All this signified the Papacy and the great wrath and chastisement of God. Signs in such number portend426 something greater than our reason can conceive.”[423]
As Luther makes such frequent use of the Pope-Ass, which he was instrumental in immortalising, for instance, in the frightful427 abuse of the Pope contained in “Das Bapstum zu Rom vom Teuffel gestifft,”[424] and also circulated a woodcut of it in his book of caricatures of the Papacy, adding some derisive428 verses,[425] which woodcut was afterwards reproduced from this or the earlier publication by other opponents of the Papacy, both in Germany and abroad,[426] some particulars concerning the previous history of the Pope-Ass may here not be out of place.
The dead beast was said to have been left stranded429 on the banks of the Tiber in January, 1496, under the pontificate of Pope Alexander VI., when Italy was in a state of great distress430. The find made a profound impression, as was only to be expected in those days of excitement and superstition; it was greatly exaggerated, and, at an early date, interpreted in various ways.[152] The oldest description is to be met with in the Venetian Annals of Malipiero, where the account is that given by the ambassador of the Republic at Rome.[427] The monster was also portrayed in stone in the Cathedral of Como, as an omen400, so it would seem, of the misfortunes of the day, and of those yet to be expected.[428] At Rome itself political opponents of Alexander VI. made use of it in their campaign against a Pope they hated, by circulating a lampoon—the oldest extant—containing a caricature of the event. A facsimile of this cut has come down to us in the shape of a copper431 plate made in 1498 by Wenzel of Olmütz.[429] In all likelihood a copy of this very plate was sent to Luther at the beginning of 1523 by the Bohemian Brethren.
Melanchthon and Luther diverged432 in their use of this picture from the older and more harmless interpretation, i.e. that which saw in it a reference to earthly trials, or a judgment on the politics of the Pope. They, on the contrary, regarded it as a denunciation by heaven of the Papacy itself and of the Roman Church with all its “abominations.” Quite possibly the transition had been quietly effected by the Bohemian Brethren. Luther, however, says Lange, “was the first to make it public property.” “The Pope-Ass is for this reason the most interesting example of the whole teratological literature, because in it we can see the transition visibly effected.” The same author detects in the joint434 work of the two Wittenbergers “a polemical tone hitherto unheard of”; of Melanchthon’s Pope-Ass, he says: “It is probably the most unworthy work we have of Melanchthon’s. He himself naturally believed implicitly435 in what he wrote.... That Melanchthon acquitted436 himself of his task with particular skill cannot be affirmed.”[430]
Just as the Monk-Calf had been applied to Luther himself previous to his own polemical interpretation of it, so, after the appearance of his and Melanchthon’s joint publication, both the Calf and the Ass were repeatedly taken by the Catholic controversialists to represent Luther and his innovations. The sixteenth century, as already hinted, loved to dwell upon and expound437 such freaks of nature. Authors of repute had done so before Luther, at least to the extent of making such the subject of indifferent compositions, as the poet J. Franciscus Vitalis of Palermo had done (“De monstro nato”) in the case of a monstrosity said to have been born at Ravenna in 1511 or 1512; the Humanist Jacob Locher, at the turn of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, dealt with a similar case in his “Carmen heroicum.” Conrad Lycosthenes published at Basle, in 1557, a compendium438 of the prodigies439 of nature (“Prodigiorum ac ostentorum chronicon”), in which he instances a large number of such freaks famous even before Luther’s day. Of the earlier Humanists Sebastian Brant composed some Elegies440 on the Marvels441 of Nature. The Wittenberg work on the Calf and Ass must be put in its[153] proper setting, and judged according to the standard of its age; although, owing to its religious bias442, it far exceeds in extravagance anything that had appeared so far, it nevertheless was an outgrowth of its time.
3. Proofs of the Divine Mission. Miracles and Prophecies
How was Luther to give actual proof of the reality of his call and of his mission to introduce such far-reaching ecclesiastical innovations?
Luther himself, indirectly, invited his hearers to ask this question concerning his calling. “Whoever teaches anything new or strange” must be “called to the office of preacher” he frequently declares of those new doctrines which differed from his own; no one who has not a legitimate443 mission will be able to withstand the devil, but on the contrary will be cast down to hell.[431] Even in the case of the ordinary and regular office, Luther demands a legitimate mission; for the office of extraordinary messenger of God, he is still more severe. For here it is a question of the extraordinary preaching of truths previously unknown or universally forgotten or questioned, and of the reintroduction of doctrine. Here he rightly requires that whoever wishes to introduce anything new or to teach something different from the common, must be able to appeal to miracles in support of his vocation444. If he is unable to do this, let him pack up and depart.[432] Elsewhere, as he correctly puts it: “Where God wills to alter the ordinary ways, He ever performs miracles.”[433] (Cp. vol. i., p. 225 f.)
His teaching is, “There are two sorts of vocations445 to the office of preacher”; one takes place without any human means by God alone [the extraordinary call], the other [the ordinary] is effected by man as well as by God. The first is not to be credited unless attested446 by miracles such as were performed by Christ and His Apostles. Hence, if they come and say God has called them, that the Holy Ghost urges them, and they are forced to preach, let us ask them boldly:[154] “What signs do you perform that we may believe you?”[434] (Mark xvi. 20). Logically enough Luther also demanded miracles of Carlstadt, Münzer and the Anabaptists.
Which of the two kinds of vocation must we see in Luther’s case? Was his the ordinary one, which keeps to the well-trodden path, or the extraordinary one, which “strikes out a new way”? Simple as the question appears, it is nevertheless difficult to give a straight answer in Luther’s own words.
As has been proved by D?llinger in his work on the Reformation, and as was well seen even by earlier polemical writers, Luther’s statements concerning his own mission were not remarkable for consistency447. No less than fourteen variations have been counted, though, naturally, they do not involve as many changes of opinion.[435] We shall be nearest to the truth if we assume his mission to have been an extraordinary and unusual one. As an ordinary one it certainly could not be regarded, seeing the novelty of his teaching, and that he himself, as “Evangelist by God’s Grace” (see vol. iv., xxvi., 4), professed448 to be introducing a doctrine long misunderstood and forgotten. Besides, an ordinary call could only have emanated449 from the actually existing ecclesiastical authorities, with whom Luther had altogether broken. In this connection Luther himself, on one occasion, comes surprisingly near the Catholic view concerning the right of call invested in the bishops as the successors of the Apostles, and declares that “not for a hundred thousand worlds would he interfere450 with the office of a bishop without a special command.”[436]
The assumption of an extraordinary call offers, however, an insuperable difficulty which cannot fail to present itself after what has been said. No extraordinary attestation on the part of heaven is forthcoming, nor any miracle which might have confirmed Luther’s doctrine; God’s witness on behalf of His messenger by signs or prophecies, such as those of Christ, of the Apostles and of many of the Saints, was lacking in Luther’s case, and so was that sanctity of life to be expected of a divinely commissioned teacher whose mission it is to bring men to the truth.
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No one now believes in the existence of any actual and authentic miracle performed by Luther, or in any real prophecy, whether about or by him. With the tales of miracles which once found favour among credulous451 Pietists, history has no concern. Though here and there some credence452 still attaches to the alleged prediction of Hus, which Luther himself appealed to,[437] viz. that after the goose (Hus=goose) would come a swan, yet historical criticism has already dealt quite sufficiently with it. We should run the risk of exposing Luther to ridicule453 were we to enumerate454 and reduce to their real value the alleged miracles by which, for instance, he was convinced his life was preserved in the poisoned pulpits of the Papists, or the various “monstra” and “portenta” which accompanied his preaching. Of such prodigies the Pope-Ass and the Monk-Calf are fair samples (above, p. 148 ff.).[438]
In reply to the attempts made, more particularly in the days of Protestant orthodoxy in the sixteenth century, to compare the rapid spread of Protestantism with the miracle of the rapid propagation of Christianity in early days, it has rightly been pointed out, that the comparison is a lame165 one; the Church of Christ spread because her moral power enabled her to impose on a proud world mysteries which transcend455 all human reason; on a world sunk in every lust456 and vice209 a moral law demanding a continual struggle against all the passions and desires of the heart; her conquest of the world was achieved without secular aid or support, in fact, in the very teeth of the great ones of the earth who for ages persecuted her; yet during this struggle she laid her foundations in the unity457 of the one faith and one hierarchy458; her spread, then, was truly miraculous.
Luther, on the other hand, so his opponents urged, by his opposition to ecclesiastical authority and his principle of the free interpretation of Scripture, was casting humility459 to the winds and setting up the individual as the highest authority in matters of religion; thanks to his “evangelical freedom” he felt justified460 in deriding461 as holiness-by-works much that in Christianity was a burden or troublesome; on the other hand, by his doctrine of imputation462, he cast the mantle463 of[156] Christ’s righteousness over all the doings and omissions464 of believers; from the very birth of his movement he had sought his principal support in the favour of the Princes, whom, in due course, he invested with supreme465 authority in the Church; the spread of Lutheranism was not the spread of a united Church, but, on the contrary, such was the diversity of opinions that Jacob Andre?, a Protestant preacher, could say, in 1576, in a public address, that it would be difficult to find a pastor466 who held the same faith as his sexton.[439] From all this the Church’s sixteenth-century apologists concluded that the spread of Luther’s teaching was not at all miraculous.
Concerning the miracle spoken of above, and miracles in general as proofs of the truth, Luther expresses himself in the third sermon on the Ascension, embodied467 in his Church-postils. The occasion was furnished by the words of Our Lord: “These signs shall follow those who believe” (Mark xvi. 17), and by the pertinent468 question addressed to him by the fanatics and other opponents: Where are your miracles?
With remarkable assurance he will have it, that to put such a question to him was quite “idle”; miracles enough had taken place when Christianity was first preached to make good the words spoken by Our Lord; at the present day the Gospel had no further need of them; such outward signs had been suitable “for the heathen,” whereas, now, the Gospel had been “proclaimed everywhere.”—He does not see that though the Gospel had certainly been proclaimed everywhere this was was not his own particular Gospel or Evangel, and that he is therefore begging the question. He continues quite undismayed: Miracles may nevertheless take place, and do, as a matter of fact, occur under the Evangel, for instance, the driving out of devils and the healing of sicknesses. “The best and greatest miracle” is, however, the spread and preservation469 of my doctrine in spite of the assaults of devils, tyrants and fanatics, in spite of flesh and blood, of the “Pope, the Turk and his myrmidons.” Is it no miracle, that “so many die cheerfully in Christ” in this faith? Compared with this miracle, declares the orator470, those miracles which appeal to the senses are mere child’s play; this is a “miracle beyond all miracles”; well might people be astonished at the survival of his doctrine “when a hundred thousand devils were striving against it.” It was only to be expected that this miracle should be blasphemed by an unbelieving world, but “were we to perform the most palpable miracles, they would still despise them.” This is why God does not work them through us, just as Christ Himself, although able to perform miracles with the greatest ease, once refused to give the Jews[157] “any other sign than that of the Prophet Jonas,” i.e. the resurrection. Luther concludes with an explanation of Christ’s refusal and of the miracle of Jonas.[440]
Hence he is willing to allow the absence of “palpable miracles” in support of his Evangel, in default of which, however, he instances the miracle of his great success. And yet, according to his own showing, such an attestation by palpable miracles would have been eminently472 desirable. Germany, he says, from the early days of her conversion473 down to his own time, had never been in possession of Christianity, because the real Gospel, i.e. the doctrine of Justification474, had remained unknown. Only now for the first time had the Gospel been revealed in all its purity, thanks to his study of Scripture.[441] At the Council of Nic?a he declares, “there was not one who had even tasted of the Divine Spirit”; even the Council of the Apostles at Jerusalem was not above suspicion, seeing that it had seen fit to discuss works and traditions rather than faith.[442]
Thus he requires that his unheard-of claims, albeit475 not attested by any display of miracles, should be accepted simply on his own assurance that his teaching was based on Holy Scripture. “There is no need for us to work wonders, for our teaching is already confirmed [by Holy Scripture] and is no new thing.”[443]
Owing to the lack of any Divine attestation, Luther often preferred to describe his mission as an ordinary one. In this case he derives476 his vocation to teach from his degree of Doctor of Theology and from the authority given him by the authorities to preach. “I, Dr. Martin,” he says, for instance, speaking of his doctorate477, “was called and compelled thereto; for I was forced to become a Doctor[158] [of Holy Scripture] against my will and simply out of obedience.”[444] Elsewhere, however, he declares that the doctorate was by no means sufficient to enable one to bid defiance to the devil, or to equip a man in conscience for the task of preaching.[445] He was still further confirmed in this belief when he realised that he owed his doctorate to that very Church which he represented as the Kingdom of Antichrist and a mere Babylon. He himself stigmatised his degree as the “mark of the Beast,” and rejoiced that the excommunication had cancelled this papistical title.
Neither could the want of a call be supplied by the authorisation of the Wittenberg Council, upon which at times Luther was wont to lay stress. He himself hesitated to allow that magistrates478 or Princes could give a call, particularly where the teaching of any of those thus appointed by the magistrates ran counter to his own. Even though their teaching agreed entirely with the views of the secular authorities, their mission was in his eyes quite invalid479. He even had frequent cause to complain, that the Evangel was greatly hampered480 by the interference of the secular authorities and by their sending out as preachers those who had no real call, and were utterly unfitted for the office.
After what has gone before, we can readily understand how Luther came to pass over in silence the question of his mission and to appeal directly to his preaching of the truth as the sign of his vocation; he does not seem to have perceived that the main point was to establish a criterion for the recognition of the truth, short of which anyone would be at liberty to set up his pet error as the “truth.” “The first,” though not the only condition, was, he declared, “that the preacher should have an office, be convinced that he was called and sent, and that what he did was done for the sake of his office”; seeing, however, that even the Papists fulfilled these conditions, Luther usually required[159] in addition that the preachers “be certain they have God’s Word on their side.”[446]
In 1522 he declared any questioning of his vocation to be mere perversity481, for, of his call, no creature had a right to judge. We cannot but quote again this assurance, “My doctrine is not to be judged by any man, nor even by the angels; because I am certain of it, I will judge you and the angels likewise, as St. Paul says (Gal. i. 8), and whosoever does not accept my teaching will not arrive at blessedness. For it is God’s and not mine, therefore my judgment is God’s and not mine.”[447]
Such statements are aids to the understanding of his mode of thought, but there are other traits in his mental history relating to the confirmation of his Divine calling.
Such, for instance, is his account of the miracles by which the flight of certain nuns482 from their convents was happily accomplished.
The miracle which was wrought483 on behalf of the nun433 Florentina, and in confirmation of the new Evangel, is famous. Luther himself, in March, 1524, published the story according to the account given by the nun herself, and dedicated484 it to Count Mansfeld.[448] As this circumstance, and also the Preface, shows, he took the matter very seriously, and was entirely persuaded that it was a visible “sign from heaven.” Yet it is perfectly485 plain, even from his own pamphlet, that the occurrence was quite simple and natural.
Florentina of Upper-Weimar had been confided486 in early childhood to the convent of Neu-Helfta, at Eisleben, to be educated; later, after the regulation “year of probation,” she took the vows, probably without any real vocation. Having become acquainted with some of the writings of the Reformers, she entered into correspondence with Luther, and, one happy day in February, 1524, thanks to “visible, Divine assistance,” escaped from her fellow-nuns—who, so she alleged, had treated her cruelly—because, as she very naively487 remarks,[449] “the person who should have locked me in left the cells open.” She betook herself to Luther at Wittenberg. Luther adds nothing to the bare facts; he has no wish to deceive the reader by false statements. Yet, speaking of the incident, he says in the Introduction: “God’s Word and Work must be acknowledged with fear, nor[160] ... may His signs and wonders be cast to the winds.” Godless people despised God’s works and said: This the devil must have done. They did not “perceive God’s action, or recognise the work of His Hands. So is it ever with God’s miracles.” Just as the Pharisees disregarded Christ’s driving out of devils and raising of the dead, and only admitted those things to be miracles which they chose to regard as such, so it is still to-day. Hence no heed488 would be paid to this work of God by which Florentina “had been so miraculously489 rescued from the jaws490 of the devil.” If noisy spirits, or Papists with their holy water, performed something extraordinary, then, of course, that was a real miracle. He proceeds: “But we who, by God’s Grace, have come to the knowledge of the Evangel and the truth, are not at liberty to allow such signs, which take place for the corroboration of the Evangel, to pass unnoticed. What matters it that those who neither know, nor desire to know, the Evangel do not recognise it as a sign, or even take it for the devil’s work?”[450]
The use of an argument so puerile491, and Luther’s confident assumption of an extraordinary interference of Divine Omnipotence suspending the laws of nature (which is what a miracle amounts to), all this could only arouse painful surprise in the minds of those of his readers who were faithful to the Church. Luther was here the victim of a mystical delusion only to be accounted for by his dominant492 idea of his relation to God and the Church.
When, in the same work, he goes on to tell his readers that: “God has certainly wrought many similar signs during the last three years, which shall be described in due season”; or that he merely recounted Florentina’s escape to Count Mansfeld as “a special warning from God” against the nunneries, which “God had made manifest in their own country,” we see still more plainly the extent and depth of his pseudo-mystical views concerning the miracles wrought on behalf of his Evangel.
Concerning his own ability to work miracles, he is reticent493 and cautious. It is true that, to those who are ready to believe in him, he confidently promises God’s wonderful intervention should the need arise; the miraculous power, so far as it concerns himself, he represents, however, as bound by a wise economy, and, also, by his own desire of working merely through the Word.
It should be noted494 of the statements to be quoted that they betray no trace of having been made in a jesting or rhetorical mood, but are, on the contrary, in the nature of theological arguments.
In 1537, he declared: “I have frequently said that I never desired God to grant me the grace of working miracles, but[161] rejoice that it is given to me to hold fast to the Word of God and to work with it; otherwise they would soon be saying: ‘The devil works through him.’” For, as the Jews behaved towards Christ, “so also do our adversaries, the Papists, behave towards us. Whatever we do is wrong in their eyes; they are annoyed at us and scandalised and say: The devil made this people. But they shall have no sign from us.” All that Christ said to the Jews was: “Destroy this temple,” that is, Me and My teaching; I shall nevertheless rise again. “What else can we reply to our foes, the Papists?... Destroy the temple if you will, it shall nevertheless be raised up again in order that the Gospel may remain in the Christian Church.”[451]—The great miracle required of Christ was merely deferred495, He performed it by His actual resurrection from the dead. What sign such as this was it in Luther’s power to promise?
Luther is even anxious not to have any signs. “I have besought496 the contrary of God,” i.e. that there should be no revelations or signs, so he writes in 1534, in the enlarged Commentary on Isaias, “in order that I may not be lifted up, or drawn away from the spoken Word, by the deceit of Satan.”[452]—“Now that the Gospel has been spread abroad and proclaimed to the whole world it is not necessary to work wonders as in the time of the Apostles. But should necessity arise and the Gospel be threatened and suffer violence, we should then have to set about it and work signs rather than leave the Gospel to be abused and oppressed. But I hope it will not be necessary, and that things will not come to such a pass as to compel me to speak with new tongues, for this is not really necessary.” Here he is thinking of believers generally, though at the close he refers more particularly to himself. Speaking of all, he continues prudently497: “Let no one take it upon himself to work wonders without urgent necessity.” “For the disciples did not perform them on every occasion, but only in order to bear witness to the Word and to confirm it by miraculous signs.”[453]
That he believed the power to work miracles might be obtained of God may be inferred from many of his declarations against the fanatics, where he challenges them to prove themselves the messengers of God by signs and wonders; for whosoever is desirous of teaching something new or uncommon498, he had said, must be “called by God and able to confirm his calling by real miracles,” otherwise let him pack up and go his way.[454] But his own doctrines were an entirely new thing in the Church, and, in spite of every subterfuge499, when thus inviting500 others to perform miracles, he cannot always have been unmindful of the fact. Hence it has been said that he claimed a certain latent ability to work miracles. It should, however, be noted that he always[162] insists here that his teaching, unlike that of the fanatics and other sects501, Catholics included, was not new, but was the original teaching of Christ, and that therefore it stood in no need of miracles.
Still, his confident tone brings him within measurable distance of volunteering to work miracles in support of his cause. “Although I have wrought no such sign such as perhaps we might work, should necessity arise,” etc.[455] These words are quite in keeping with the above: “We should have to set about it,” etc.
It is strange how Luther repeatedly falls back on Melanchthon’s recovery at Weimar in 1540. This eventually followed a visit of Luther to his friend, to encourage and pray for the sick man, whose health had completely broken down under the influence of melancholy502.[456] It is possible Luther saw in this a miraculous answer to his prayer; owing to the manner in which he recounted the incident it became a tradition, that the power of his prayer was stronger than the toils503 of death. Walch, in his Life of Luther, wrote, that people had then seen “how much Luther’s prayer was capable of.”[457]
The same scholar adds, as another “remarkable example,” that that godly and upright man, Frederick Myconius, the first evangelical Superintendent504 at Gotha, had assured him before his death, that only thanks to Luther’s prayers had he been able to drag on his existence, notwithstanding his consumption, for six years, though in a state of “great weakness.”[458] In cheering up Myconius, and promising505 him his prayers, Luther had said: As to your recovery, “I demand it, I will it, and my will be done. Amen.”[459] “In the same way,” Walch tells us, “he also prayed for his wife Catharine when she was very ill; he was likewise reported to have said on one occasion: ‘I rescued our Philip, my Katey and Mr. Myconius from death by my prayers.’”[460]
[163]
How does the case stand as regards the gift of prophecy, seeing that Luther apparently506 claims to have repeatedly made use of higher prophetic powers?
On more than one occasion Luther declares that what he predicted usually came to pass, even adding, “This is no joke.” In the same way he often says quite seriously, that he would refrain from predicting this or that misfortune lest his words should be fulfilled. We see an instance of this sort in his circular-letter addressed, in February, 1539, to the preachers on the anticipated religious war.[461]
“I am a prophet of evil and do not willingly prophesy507 anything, for it generally comes to pass.” This he says in conversation when speaking of the wickedness of Duke George of Saxony.[462] In the Preface to John Sutel’s work on “The Gospel of the Destruction of Jerusalem,” Luther says, in 1539, speaking of the disasters which were about to befall Germany: “I do not like prophesying508 and have no intention of doing so, for what I prophesy, more particularly the evil, is as a rule fulfilled, even beyond my expectations, so that, like St. Micheas, I often wish I were a liar and false prophet; for since it is the Word of God that I speak it must needs come to pass.”[463] In his Church-postils he commences a gloomy prophecy on the impending fate of Germany with the words: “From the bottom of my heart I am loath509 to prophesy, for I have frequently experienced that what I predict comes only too true,” the circumstances, however, compelled him, etc.[464]
No wonder then that his enthusiastic disciples had many instances to relate of his “prophecies.”
A casual reference of Luther’s to a seditious rising to be expected among the German nobility, is labelled in the MS. copy of Lauterbach’s “Tagebuch,” “Luther’s Prophecy concerning the rising of the German nobles.”[465] Bucer in his Eulogies510 on Luther in the old Strasburg Agenda, after mentioning his great gifts, says: “Add also the gift of prophecy, for everything happens just as he foretold it.” This we read in a Leipzig publication,[466] in which, as an echo of the Reformation Festivities of 1717, a Lutheran, referring to the General Superintendent of Altenburg, Eckhard, protests, “that Luther both claimed and really possessed the gift of prophecy.” Mathesius, in his 15th Sermon on Luther, speaks enthusiastically of the latter’s prophecy against those of the new faith who were sapping the foundations of the[164] Wittenberg teaching: “In our own day Dr. Martin’s prayers and prophecies against the troublesome and unruly spirits have, alas511, grown very powerful ... they were to perish miserably512, a prophecy which I heard from his own lips: ‘Mathesius, you will see what wanton attacks will be made upon this Church and University of Wittenberg, and how the people will turn heretics and come to a frightful end.’”[467]
Even J. G. Walch,[468] in 1753, at least in the Contents and Indices to his edition of Luther’s Works, quotes as “Luther’s Prophecies on the destruction of Germany,” the passage from the German “Table-Talk”[469] which foretells513 God’s judgments on Germany where His Evangel was everywhere despised. Yet this “prophecy” is nothing more than a natural inference from the confusion which Luther saw was the result of his work. In the same Indices, under the name “Luther,”[470] we again find given as a “prophecy” this prediction concerning Germany, under the various forms in which Luther repeated it. Lastly, under the heading “Prophecy,” further reference is made to his predictions on the future lamentable514 fate of his own Evangel; on the distressing515 revival516 by his preachers of the doctrine of good works which he had overthrown; on the apostasy of the most eminent471 Doctors of the Church; on the abuse of his books by friends of the Evangel; on the Saxon nobles after the death of Frederick the Elector,[471] and, finally, on the fate of Wittenberg.[472]—In all this there is, however, nothing which might not have been confidently predicted from the existing state of affairs. Walch prefaces his summary with the words: “For Luther’s teaching is verily that faith and doctrine proclaimed by the prophets from the beginning of the world,” just as Luther himself had once said in a sermon, that his doctrine had “been proclaimed by the patriarchs and prophets five thousand years before,” but had been “cast aside.”[473]
We can understand his followers, in their enthusiasm, crediting him with a true gift of prophecy, but it is somewhat difficult to believe that he himself shared their conviction. Although the[165] belief of his disciples can be traced as clearly to Luther’s own assurances, as to the fulfilment of what he predicted, yet it is uncertain whether at any time his self-confidence went to this length. Whoever is familiar with Luther’s mode of speech and his habit of talking half in earnest half in jest, will have some difficulty in persuading himself that the disciples always distinguished517 the shade of their master’s meaning. The disasters imminent in Germany, and the religious wars, might quite well have been foreseen by Luther from natural signs, and yet this is just the prophecy on which most stress is laid. Melanchthon, who was more sober in his judgments in this respect, speaks of Luther as a prophet merely in the general sense, as for instance when he says in his Postils: “Prophets under the New Law are those who restore again the ancient doctrine; such a one was Dr. Martin Luther.”[474]
“What Luther, the new Elias and Paul, has prophesied cannot but come true,” writes a preacher in 1562, “and those who would doubt this are unbelieving and godless, Papists, Epicureans, Sodomites or fanatics. Everything has become so frightful and bestial518, what with blasphemy, swearing, cursing, unchastity and adultery, usury519, oppression of the poor and every other vice, that one might fancy the last trump387 was sounding for the Judgment. What else do the countless, hitherto unheard-of signs, wonders and visions indicate, but that Christ is about to come to judge and punish?”[475]
Luther was most diligent in collecting and making use of any prophetical utterances which might go to prove the exalted character of his mission.
The supposed prophecy of Hus, that from his ashes would arise a swan whose voice it would be impossible to stifle520, he coolly applied to himself.[476] He was fond of referring to what a Franciscan visionary at Rome had said of the time of Leo X.: “A hermit521 shall arise and lay waste the Papacy.” Staupitz, he says, had heard this prophecy from the mouths of many at the time of his stay in Rome (1510). He himself had not heard it there, but later he, like Staupitz, had come to see that he “was the hermit meant, for Augustinian monks are commonly called hermits522.”[477]
[166]
Luther had also learnt that a German Franciscan named Hilten, who died at Eisenach about the end of the fifteenth century, had predicted much concerning the destruction of monasticism, the shattering of Papal authority and the end of all things. So highly were Hilten’s alleged sayings esteemed523 in Luther’s immediate145 circle that Melanchthon placed one of them at the head of the Article (27) “On monastic vows,” in his theological defence of the Confession413 of Augsburg; “In 1516 a monk shall come, who will exterminate you monks; ... him will you not be able to resist.”[478] Luther, before this, on October 17, 1529, by letter, had urged his friend Frederick Myconius of Gotha to let him know everything he could about Hilten, “fully, entirely and at length, without forgetting anything”; “you are aware how much depends upon this.... I am very anxious for the information, nay, consumed with longing524 for it.”[479] His friend’s report, however, did not bring him all he wanted.[480] The Franciscan had predicted the fall of Rome about 1514, i.e. too early, and the end of the world for 1651, i.e. too late. Hence we do not hear of Luther’s having brought forward the name of this prophet in support of his cause. Only on one occasion does he mention Hilten as amongst those, who “were to be consigned to the flames or otherwise condemned525.” The fact is that this monk of Eisenach, once an esteemed preacher, was never “condemned” or even tried by the Church, although Luther in the above letter to Myconius says that he “died excommunicate.” Hilten died in his friary, fortified526 with the Sacraments, and at peace with the Church and his brother monks, after beseeching527 pardon for the scandal he had given them. The Franciscans had kept in custody528 the unfortunate man, who had gone off his head under the influence of astrology and apocalyptic dreams, in order that his prophecies might not do harm in the Church or the Order. He was not, however, imprisoned529 for life, still less was he immured530, as some have said; he was simply kept under fatherly control (“paterne custoditum”), that those of his brethren who believed in him might not take any unfair advantage of the old man.[481]
[167]
In the widely read new edition of the book of Prophecies by Johann Lichtenberger, astrologer to the Emperor Frederick III. (1488), republished by Luther in 1527 with a new Preface, the latter’s ideas play a certain part. Luther did not regard these Prophecies as a “spiritual revelation”; they were merely astrological predictions, as he says in the Preface,[482] views which might often prove to be questionable and faulty; nevertheless, his “belief” is “that God does actually make use of heavenly signs, such as comets, eclipses of the sun and the moon, etc., to announce impending misfortune and to warn and affright the ungodly.”[483] “I myself do not scorn this Lichtenberger in everything he says, for he has come right in some things.”[484] Luther is principally concerned with the chastisements predicted by Lichtenberger, but not yet accomplished—as the “priestlings” rejoiced to think—but, still to overtake them owing to their hostility to the Lutheran teaching. “Because they refuse to amend531 their impious life and doctrine, but on the contrary persevere532 in it and grow worse, I also will prophesy that in a short time their joy shall be turned to shame, and will ask them kindly to remember me then.”[485] Later he speaks incidentally of Lichtenberger as a “fanatic, but still one who had foretold many things, for this the devil is well able to do.”[486]
During his stay at the Wartburg he had occasion to reflect on the ancient prophecy concerning an Emperor Frederick, who should redeem160 the Holy Sepulchre. He was inclined to see in this Frederick, his Elector, whose right hand he himself was. The difficulty that the Elector was not Emperor[168] did not appear to him insuperable, since at Frankfurt the votes of the other electors had been given to Frederick, so that he might have been “a real emperor had he so desired.” Still, he was loath to insist upon such an artifice533; this solution of the difficulty might, he says, be termed mere child’s play. What is much clearer to him is, that the Holy Sepulchre of the prophecy is “the Holy Scripture wherein the truth of Christ lies buried, after having been put to death by the Papists.... As for the actual tomb in which the Lord lay and which is now in the hands of the Saracens, God cares no more about it than about the Swiss cows. But no one can deny that amongst you, under Duke Frederick, Elector of Saxony, the living truth of the Gospel has shone forth.”

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manifestations
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n.表示,显示(manifestation的复数形式) | |
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zealous
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adj.狂热的,热心的 | |
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followers
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追随者( follower的名词复数 ); 用户; 契据的附面; 从动件 | |
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depicting
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描绘,描画( depict的现在分词 ); 描述 | |
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den
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n.兽穴;秘密地方;安静的小房间,私室 | |
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mere
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adj.纯粹的;仅仅,只不过 | |
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motives
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n.动机,目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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exalted
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adj.(地位等)高的,崇高的;尊贵的,高尚的 | |
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exalt
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v.赞扬,歌颂,晋升,提升 | |
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erred
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犯错误,做错事( err的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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Founder
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n.创始者,缔造者 | |
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pious
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adj.虔诚的;道貌岸然的 | |
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meditation
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n.熟虑,(尤指宗教的)默想,沉思,(pl.)冥想录 | |
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posterity
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n.后裔,子孙,后代 | |
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immutability
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n.不变(性) | |
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legacy
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n.遗产,遗赠;先人(或过去)留下的东西 | |
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breach
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n.违反,不履行;破裂;vt.冲破,攻破 | |
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consummated
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v.使结束( consummate的过去式和过去分词 );使完美;完婚;(婚礼后的)圆房 | |
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din
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n.喧闹声,嘈杂声 | |
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attenuate
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v.使变小,使减弱 | |
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doctrines
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n.教条( doctrine的名词复数 );教义;学说;(政府政策的)正式声明 | |
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doctrine
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n.教义;主义;学说 | |
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defiance
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n.挑战,挑衅,蔑视,违抗 | |
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inexplicable
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adj.无法解释的,难理解的 | |
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enigma
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n.谜,谜一样的人或事 | |
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pointed
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adj.尖的,直截了当的 | |
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scripture
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n.经文,圣书,手稿;Scripture:(常用复数)《圣经》,《圣经》中的一段 | |
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culminated
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v.达到极点( culminate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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ass
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n.驴;傻瓜,蠢笨的人 | |
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salvation
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n.(尤指基督)救世,超度,拯救,解困 | |
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vouchsafed
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v.给予,赐予( vouchsafe的过去式和过去分词 );允诺 | |
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32
scruple
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n./v.顾忌,迟疑 | |
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33
scruples
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n.良心上的不安( scruple的名词复数 );顾虑,顾忌v.感到于心不安,有顾忌( scruple的第三人称单数 ) | |
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34
bestowed
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赠给,授予( bestow的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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35
apprised
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v.告知,通知( apprise的过去式和过去分词 );评价 | |
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36
subscribe
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vi.(to)订阅,订购;同意;vt.捐助,赞助 | |
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37
majesty
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n.雄伟,壮丽,庄严,威严;最高权威,王权 | |
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38
justify
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vt.证明…正当(或有理),为…辩护 | |
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39
justifying
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证明…有理( justify的现在分词 ); 为…辩护; 对…作出解释; 为…辩解(或辩护) | |
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40
monastery
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n.修道院,僧院,寺院 | |
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41
molested
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v.骚扰( molest的过去式和过去分词 );干扰;调戏;猥亵 | |
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42
spoke
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n.(车轮的)辐条;轮辐;破坏某人的计划;阻挠某人的行动 v.讲,谈(speak的过去式);说;演说;从某种观点来说 | |
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43
fanatics
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狂热者,入迷者( fanatic的名词复数 ) | |
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44
determined
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adj.坚定的;有决心的 | |
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45
appalling
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adj.骇人听闻的,令人震惊的,可怕的 | |
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46
lurks
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n.潜在,潜伏;(lurk的复数形式)vi.潜伏,埋伏(lurk的第三人称单数形式) | |
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47
impels
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v.推动、推进或敦促某人做某事( impel的第三人称单数 ) | |
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48
adversaries
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n.对手,敌手( adversary的名词复数 ) | |
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49
conceal
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v.隐藏,隐瞒,隐蔽 | |
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50
titanic
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adj.巨人的,庞大的,强大的 | |
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51
acting
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n.演戏,行为,假装;adj.代理的,临时的,演出用的 | |
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52
specially
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adv.特定地;特殊地;明确地 | |
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53
obedience
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n.服从,顺从 | |
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54
incensed
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盛怒的 | |
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55
favourable
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adj.赞成的,称赞的,有利的,良好的,顺利的 | |
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56
conceals
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v.隐藏,隐瞒,遮住( conceal的第三人称单数 ) | |
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57
foes
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敌人,仇敌( foe的名词复数 ) | |
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58
foe
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n.敌人,仇敌 | |
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59
deplore
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vt.哀叹,对...深感遗憾 | |
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60
intervention
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n.介入,干涉,干预 | |
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61
vent
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n.通风口,排放口;开衩;vt.表达,发泄 | |
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62
admiration
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n.钦佩,赞美,羡慕 | |
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63
wrath
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n.愤怒,愤慨,暴怒 | |
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64
impending
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a.imminent, about to come or happen | |
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65
hindrance
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n.妨碍,障碍 | |
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66
tumult
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n.喧哗;激动,混乱;吵闹 | |
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67
boundless
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adj.无限的;无边无际的;巨大的 | |
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68
undertaking
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n.保证,许诺,事业 | |
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69
profess
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v.声称,冒称,以...为业,正式接受入教,表明信仰 | |
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70
persecuted
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(尤指宗教或政治信仰的)迫害(~sb. for sth.)( persecute的过去式和过去分词 ); 烦扰,困扰或骚扰某人 | |
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71
incurring
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遭受,招致,引起( incur的现在分词 ) | |
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72
scourging
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鞭打( scourge的现在分词 ); 惩罚,压迫 | |
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73
detriment
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n.损害;损害物,造成损害的根源 | |
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74
nay
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adv.不;n.反对票,投反对票者 | |
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75
monk
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n.和尚,僧侣,修道士 | |
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76
choir
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n.唱诗班,唱诗班的席位,合唱团,舞蹈团;v.合唱 | |
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77
canonical
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n.权威的;典型的 | |
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78
confirmation
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n.证实,确认,批准 | |
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79
disturbance
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n.动乱,骚动;打扰,干扰;(身心)失调 | |
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80
engrossed
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adj.全神贯注的 | |
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81
intoxicated
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喝醉的,极其兴奋的 | |
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82
deafening
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adj. 振耳欲聋的, 极喧闹的 动词deafen的现在分词形式 | |
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83
ovation
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n.欢呼,热烈欢迎,热烈鼓掌 | |
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84
judgment
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n.审判;判断力,识别力,看法,意见 | |
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85
extol
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v.赞美,颂扬 | |
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86
bishop
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n.主教,(国际象棋)象 | |
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87
bishops
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(基督教某些教派管辖大教区的)主教( bishop的名词复数 ); (国际象棋的)象 | |
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88
monks
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n.修道士,僧侣( monk的名词复数 ) | |
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89
strenuously
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adv.奋发地,费力地 | |
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90
organisation
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n.组织,安排,团体,有机休 | |
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91
unwilling
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adj.不情愿的 | |
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92
ambushes
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n.埋伏( ambush的名词复数 );伏击;埋伏着的人;设埋伏点v.埋伏( ambush的第三人称单数 );埋伏着 | |
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93
mischief
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n.损害,伤害,危害;恶作剧,捣蛋,胡闹 | |
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94
almighty
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adj.全能的,万能的;很大的,很强的 | |
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95
mighty
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adj.强有力的;巨大的 | |
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96
knaves
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n.恶棍,无赖( knave的名词复数 );(纸牌中的)杰克 | |
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97
forth
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adv.向前;向外,往外 | |
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98
extolled
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v.赞颂,赞扬,赞美( extol的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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99
inflexible
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adj.不可改变的,不受影响的,不屈服的 | |
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100
accomplishment
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n.完成,成就,(pl.)造诣,技能 | |
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101
secondly
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adv.第二,其次 | |
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102
perseverance
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n.坚持不懈,不屈不挠 | |
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103
undertakings
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企业( undertaking的名词复数 ); 保证; 殡仪业; 任务 | |
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104
remarkable
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adj.显著的,异常的,非凡的,值得注意的 | |
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105
homely
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adj.家常的,简朴的;不漂亮的 | |
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106
kindly
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adj.和蔼的,温和的,爽快的;adv.温和地,亲切地 | |
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107
puritanical
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adj.极端拘谨的;道德严格的 | |
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108
homeliness
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n.简朴,朴实;相貌平平 | |
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109
fully
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adv.完全地,全部地,彻底地;充分地 | |
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110
intercourse
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n.性交;交流,交往,交际 | |
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111
ostensible
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adj.(指理由)表面的,假装的 | |
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112
persuasion
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n.劝说;说服;持有某种信仰的宗派 | |
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113
superstitiously
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被邪教所支配 | |
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114
celestial
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adj.天体的;天上的 | |
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115
condemnation
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n.谴责; 定罪 | |
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116
superstition
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n.迷信,迷信行为 | |
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117
superstitions
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迷信,迷信行为( superstition的名词复数 ) | |
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118
previously
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adv.以前,先前(地) | |
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119
formerly
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adv.从前,以前 | |
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120
solely
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adv.仅仅,唯一地 | |
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121
omnipotence
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n.全能,万能,无限威力 | |
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122
demon
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n.魔鬼,恶魔 | |
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123
averse
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adj.厌恶的;反对的,不乐意的 | |
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124
loomed
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v.隐约出现,阴森地逼近( loom的过去式和过去分词 );隐约出现,阴森地逼近 | |
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125
misery
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n.痛苦,苦恼,苦难;悲惨的境遇,贫苦 | |
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126
testimony
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n.证词;见证,证明 | |
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127
imposing
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adj.使人难忘的,壮丽的,堂皇的,雄伟的 | |
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128
pangs
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突然的剧痛( pang的名词复数 ); 悲痛 | |
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129
cleansing
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n. 净化(垃圾) adj. 清洁用的 动词cleanse的现在分词 | |
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130
plunged
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v.颠簸( plunge的过去式和过去分词 );暴跌;骤降;突降 | |
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131
buffeted
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反复敲打( buffet的过去式和过去分词 ); 连续猛击; 打来打去; 推来搡去 | |
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132
emulate
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v.努力赶上或超越,与…竞争;效仿 | |
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133
emulated
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v.与…竞争( emulate的过去式和过去分词 );努力赶上;计算机程序等仿真;模仿 | |
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134
incentive
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n.刺激;动力;鼓励;诱因;动机 | |
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135
gainsay
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v.否认,反驳 | |
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136
gainsayer
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否认的 | |
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137
diligent
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adj.勤勉的,勤奋的 | |
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138
diligently
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ad.industriously;carefully | |
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139
speculative
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adj.思索性的,暝想性的,推理的 | |
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140
upheaval
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n.胀起,(地壳)的隆起;剧变,动乱 | |
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141
intensity
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n.强烈,剧烈;强度;烈度 | |
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142
juncture
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n.时刻,关键时刻,紧要关头 | |
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143
junctures
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n.时刻,关键时刻( juncture的名词复数 );接合点 | |
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144
notably
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adv.值得注意地,显著地,尤其地,特别地 | |
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145
immediate
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adj.立即的;直接的,最接近的;紧靠的 | |
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146
authentic
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a.真的,真正的;可靠的,可信的,有根据的 | |
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147
oust
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vt.剥夺,取代,驱逐 | |
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148
stimulus
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n.刺激,刺激物,促进因素,引起兴奋的事物 | |
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149
hostility
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n.敌对,敌意;抵制[pl.]交战,战争 | |
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150
elucidates
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v.阐明,解释( elucidate的第三人称单数 ) | |
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151
triumphant
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adj.胜利的,成功的;狂欢的,喜悦的 | |
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152
triumphantly
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ad.得意洋洋地;得胜地;成功地 | |
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153
vanquished
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v.征服( vanquish的过去式和过去分词 );战胜;克服;抑制 | |
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154
vanquish
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v.征服,战胜;克服;抑制 | |
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155
swelled
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增强( swell的过去式和过去分词 ); 肿胀; (使)凸出; 充满(激情) | |
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156
dominion
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n.统治,管辖,支配权;领土,版图 | |
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157
overthrow
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v.推翻,打倒,颠覆;n.推翻,瓦解,颠覆 | |
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158
deposing
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v.罢免( depose的现在分词 );(在法庭上)宣誓作证 | |
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159
deluged
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v.使淹没( deluge的过去式和过去分词 );淹没;被洪水般涌来的事物所淹没;穷于应付 | |
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160
redeem
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v.买回,赎回,挽回,恢复,履行(诺言等) | |
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161
worthy
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adj.(of)值得的,配得上的;有价值的 | |
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162
disastrous
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adj.灾难性的,造成灾害的;极坏的,很糟的 | |
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163
dissuade
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v.劝阻,阻止 | |
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164
apprehensive
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adj.担心的,恐惧的,善于领会的 | |
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165
lame
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adj.跛的,(辩解、论据等)无说服力的 | |
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166
foretold
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v.预言,预示( foretell的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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167
commotion
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n.骚动,动乱 | |
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168
apprehensions
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疑惧 | |
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169
apprehension
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n.理解,领悟;逮捕,拘捕;忧虑 | |
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170
trample
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vt.踩,践踏;无视,伤害,侵犯 | |
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171
perverted
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adj.不正当的v.滥用( pervert的过去式和过去分词 );腐蚀;败坏;使堕落 | |
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172
credible
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adj.可信任的,可靠的 | |
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173
consigned
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v.把…置于(令人不快的境地)( consign的过去式和过去分词 );把…托付给;把…托人代售;丟弃 | |
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174
peculiar
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adj.古怪的,异常的;特殊的,特有的 | |
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175
liar
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n.说谎的人 | |
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176
vividly
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adv.清楚地,鲜明地,生动地 | |
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177
tormented
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饱受折磨的 | |
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178
sojourn
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v./n.旅居,寄居;逗留 | |
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179
fortress
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n.堡垒,防御工事 | |
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180
dread
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vt.担忧,忧虑;惧怕,不敢;n.担忧,畏惧 | |
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181
negotiations
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协商( negotiation的名词复数 ); 谈判; 完成(难事); 通过 | |
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182
recurring
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adj.往复的,再次发生的 | |
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183
friction
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n.摩擦,摩擦力 | |
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184
misgivings
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n.疑虑,担忧,害怕;疑虑,担心,恐惧( misgiving的名词复数 );疑惧 | |
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185
chancellor
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n.(英)大臣;法官;(德、奥)总理;大学校长 | |
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186
esteem
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n.尊敬,尊重;vt.尊重,敬重;把…看作 | |
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187
secular
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n.牧师,凡人;adj.世俗的,现世的,不朽的 | |
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188
decided
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adj.决定了的,坚决的;明显的,明确的 | |
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189
timorous
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adj.胆怯的,胆小的 | |
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190
wont
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adj.习惯于;v.习惯;n.习惯 | |
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191
presumptuous
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adj.胆大妄为的,放肆的,冒昧的,冒失的 | |
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192
providence
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n.深谋远虑,天道,天意;远见;节约;上帝 | |
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193
ardent
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adj.热情的,热烈的,强烈的,烈性的 | |
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194
descending
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n. 下行 adj. 下降的 | |
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195
saviour
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n.拯救者,救星 | |
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196
judgments
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判断( judgment的名词复数 ); 鉴定; 评价; 审判 | |
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197
tract
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n.传单,小册子,大片(土地或森林) | |
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198
excrement
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n.排泄物,粪便 | |
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199
electorate
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n.全体选民;选区 | |
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200
volcanic
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adj.火山的;象火山的;由火山引起的 | |
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201
pessimism
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n.悲观者,悲观主义者,厌世者 | |
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202
reiterated
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反复地说,重申( reiterate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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203
revert
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v.恢复,复归,回到 | |
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204
attain
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vt.达到,获得,完成 | |
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205
gist
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n.要旨;梗概 | |
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206
reek
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v.发出臭气;n.恶臭 | |
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207
holocaust
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n.大破坏;大屠杀 | |
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208
fiery
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adj.燃烧着的,火红的;暴躁的;激烈的 | |
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209
vice
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n.坏事;恶习;[pl.]台钳,老虎钳;adj.副的 | |
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210
seduced
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诱奸( seduce的过去式和过去分词 ); 勾引; 诱使堕落; 使入迷 | |
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211
laity
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n.俗人;门外汉 | |
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212
utterance
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n.用言语表达,话语,言语 | |
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213
utterances
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n.发声( utterance的名词复数 );说话方式;语调;言论 | |
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214
whit
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n.一点,丝毫 | |
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215
fanaticism
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n.狂热,盲信 | |
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216
cardinals
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红衣主教( cardinal的名词复数 ); 红衣凤头鸟(见于北美,雄鸟为鲜红色); 基数 | |
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217
countless
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adj.无数的,多得不计其数的 | |
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218
horde
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n.群众,一大群 | |
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219
passionate
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adj.热情的,热烈的,激昂的,易动情的,易怒的,性情暴躁的 | |
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220
exterminate
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v.扑灭,消灭,根绝 | |
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221
Christian
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adj.基督教徒的;n.基督教徒 | |
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222
agitation
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n.搅动;搅拌;鼓动,煽动 | |
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223
ferment
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vt.使发酵;n./vt.(使)激动,(使)动乱 | |
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224
adjure
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v.郑重敦促(恳请) | |
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225
tumults
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吵闹( tumult的名词复数 ); 喧哗; 激动的吵闹声; 心烦意乱 | |
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226
covenant
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n.盟约,契约;v.订盟约 | |
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227
hatred
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n.憎恶,憎恨,仇恨 | |
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228
polemic
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n.争论,论战 | |
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229
kindled
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(使某物)燃烧,着火( kindle的过去式和过去分词 ); 激起(感情等); 发亮,放光 | |
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230
indirectly
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adv.间接地,不直接了当地 | |
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231
rave
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vi.胡言乱语;热衷谈论;n.热情赞扬 | |
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232
maniac
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n.精神癫狂的人;疯子 | |
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233
gallows
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n.绞刑架,绞台 | |
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234
frenzy
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n.疯狂,狂热,极度的激动 | |
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235
eloquence
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n.雄辩;口才,修辞 | |
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236
frantically
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ad.发狂地, 发疯地 | |
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237
possessed
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adj.疯狂的;拥有的,占有的 | |
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238
impudence
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n.厚颜无耻;冒失;无礼 | |
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239
vows
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誓言( vow的名词复数 ); 郑重宣布,许愿 | |
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240
opposition
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n.反对,敌对 | |
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241
attestation
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n.证词 | |
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242
rhetoric
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n.修辞学,浮夸之言语 | |
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243
disciples
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n.信徒( disciple的名词复数 );门徒;耶稣的信徒;(尤指)耶稣十二门徒之一 | |
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244
corruption
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n.腐败,堕落,贪污 | |
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245
scattered
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adj.分散的,稀疏的;散步的;疏疏落落的 | |
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246
blessings
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n.(上帝的)祝福( blessing的名词复数 );好事;福分;因祸得福 | |
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247
lasting
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adj.永久的,永恒的;vbl.持续,维持 | |
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248
rampant
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adj.(植物)蔓生的;狂暴的,无约束的 | |
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249
allege
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vt.宣称,申述,主张,断言 | |
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250
alleged
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a.被指控的,嫌疑的 | |
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251
apostasy
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n.背教,脱党 | |
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252
impudent
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adj.鲁莽的,卑鄙的,厚颜无耻的 | |
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253
depreciation
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n.价值低落,贬值,蔑视,贬低 | |
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254
incessant
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adj.不停的,连续的 | |
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255
scoffed
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嘲笑,嘲弄( scoff的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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256
creed
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n.信条;信念,纲领 | |
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257
jot
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n.少量;vi.草草记下;vt.匆匆写下 | |
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258
folly
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n.愚笨,愚蠢,蠢事,蠢行,傻话 | |
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259
usurps
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篡夺,霸占( usurp的第三人称单数 ); 盗用; 篡夺,篡权 | |
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260
knavishly
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adv.恶棍地,不正地 | |
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261
blasphemy
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n.亵渎,渎神 | |
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262
Christians
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n.基督教徒( Christian的名词复数 ) | |
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263
tyrants
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专制统治者( tyrant的名词复数 ); 暴君似的人; (古希腊的)僭主; 严酷的事物 | |
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264
incarnate
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adj.化身的,人体化的,肉色的 | |
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265
overthrown
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adj. 打翻的,推倒的,倾覆的 动词overthrow的过去分词 | |
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266
vomited
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267
vomit
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v.呕吐,作呕;n.呕吐物,吐出物 | |
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268
avenge
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v.为...复仇,为...报仇 | |
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269
ingratitude
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n.忘恩负义 | |
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270
consolation
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n.安慰,慰问 | |
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271
entirely
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ad.全部地,完整地;完全地,彻底地 | |
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272
rapacious
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adj.贪婪的,强夺的 | |
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273
usurped
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篡夺,霸占( usurp的过去式和过去分词 ); 盗用; 篡夺,篡权 | |
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274
idol
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n.偶像,红人,宠儿 | |
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275
lawful
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adj.法律许可的,守法的,合法的 | |
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276
scourged
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鞭打( scourge的过去式和过去分词 ); 惩罚,压迫 | |
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277
utterly
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adv.完全地,绝对地 | |
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278
corrupted
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(使)败坏( corrupt的过去式和过去分词 ); (使)腐化; 引起(计算机文件等的)错误; 破坏 | |
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279
banishing
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v.放逐,驱逐( banish的现在分词 ) | |
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280
banish
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vt.放逐,驱逐;消除,排除 | |
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281
scrap
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n.碎片;废料;v.废弃,报废 | |
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282
reeks
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n.恶臭( reek的名词复数 )v.发出浓烈的臭气( reek的第三人称单数 );散发臭气;发出难闻的气味 (of sth);明显带有(令人不快或生疑的跡象) | |
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283
countenance
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n.脸色,面容;面部表情;vt.支持,赞同 | |
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284
outrage
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n.暴行,侮辱,愤怒;vt.凌辱,激怒 | |
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285
deviate
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v.(from)背离,偏离 | |
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286
ordinances
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n.条例,法令( ordinance的名词复数 ) | |
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287
belly
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n.肚子,腹部;(像肚子一样)鼓起的部分,膛 | |
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288
perverse
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adj.刚愎的;坚持错误的,行为反常的 | |
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289
redeemed
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adj. 可赎回的,可救赎的 动词redeem的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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290
monstrous
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adj.巨大的;恐怖的;可耻的,丢脸的 | |
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291
transcript
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n.抄本,誊本,副本,肄业证书 | |
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292
laymen
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门外汉,外行人( layman的名词复数 ); 普通教徒(有别于神职人员) | |
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293
miraculous
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adj.像奇迹一样的,不可思议的 | |
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294
reprehensible
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adj.该受责备的 | |
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295
descended
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a.为...后裔的,出身于...的 | |
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296
chastisement
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n.惩罚 | |
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297
smite
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v.重击;彻底击败;n.打;尝试;一点儿 | |
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298
forsake
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vt.遗弃,抛弃;舍弃,放弃 | |
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299
heresy
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n.异端邪说;异教 | |
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300
radical
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n.激进份子,原子团,根号;adj.根本的,激进的,彻底的 | |
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301
subversion
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n.颠覆,破坏 | |
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302
wilful
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adj.任性的,故意的 | |
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303
untold
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adj.数不清的,无数的 | |
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304
incite
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v.引起,激动,煽动 | |
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305
obstinacy
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n.顽固;(病痛等)难治 | |
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306
tempted
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v.怂恿(某人)干不正当的事;冒…的险(tempt的过去分词) | |
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307
revile
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v.辱骂,谩骂 | |
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308
implore
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vt.乞求,恳求,哀求 | |
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309
trespass
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n./v.侵犯,闯入私人领地 | |
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310
celebrated
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adj.有名的,声誉卓著的 | |
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311
malice
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n.恶意,怨恨,蓄意;[律]预谋 | |
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312
frenzied
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a.激怒的;疯狂的 | |
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313
controversy
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n.争论,辩论,争吵 | |
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314
pretexts
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n.借口,托辞( pretext的名词复数 ) | |
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315
demolished
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v.摧毁( demolish的过去式和过去分词 );推翻;拆毁(尤指大建筑物);吃光 | |
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316
ornament
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v.装饰,美化;n.装饰,装饰物 | |
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317
penetrated
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adj. 击穿的,鞭辟入里的 动词penetrate的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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318
displeasing
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不愉快的,令人发火的 | |
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319
homage
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n.尊敬,敬意,崇敬 | |
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320
excellence
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n.优秀,杰出,(pl.)优点,美德 | |
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321
devoted
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adj.忠诚的,忠实的,热心的,献身于...的 | |
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322
viper
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n.毒蛇;危险的人 | |
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323
aberration
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n.离开正路,脱离常规,色差 | |
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324
counterfeit
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|
vt.伪造,仿造;adj.伪造的,假冒的 | |
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325
cynical
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|
adj.(对人性或动机)怀疑的,不信世道向善的 | |
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326
delusion
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n.谬见,欺骗,幻觉,迷惑 | |
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327
perversion
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n.曲解;堕落;反常 | |
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328
questionable
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|
adj.可疑的,有问题的 | |
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329
imbibed
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|
v.吸收( imbibe的过去式和过去分词 );喝;吸取;吸气 | |
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330
inflicted
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把…强加给,使承受,遭受( inflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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331
prelude
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n.序言,前兆,序曲 | |
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|
332
adherents
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|
n.支持者,拥护者( adherent的名词复数 );党羽;徒子徒孙 | |
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333
disseminated
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散布,传播( disseminate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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334
mightily
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ad.强烈地;非常地 | |
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|
335
maliciously
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adv.有敌意地 | |
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336
pertaining
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|
与…有关系的,附属…的,为…固有的(to) | |
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337
dissect
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v.分割;解剖 | |
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|
338
painstaking
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|
adj.苦干的;艰苦的,费力的,刻苦的 | |
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|
339
extolling
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|
v.赞美( extoll的现在分词 );赞颂,赞扬,赞美( extol的现在分词 ) | |
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|
340
interpretation
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n.解释,说明,描述;艺术处理 | |
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341
binding
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有约束力的,有效的,应遵守的 | |
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|
342
apocalyptic
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adj.预示灾祸的,启示的 | |
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343
drawn
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v.拖,拉,拔出;adj.憔悴的,紧张的 | |
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344
mitigate
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|
vt.(使)减轻,(使)缓和 | |
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345
testament
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|
n.遗嘱;证明 | |
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346
garb
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n.服装,装束 | |
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347
solitary
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|
adj.孤独的,独立的,荒凉的;n.隐士 | |
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348
totter
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|
v.蹒跚, 摇摇欲坠;n.蹒跚的步子 | |
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|
349
ruminate
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v.反刍;沉思 | |
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|
350
dint
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|
n.由于,靠;凹坑 | |
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|
351
swarm
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|
n.(昆虫)等一大群;vi.成群飞舞;蜂拥而入 | |
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352
parasites
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寄生物( parasite的名词复数 ); 靠他人为生的人; 诸虫 | |
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353
puffed
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|
adj.疏松的v.使喷出( puff的过去式和过去分词 );喷着汽(或烟)移动;吹嘘;吹捧 | |
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|
354
prophesied
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|
v.预告,预言( prophesy的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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355
arrogance
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n.傲慢,自大 | |
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356
captivity
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|
n.囚禁;被俘;束缚 | |
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357
detailed
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|
adj.详细的,详尽的,极注意细节的,完全的 | |
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|
358
depicted
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|
描绘,描画( depict的过去式和过去分词 ); 描述 | |
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|
359
hypocrisy
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n.伪善,虚伪 | |
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|
360
locusts
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|
n.蝗虫( locust的名词复数 );贪吃的人;破坏者;槐树 | |
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361
scorpions
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n.蝎子( scorpion的名词复数 ) | |
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362
reigns
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|
n.君主的统治( reign的名词复数 );君主统治时期;任期;当政期 | |
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363
exalts
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赞扬( exalt的第三人称单数 ); 歌颂; 提升; 提拔 | |
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|
364
nought
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n./adj.无,零 | |
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|
365
abstruse
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adj.深奥的,难解的 | |
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366
mentality
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n.心理,思想,脑力 | |
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367
surmise
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|
v./n.猜想,推测 | |
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|
368
arrogated
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v.冒称,妄取( arrogate的过去式和过去分词 );没来由地把…归属(于) | |
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|
369
exalting
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a.令人激动的,令人喜悦的 | |
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370
precisely
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|
adv.恰好,正好,精确地,细致地 | |
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|
371
contemplate
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|
vt.盘算,计议;周密考虑;注视,凝视 | |
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372
antiquity
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|
n.古老;高龄;古物,古迹 | |
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373
applied
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adj.应用的;v.应用,适用 | |
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374
perusal
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|
n.细读,熟读;目测 | |
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|
375
dissertation
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|
n.(博士学位)论文,学术演讲,专题论文 | |
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|
376
forgery
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|
n.伪造的文件等,赝品,伪造(行为) | |
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|
377
allusion
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|
n.暗示,间接提示 | |
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|
378
polemics
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|
n.辩论术,辩论法;争论( polemic的名词复数 );辩论;辩论术;辩论法 | |
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379
imperatively
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adv.命令式地 | |
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|
380
effrontery
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n.厚颜无耻 | |
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|
381
shrouded
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|
v.隐瞒( shroud的过去式和过去分词 );保密 | |
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|
382
stark
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|
adj.荒凉的;严酷的;完全的;adv.完全地 | |
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|
383
depicts
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|
描绘,描画( depict的第三人称单数 ); 描述 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
384
travesties
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|
n.拙劣的模仿作品,荒谬的模仿,歪曲( travesty的名词复数 ) | |
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|
385
bulwark
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|
n.堡垒,保障,防御 | |
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386
severely
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|
adv.严格地;严厉地;非常恶劣地 | |
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|
387
trump
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|
n.王牌,法宝;v.打出王牌,吹喇叭 | |
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|
388
plentiful
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|
adj.富裕的,丰富的 | |
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|
389
averting
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|
防止,避免( avert的现在分词 ); 转移 | |
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|
390
alluding
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|
提及,暗指( allude的现在分词 ) | |
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|
391
herald
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|
vt.预示...的来临,预告,宣布,欢迎 | |
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|
392
accomplished
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|
adj.有才艺的;有造诣的;达到了的 | |
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393
exegesis
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|
n.注释,解释 | |
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|
394
prematurely
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|
adv.过早地,贸然地 | |
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|
395
demonstrations
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|
证明( demonstration的名词复数 ); 表明; 表达; 游行示威 | |
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|
396
ashore
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|
adv.在(向)岸上,上岸 | |
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|
397
ominous
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|
adj.不祥的,不吉的,预兆的,预示的 | |
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|
398
penance
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|
n.(赎罪的)惩罪 | |
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|
399
phenomena
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|
n.现象 | |
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|
400
omen
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|
n.征兆,预兆;vt.预示 | |
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|
401
portents
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|
n.预兆( portent的名词复数 );征兆;怪事;奇物 | |
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|
402
portent
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|
n.预兆;恶兆;怪事 | |
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|
403
narrated
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|
v.故事( narrate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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|
404
deformed
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|
adj.畸形的;变形的;丑的,破相了的 | |
参考例句: |
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|
405
calf
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|
n.小牛,犊,幼仔,小牛皮 | |
参考例句: |
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|
406
Vogue
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|
n.时髦,时尚;adj.流行的 | |
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|
407
portrayed
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|
v.画像( portray的过去式和过去分词 );描述;描绘;描画 | |
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|
408
miscarriage
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|
n.失败,未达到预期的结果;流产 | |
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|
409
creases
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|
(使…)起折痕,弄皱( crease的第三人称单数 ); (皮肤)皱起,使起皱纹 | |
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|
410
monkish
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|
adj.僧侣的,修道士的,禁欲的 | |
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|
411
fatten
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|
v.使肥,变肥 | |
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|
412
enjoyments
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|
愉快( enjoyment的名词复数 ); 令人愉快的事物; 享有; 享受 | |
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|
413
confession
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|
n.自白,供认,承认 | |
参考例句: |
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|
414
tightening
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|
上紧,固定,紧密 | |
参考例句: |
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|
415
sufficiently
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|
adv.足够地,充分地 | |
参考例句: |
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|
416
imminent
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|
adj.即将发生的,临近的,逼近的 | |
参考例句: |
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|
417
habitual
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|
adj.习惯性的;通常的,惯常的 | |
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418
tragic
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|
adj.悲剧的,悲剧性的,悲惨的 | |
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|
419
abortion
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|
n.流产,堕胎 | |
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|
420
corroboration
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|
n.进一步的证实,进一步的证据 | |
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|
421
iconoclast
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|
n.反对崇拜偶像者 | |
参考例句: |
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|
422
sublime
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|
adj.崇高的,伟大的;极度的,不顾后果的 | |
参考例句: |
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|
423
hideous
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|
adj.丑陋的,可憎的,可怕的,恐怖的 | |
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|
424
clatter
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|
v./n.(使)发出连续而清脆的撞击声 | |
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|
425
susceptible
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|
adj.过敏的,敏感的;易动感情的,易受感动的 | |
参考例句: |
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|
426
portend
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|
v.预兆,预示;给…以警告 | |
参考例句: |
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|
427
frightful
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|
adj.可怕的;讨厌的 | |
参考例句: |
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|
428
derisive
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|
adj.嘲弄的 | |
参考例句: |
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|
429
stranded
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|
a.搁浅的,进退两难的 | |
参考例句: |
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|
430
distress
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|
n.苦恼,痛苦,不舒适;不幸;vt.使悲痛 | |
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|
431
copper
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|
n.铜;铜币;铜器;adj.铜(制)的;(紫)铜色的 | |
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432
diverged
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分开( diverge的过去式和过去分词 ); 偏离; 分歧; 分道扬镳 | |
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|
433
nun
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|
n.修女,尼姑 | |
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|
434
joint
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|
adj.联合的,共同的;n.关节,接合处;v.连接,贴合 | |
参考例句: |
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|
435
implicitly
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|
adv. 含蓄地, 暗中地, 毫不保留地 | |
参考例句: |
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|
436
acquitted
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|
宣判…无罪( acquit的过去式和过去分词 ); 使(自己)作出某种表现 | |
参考例句: |
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|
437
expound
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|
v.详述;解释;阐述 | |
参考例句: |
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|
438
compendium
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|
n.简要,概略 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
439
prodigies
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|
n.奇才,天才(尤指神童)( prodigy的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句: |
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|
440
elegies
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|
n.哀歌,挽歌( elegy的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句: |
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|
441
marvels
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|
n.奇迹( marvel的名词复数 );令人惊奇的事物(或事例);不平凡的成果;成就v.惊奇,对…感到惊奇( marvel的第三人称单数 ) | |
参考例句: |
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|
442
bias
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|
n.偏见,偏心,偏袒;vt.使有偏见 | |
参考例句: |
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|
443
legitimate
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|
adj.合法的,合理的,合乎逻辑的;v.使合法 | |
参考例句: |
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|
444
vocation
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|
n.职业,行业 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
445
vocations
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|
n.(认为特别适合自己的)职业( vocation的名词复数 );使命;神召;(认为某种工作或生活方式特别适合自己的)信心 | |
参考例句: |
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|
446
attested
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|
adj.经检验证明无病的,经检验证明无菌的v.证明( attest的过去式和过去分词 );证实;声称…属实;使宣誓 | |
参考例句: |
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|
447
consistency
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|
n.一贯性,前后一致,稳定性;(液体的)浓度 | |
参考例句: |
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|
448
professed
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|
公开声称的,伪称的,已立誓信教的 | |
参考例句: |
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|
449
emanated
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|
v.从…处传出,传出( emanate的过去式和过去分词 );产生,表现,显示 | |
参考例句: |
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|
450
interfere
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|
v.(in)干涉,干预;(with)妨碍,打扰 | |
参考例句: |
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|
451
credulous
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|
adj.轻信的,易信的 | |
参考例句: |
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|
452
credence
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|
n.信用,祭器台,供桌,凭证 | |
参考例句: |
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|
453
ridicule
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|
v.讥讽,挖苦;n.嘲弄 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
454
enumerate
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|
v.列举,计算,枚举,数 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
455
transcend
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|
vt.超出,超越(理性等)的范围 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
456
lust
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|
n.性(淫)欲;渴(欲)望;vi.对…有强烈的欲望 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
457
unity
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|
n.团结,联合,统一;和睦,协调 | |
参考例句: |
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|
458
hierarchy
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|
n.等级制度;统治集团,领导层 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
459
humility
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|
n.谦逊,谦恭 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
460
justified
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|
a.正当的,有理的 | |
参考例句: |
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|
461
deriding
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|
v.取笑,嘲笑( deride的现在分词 ) | |
参考例句: |
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|
462
imputation
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|
n.归罪,责难 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
463
mantle
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|
n.斗篷,覆罩之物,罩子;v.罩住,覆盖,脸红 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
464
omissions
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n.省略( omission的名词复数 );删节;遗漏;略去或漏掉的事(或人) | |
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465
supreme
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adj.极度的,最重要的;至高的,最高的 | |
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466
pastor
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n.牧师,牧人 | |
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467
embodied
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v.表现( embody的过去式和过去分词 );象征;包括;包含 | |
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468
pertinent
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adj.恰当的;贴切的;中肯的;有关的;相干的 | |
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469
preservation
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n.保护,维护,保存,保留,保持 | |
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470
orator
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n.演说者,演讲者,雄辩家 | |
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471
eminent
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adj.显赫的,杰出的,有名的,优良的 | |
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472
eminently
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adv.突出地;显著地;不寻常地 | |
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473
conversion
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n.转化,转换,转变 | |
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474
justification
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n.正当的理由;辩解的理由 | |
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475
albeit
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conj.即使;纵使;虽然 | |
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476
derives
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v.得到( derive的第三人称单数 );(从…中)得到获得;源于;(从…中)提取 | |
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477
doctorate
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n.(大学授予的)博士学位 | |
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478
magistrates
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地方法官,治安官( magistrate的名词复数 ) | |
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479
invalid
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n.病人,伤残人;adj.有病的,伤残的;无效的 | |
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480
hampered
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妨碍,束缚,限制( hamper的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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481
perversity
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n.任性;刚愎自用 | |
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482
nuns
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n.(通常指基督教的)修女, (佛教的)尼姑( nun的名词复数 ) | |
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483
wrought
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v.引起;以…原料制作;运转;adj.制造的 | |
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484
dedicated
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adj.一心一意的;献身的;热诚的 | |
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485
perfectly
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adv.完美地,无可非议地,彻底地 | |
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486
confided
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v.吐露(秘密,心事等)( confide的过去式和过去分词 );(向某人)吐露(隐私、秘密等) | |
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487
naively
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adv. 天真地 | |
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488
heed
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v.注意,留意;n.注意,留心 | |
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489
miraculously
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ad.奇迹般地 | |
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490
jaws
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n.口部;嘴 | |
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491
puerile
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adj.幼稚的,儿童的 | |
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492
dominant
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adj.支配的,统治的;占优势的;显性的;n.主因,要素,主要的人(或物);显性基因 | |
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493
reticent
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adj.沉默寡言的;言不如意的 | |
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494
noted
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adj.著名的,知名的 | |
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495
deferred
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adj.延期的,缓召的v.拖延,延缓,推迟( defer的过去式和过去分词 );服从某人的意愿,遵从 | |
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496
besought
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v.恳求,乞求(某事物)( beseech的过去式和过去分词 );(beseech的过去式与过去分词) | |
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497
prudently
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adv. 谨慎地,慎重地 | |
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498
uncommon
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adj.罕见的,非凡的,不平常的 | |
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499
subterfuge
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n.诡计;藉口 | |
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500
inviting
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adj.诱人的,引人注目的 | |
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501
sects
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n.宗派,教派( sect的名词复数 ) | |
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502
melancholy
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n.忧郁,愁思;adj.令人感伤(沮丧)的,忧郁的 | |
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503
toils
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网 | |
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504
superintendent
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n.监督人,主管,总监;(英国)警务长 | |
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505
promising
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adj.有希望的,有前途的 | |
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506
apparently
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adv.显然地;表面上,似乎 | |
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507
prophesy
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v.预言;预示 | |
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508
prophesying
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v.预告,预言( prophesy的现在分词 ) | |
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509
loath
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adj.不愿意的;勉强的 | |
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510
eulogies
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n.颂词,颂文( eulogy的名词复数 ) | |
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511
alas
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int.唉(表示悲伤、忧愁、恐惧等) | |
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512
miserably
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adv.痛苦地;悲惨地;糟糕地;极度地 | |
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513
foretells
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v.预言,预示( foretell的第三人称单数 ) | |
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514
lamentable
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adj.令人惋惜的,悔恨的 | |
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515
distressing
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a.使人痛苦的 | |
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516
revival
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n.复兴,复苏,(精力、活力等的)重振 | |
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517
distinguished
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adj.卓越的,杰出的,著名的 | |
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518
bestial
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adj.残忍的;野蛮的 | |
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519
usury
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n.高利贷 | |
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520
stifle
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vt.使窒息;闷死;扼杀;抑止,阻止 | |
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521
hermit
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n.隐士,修道者;隐居 | |
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522
hermits
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(尤指早期基督教的)隐居修道士,隐士,遁世者( hermit的名词复数 ) | |
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523
esteemed
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adj.受人尊敬的v.尊敬( esteem的过去式和过去分词 );敬重;认为;以为 | |
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524
longing
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n.(for)渴望 | |
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525
condemned
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adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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526
fortified
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adj. 加强的 | |
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527
beseeching
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adj.恳求似的v.恳求,乞求(某事物)( beseech的现在分词 ) | |
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528
custody
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n.监护,照看,羁押,拘留 | |
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529
imprisoned
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下狱,监禁( imprison的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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530
immured
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v.禁闭,监禁( immure的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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531
amend
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vt.修改,修订,改进;n.[pl.]赔罪,赔偿 | |
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532
persevere
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v.坚持,坚忍,不屈不挠 | |
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533
artifice
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n.妙计,高明的手段;狡诈,诡计 | |
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