Elizabeth, daughter of Henry VIII., by Anne Boleyn, was in her twenty-sixth year when she ascended1 the throne. She was crowned the 15th of June, 1559, and soon assembled her parliament and selected her ministers. After establishing her own legitimacy2, she set about settling the affairs of the church, but only restored the Protestant religion as Cranmer had left it. Indeed, she ever retained a fondness for ceremonial, and abhorred3 a reform spirit among the people. She insisted on her supremacy4, as head of the church, and on conformity5 with her royal conscience. But she was not severe on the Catholics, and even the gluttonous6 and vindictive7 Bonner was permitted to end his days in peace.
As soon as the Protestant religion was established, the queen turned her attention towards Scotland, from which much trouble was expected.
Scotland was then governed by Mary, daughter of James V., and Mary, Queen of Scots. had succeeded her father while a mere9 infant, eight days after her birth, (1542.) In 1558, she married the dauphin, afterwards King of France, by which marriage she was Queen of France as well as of Scotland.
According to every canonical10 law of the Roman church, the claim of Mary Stuart to the English throne was preferable to that of her cousin Elizabeth. Her uncles, the Guises11, represented that Anne Boleyn's marriage had never been lawful13, and that Elizabeth was therefore illegitimate. In an evil hour, she and her husband quartered the arms of England with their own, and assumed the titles of King and Queen of Scotland and England. And Elizabeth's indignation was further excited by the insult which the pope had inflicted14, in declaring her birth illegitimate. She, therefore, resolved to gratify, at once, both her ambition and her vengeance15, encouraged by her ministers, who wished to advance the Protestant interest in the kingdom. Accordingly, Elizabeth, with consummate16 art, undermined the authority of Mary in Scotland, now distracted by religious as well as civil commotions17. Mary was a Catholic, and had a perfect abhorrence18 and disgust of the opinions and customs of the reformers, especially of John Knox. John Knox, whose influence in Scotland was almost druidical. The Catholics resolved to punish with fire and sword, while the Protestants were equally intent on defending themselves with the sword. And it so happened that some of the most powerful of the nobility were arrayed on the side of Protestantism. But the Scotch19 reformers were animated20 with a zeal21 unknown to Cranmer and his associates. The leaders had been trained at Geneva, under the guidance of Calvin, and had imbibed22 his opinions, and were, therefore, resolved to carry the work of reform after the model of the Genevan church. Accordingly, those pictures, and statues, and ornaments23, and painted glass, and cathedrals, which Cranmer spared, were furiously destroyed by the Scotch reformers, who considered them as parts of an idolatrous worship. The antipathy25 to bishops26 and clerical vestments was equally strong, and a sweeping27 reform was carried on under the dictatorship of Knox. Elizabeth had no more sympathy with this bold, but uncouth28, reformer and his movements, than had Mary herself, and never could forgive him for his book, written at Geneva, aimed against female government, called the "First Blast of a Trumpet29 against the monstrous30 Regiment31 of Women." But Knox cared not for either the English or the Scottish queens, and zealously32 and fearlessly prosecuted34 his work, and gained over to his side the moral strength of the kingdom. Of course, a Catholic queen resolved to suppress his doctrines35; but nearly the whole Scottish nobility rallied around his standard, marching with the Bible in one hand, and the sword in the other. The queen brought in troops from France to support her insulted and tottering37 government, which only increased the zeal of the Protestant party, headed by the Earls of Argyle, Arran, Morton, and Glencairn, and James Stuart, Prior of St. Andrews, who styled themselves "Lords of the Congregation." A civil war now raged in Scotland, between the queen regent, who wished to suppress the national independence, and extinguish the Protestant religion, and the Protestants, who comprised a great part of the nation, and who were resolved on the utter extirpation38 of Romanism and the limitation of the regal power. The Lords of the Congregation implored39 the aid of England, which Elizabeth was ready to grant, both from political and religious motives41. The Protestant cause was in the ascendant, when the queen regent died, in 1560. The same year died Francis II., of France; and Mary, now a widow, resolved to return to her own kingdom. She landed at Leith, August, 1561, and was received with the grandest demonstration42 of joy. For a time, affairs were tolerably tranquil43, Mary having intrusted the great Protestant nobles with power. She was greatly annoyed, however, by Knox, who did not treat her with the respect due to a queen, and who called her Jezebel; but the reformer escaped punishment on account of his great power.
In 1565, Mary married her cousin, Marriage of Mary — Darnley. Lord Darnley, son of the Earl of Lennox,—a match exceedingly distasteful to Elizabeth, who was ever jealous of Mary, especially in matrimonial matters, since the Scottish queen had not renounced44 her pretensions45 to the throne of her grandfather, Henry VII. The character of Elizabeth now appears in its worst light; and meanness and jealousy46 took the place of that magnanimity which her admirers have ascribed to her. She fomented47 disturbances48 in Scotland, and incited49 the queen's natural brother, the Prior of St. Andrews, now Earl of Murray, to rebellion, with the expectation of obtaining the government of the country. He formed a conspiracy50 to seize the persons of Mary and her husband. The plot was discovered, and Murray fled to England; but it was still unremittingly pursued, till at length it was accomplished52.
Darnley, the consort53 of Mary, was a man of low tastes, profligate54 habits, and shallow understanding. Such a man could not long retain the affections of the most accomplished woman of her age, accustomed to flattery, and bent55 on pursuing her own pleasure, at any cost. Disgust and coldness therefore took place. Darnley, enraged56 at this increasing coldness, was taught to believe that he was supplanted57 in the queen's affections by an Italian favorite, the musician Rizzio, whom Mary had made her secretary. He therefore signed a bond, with certain lords, for the murder of the Italian, who seems to have been a man of no character. One evening, as the queen was at supper, in her private apartment, with the countess of Argyle and Rizzio, the Earl of Morton, with one hundred and sixty men, took possession of the palace of Holyrood, while Darnley himself showed the way to a band of ruffians to the royal presence. Rizzio was barbarously murdered in the presence of the queen, who endeavored to protect him.
Darnley, in thus perpetrating this shocking murder, was but the tool of some of the great lords, who wished to make him hateful to the queen, and to the nation, and thus prepare the way for his own execution. And they succeeded. A plot was contrived58 for the murder of Darnley, of which Murray was probably the author. Shortly after, the house, in which he slept, was blown up by gunpowder59, in the middle of the night.
The public voice imputed60 to the Bothwell — Civil War in Scotland. Earl of Bothwell, a great favorite of the queen, the murder of Darnley. Nor did the queen herself escape suspicion. "But no inquiry61 or research," says Scott, "has ever been able to bring us either to that clear opinion upon the guilt62 of Mary which is expressed by many authors, or guide us to that triumphant63 conclusion in favor of her innocence64 of all accession, direct or tacit, to the death of her husband, which others have maintained with the same obstinacy65." But whatever doubt exists as to the queen's guilt, there is none respecting her ministers—Maitland, Huntley, Morton, and Argyle. Still they offered a reward of two thousand pounds for the discovery of the murderers. The public voice accused Bothwell as the principal: and yet the ministers associated with him, and the queen, entirely66 exculpated67 him. He was brought to a trial, on the formal accusation68 of the Earl of Lennox, in the city of Edinburgh, which he was permitted to obtain possession of. In a place guarded by his own followers69, it was not safe for any witnesses to appear against him, and he was therefore acquitted70, though the whole nation believed him guilty.
Mary was rash enough to marry, shortly after, the man whom public opinion pronounced to be the murderer of her husband; and Murray, her brother, was so ambitious and treacherous71, as to favor the marriage, with the hope that the unpopularity of the act would lead to the destruction of the queen, and place him at the helm of state. No sooner was Mary married to Bothwell, than Murray and other lords threw off the mask, pretended to be terribly indignant, took up arms against the queen, with the view of making her prisoner, and with the pretence72 of delivering her from her husband. Bothwell escaped to Norway, and the queen surrendered herself, at Carberry Hill, to the insurgent73 army, the chiefs of which instantly assumed the reins74 of government, and confined the queen in the castle of Lochleven, and treated her with excessive harshness. Shortly after, (1567,) she resigned her crown to her infant son, and Murray, the prime mover of so many disturbances, became regent of the kingdom. Murray was a zealous33 Protestant, and had the support of Knox in all his measures, and the countenance75 of the English ministry76. Abating77 his intrigue78 and ambition, he was a most estimable man, and deserved the affections of the nation, which he retained until his death. M'Crie, in his Life of Knox, represents him as a model of Christian79 virtue80 and integrity, and every way worthy81 of the place he held in the affections of his party.
The unfortunate queen suffered great unkindness in her lonely confinement82, and Knox, with the more zealous of his party, clamored for her death, as an adulteress and a murderer. She succeeded in escaping from her prison, raised an army, marched against the regent, was defeated at the battle of Langside, fled to England, and became, May, 1568, the prisoner-guest of her envious83 rival. Elizabeth obtained the object of her desires. Captivity84 of Queen Mary. But the captivity of Mary, confined in Tutbury Castle, against all the laws of hospitality and justice, gave rise to incessant85 disturbances, both in England and Scotland, until her execution, in 1587. And these form no inconsiderable part of the history of England for seventeen years. Scotland was the scene of anarchy87, growing out of the contentions88 and jealousies89 of rival chieftains, who stooped to every crime that appeared to facilitate their objects. In 1570, the regent Murray was assassinated91. He was succeeded by his enemy, the Earl of Lennox, who, in his turn, was shot by an assassin. The Earl of Mar8 succeeded him, but lived only a year. Morton became regent, the reward of his many crimes but retribution at last overtook him, being executed when James assumed the sovereignty.
Meanwhile, the unfortunate Mary pined in hopeless captivity. It was natural for her to seek release, and also for her friends to help her. Among her friends was the Duke of Norfolk, the first nobleman in England, and a zealous Catholic. He aspired93 to her hand; but Elizabeth chose to consider his courtship as a treasonable act, and Norfolk was arrested. On being afterwards released, he plotted for the liberation of Mary, and his intrigues94 brought him to the block. The unfortunate captive, wearied and impatient, naturally sought the assistance of foreign powers. She had her agents in Rome, France, Spain, and the Low Countries. The Catholics in England espoused95 her cause, and a conspiracy was formed to deliver her, assassinate90 Elizabeth, and restore the Catholic religion. From the fact that Mary was privy96 to that part of it which concerned her own deliverance, she was brought to trial as a criminal, found guilty by a court incompetent97 to sit on her case, and Execution of Mary. executed without remorse98, 8th February, 1587.
Few persons have excited more commiseration99 than this unfortunate queen, both on account of her exalted100 rank, and her splendid intellectual accomplishments101. Whatever obloquy102 she merited for her acts as queen of Scotland, no one can blame her for meditating103 escape from the power of her zealous but more fortunate rival; and her execution is the greatest blot104 in the character of the queen of England, at this time in the zenith of her glory.
Next to the troubles with Scotland growing out of the interference of Elizabeth, the great political events of the reign92 were the long and protracted105 war with Spain, and the Irish rebellion. Both of these events were important.
Spain was at this time governed by Philip II., son of the emperor Charles, one of the most bigoted106 Catholics of the age, and allied36 with Catharine de Medicis of France for the entire suppression of Protestantism. She incited her son Charles IX. to the massacre107 of St. Bartholomew, and Philip established the inquisition in Flanders. This measure provoked an insurrection, to suppress which the Duke of Alva, one of the most celebrated108 of the generals of Charles V., was sent into the Netherlands with a large army, and almost unlimited109 powers. The cruelties of Alva were unparalleled. In six years, eighteen thousand persons perished by the hands of the executioner, and Alva counted on the entire suppression of Protestantism by the mere force of armies. He could count the physical resources of the people, but he could not estimate the degree of their resistance when animated by the spirit of liberty or religion. Providence110, too, takes care of those who strive to take care of themselves. A great leader appeared among the suffering Hollanders, almost driven to despair—the celebrated William of Nassau, Prince of Orange. He appeared as the champion of the oppressed and insulted people; they rallied around his standard, fought with desperate bravery, opened the dikes upon their cultivated fields, expelled their invaders111, and laid the foundation of their liberties. But they could not have withstood the gigantic power of the Spanish monarchy113, then in the fulness of its strength, and the most powerful in Europe, had it not been for aid rendered by Elizabeth. She compassionated114 their sufferings, and had respect for their cause. She entered into an alliance, defensive115 and offensive, and the Netherlands became the great theatre of war, even after they had thrown off the Spanish yoke116. Although the United Provinces in the end obtained their liberty, they suffered incredible hardships, and lost some of the finest of their cities, Antwerp among the rest, long the rival of Amsterdam, and the scene of Rubens's labors117.
The assistance which Elizabeth rendered to the Hollanders, of course, provoked the resentment118 of Philip II., and this was increased by the legalized piracies119 of Sir Francis Drake, in the West Indies, and on the coasts of South America. This commander, in time of peace, insisted on a right to visit those ports which the Spaniards had closed, which, by the law of nations, is piracy51. Philip, according to all political maxims120, was forced to declare war with England, and he made Military Preparations of Philip II. immense preparations to subdue121 it. But the preparations of Elizabeth to resist the powerful monarch112 were also great, and Drake performed brilliant exploits on the sea, among other things, destroying one hundred ships in the Bay of Cadiz, and taking immense spoil. The preparations of the Spanish monarch were made on such a gigantic scale, that Elizabeth summoned a great council of war to meet the emergency, at which the all-accomplished Sir Walter Raleigh took a leading part. His advice was to meet the Spaniards on the sea. Although the royal navy consisted, at this time, of only thirty-six sail, such vigorous measures were prosecuted, that one hundred and ninety-one ships were collected, manned by seventeen thousand four hundred seamen122. The merchants of London granted thirty ships and ten thousand men, and all England was aroused to meet the expected danger. Never was patriotism123 more signally evinced, never were more decisive proofs given of the popularity of a sovereign. Indeed, Elizabeth was always popular with the nation; and with all her ceremony, and state, and rudeness to the commons, and with all their apparent servility, she never violated the laws, or irritated the people by oppressive exactions. Many acts of the Tudor princes seem to indicate the reign of despotism in England, but this despotism was never grievous, and had all the benignity124 of a paternal126 government. Capricious and arbitrary as Elizabeth was, in regard to some unfortunate individuals who provoked her hatred127 or her jealousy, still she ever sedulously128 guarded the interests of the nation, and listened to the counsel of patriotic129 and able ministers. When England was threatened with a Spanish invasion, there was not a corner of the land which did not rise to protect a beloved sovereign; nor was there a single spot, where a landing might be effected, around which an army of twenty thousand could not be rallied in forty-eight hours.
But Philip, nevertheless, expected the complete conquest of England; and, as his Spanish Armada. "Invincible130 Armada" of one hundred and thirty ships, left the mouth of the Tagus, commanded by Medina Sidonia, and manned by the noblest troops of Spain, he fancied his hour of triumph was at hand. But his hopes proved dreams, like most of the ambitious designs of men. The armada met with nothing but misfortunes, both from battle and from storms. Only fifty ships returned to Spain. An immense booty was divided among the English sailors, and Elizabeth sent, in her turn, a large fleet to Spain, the following year, (1589,) under the command of Drake, which, after burning a few towns, returned ingloriously to England, with a loss of ten thousand men. The war was continued with various success till 1598, when a peace was negotiated. The same year, died Philip II., and Lord Burleigh, who, for forty years, directed the councils of Elizabeth, and to whose voice she ever listened, even when opposed by such favorites as Leicester and Essex. Burleigh was not a great genius, but was a man admirably adapted to his station and his times,—was cool, sagacious, politic40, and pacific, skilful131 in the details of business competent to advise, but not aspiring132 to command. He was splendidly rewarded for his services, and left behind him three hundred distinct landed estates.
Meanwhile the attention of the queen was directed to the affairs of Ireland, which had been conquered by Henry II. in the year 1170, but over which only an imperfect sovereignty had been exercised. The Irish princes and nobles, divided among themselves, paid the exterior133 marks of obedience134, but kept the country in a constant state of insurrection.
The impolitic and romantic projects of the English princes for subduing135 France, prevented a due attention to Ireland, ever miserably136 governed. Elizabeth was the first of the English sovereigns to perceive the political importance of this island, and the necessity for the establishment of law and order. Besides furnishing governors of great capacity, she founded the university of Dublin, and attempted to civilize138 the half-barbarous people. Unfortunately, she also sought to make them Protestants, against their will, which laid the foundation of many subsequent troubles, not yet removed. A spirit of discontent pervaded139 the country, and the people were ready for rebellion. Hugh O'Neale, the head of a powerful clan140, and who had been raised to the dignity of Earl of Tyrone, yet attached to the barbarous license141 in which he had been early trained, fomented the popular discontents, and excited a Irish Rebellion. dangerous rebellion. Hostilities142, of the most sanguinary character, commenced. The queen sent over her favorite, the Earl of Essex, with an army of twenty thousand men, to crush the rebellion. He was a brave commander, but was totally unacquainted with the country and the people he was expected to subdue, and was, consequently, unsuccessful. But his successor, Lord Mountjoy, succeeded in restoring the queen's authority, though at the cost of four millions and a half, an immense sum in that age, while poor Ireland was devastated143 with fire and sword, and suffered every aggravation144 of accumulated calamities145.
Meanwhile, The Earl of Essex. Essex, who had returned to England against the queen's orders, was treated with coldness, deprived of his employments, and sentenced to be confined. This was more than the haughty146 favorite could bear, accustomed as he had been to royal favor. At first, he acquiesced147 in his punishment, with every mark of penitence148, and Elizabeth was beginning to relax in her severity for she never intended to ruin him; but he soon gave vent86 to his violent temper, indulged in great liberties of speech, and threw off all appearance of duty and respect. He even engaged in treasonable designs, encouraged Roman Catholics at his house, and corresponded with James VI. of Scotland about his succession. His proceedings149 were discovered, and he was summoned before the privy council. Instead of obedience, he armed himself and his followers, and, in conjunction with some discontented nobles, and about three hundred gentlemen, attempted to excite an insurrection in London, where he was very popular with the citizens. He was captured and committed to the Tower, with the Earl of Southampton. These rash but brave noblemen were tried by their peers, and condemned151 as guilty of high treason. In this trial, the celebrated Bacon appeared against his old patron, and likened him to the Duke of Guise12. The great lawyer Coke, who was attorney-general, compared him to Catiline.
Essex disdained152 to sue the queen for a pardon, and was privately153 beheaded in the Tower. He merited his fate, if the offence of which he was guilty deserved such a punishment. It is impossible not to be interested in the fate of a man so brave, high-spirited, and generous, the idol24 of the people, and the victor in so many enterprises. Some historians maintain that Elizabeth relented, and would have saved her favorite, had he only implored her clemency154; but this statement is denied by others; nor have we any evidence to believe that Essex, caught with arms against the sovereign who had honored him, could have averted155 his fate.
Elizabeth may have wept for the death of the nobleman she had loved. It is certain that, after his death, she never regained156 her spirits, and that a deep melancholy157 was visible in her countenance. All her actions showed a deeply-settled inward grief, and that she longed for death, having tasted the unsubstantial nature of human greatness. She survived the execution of Essex two years, but lived long enough to see the neglect into which she was every day falling, and to feel that, in spite of all her glory and power, she was not exempted158 from drinking the cup of bitterness.
Whatever unamiable qualities she evinced as a woman, in spite of Character of Elizabeth. her vanity, and jealousy, and imperious temper, her reign was one of the most glorious in the annals of her country. The policy of Burleigh was the policy of Sir Robert Walpole—that of peace, and a desire to increase the resources of the kingdom. Her taxes were never oppressive, and were raised without murmur159; the people were loyal and contented150; the Protestant religion was established on a firm foundation; and a constellation160 of great men shed around her throne the bright rays of immortal161 genius.
The most unhappy peculiarity162 of her reign was the persecution163 of the Non-conformists, which, if not sanguinary, was irritating and severe. For some time after the accession of Elizabeth, the Puritans were permitted to indulge in their peculiarities164, without being excluded from the established church; but when Elizabeth felt herself secure, then they were obliged to conform, or suffered imprisonment165, fines, and other punishments. The original difficulty was their repugnance166 to the surplice, and to some few forms of worship, which gradually extended to an opposition167 to the order of bishops; to the temporal dignities of the church; to the various titles of the hierarchy168; to the jurisdiction169 of the spiritual courts; to the promiscuous170 access of all persons to the communion table; to the liturgy171; to the observance of holydays; to the cathedral worship; to the use of organs; to the presentation of living by patrons; and finally, to some of the doctrines of the established church. The separation of the Puritans from the Episcopal church, took place in 1566; and, from that time to the death of Elizabeth, they enjoyed no peace, although they sought redress172 in the most respectful manner, and raised no opposition to the royal authority. Thousands were ejected from their livings, and otherwise punished, for not conforming to the royal conscience. But persecution and penal173 laws fanned a fanatical spirit, which, in the reign of Charles, burst out into a destructive flame, and spread devastation174 and ruin through all parts of the kingdom.
If the queen and her ministers did not understand the principles of religious toleration, they pursued a much more enlightened policy in regard to all financial and political subjects, than during any former reign. The commercial importance of England received a new impulse. The reign of Henry VIII. was a reign of spoliation. The king was enriched beyond all former precedent175, but his riches did not keep pace with his spendthrift habits. The value of the abbey lands which Henry seized amounted, a century after his death, to six million pounds. The lands of the abbey of St. Alban's alone rented for two hundred thousand pounds. The king debased the coin, confiscated176 chapels177 and colleges, as well as monasteries178, and raised money by embargoes179, monopolies, and compulsory180 loans.
But Elizabeth, instead of contracting debts, Improvements Made in the Reign of Elizabeth. paid off the old ones, restored the coin to its purity, and was content with an annual revenue of five hundred thousand pounds, even at a time when the rebellion in Ireland cost her four hundred thousand pounds. Her frugality181 equalled the rapacity182 of her father, and she was extravagant183 only in dress, and on great occasions of public rejoicings. But her economy was a small matter compared with the wise laws which were passed respecting the trade of the country, by which commercial industry began to characterize the people. Improvements in navigation followed, and also maritime184 discoveries and colonial settlements. Sir Francis Drake circumnavigated the globe, and the East India Company was formed. Under the auspices185 of Sir Walter Raleigh, Virginia was discovered and colonized187. Unfortunately, also, the African slave trade commenced—a traffic which has been productive of more human misery188, and led to more disastrous189 political evils, than can be traced to any other event in the history of modern times.
During this reign, the houses of the people became more comfortable; chimneys began to be used; pewter dishes took the place of wooden trenchers, and wheat was substituted for rye and barley190; linen191 and woollen cloth was manufactured; salads, cabbages, gooseberries, apricots, pippins, currants, cherries, plums, carnations192, and the damask rose were cultivated, for the first time. But the great glory of this reign was the revival193 of literature and science. Raleigh, "the soldier, the sailor, the scholar, the philosopher, the poet, the orator194, the historian, the courtier," then, adorned195 the court, and the prince of poets, the immortal Shakspeare, then wrote those plays, which, for moral wisdom and knowledge of the human soul, appear to us almost to be dictated196 by the voice of inspiration. The prince of philosophers too, the great miner and sapper of the false systems of the middle ages, Francis Bacon, then commenced his career, and Spenser dedicated197 to Elizabeth his "Fairy Queen," one of the most truly poetical198 compositions that genius ever produced. The age produced also great divines; but these did not occupy so prominent a place in the nation's eye as during the succeeding reigns137.
While Reflections. the virgin186 queen was exercising so benign125 an influence on the English nation, great events, though not disconnected with English politics, were taking place on the continent. The most remarkable199 of these was the persecution of the Huguenots. The rise and fortunes of this sect200, during the reigns of Henry II., Francis II., Charles IX., Henry III., and Henry IV., now demand our attention. If a newspaper had, in that age, been conducted upon the principles it now is, the sufferings of the Huguenots would always be noticed. It is our province to describe just what a modern newspaper would have alluded201 to, had it been printed three hundred years ago. It would not have been filled with genealogies202 of kings, but with descriptions of great popular movements. And this is history.
References.—For the history of this reign, see Hume, Lingard, and Hallam; Miss Strickland's Queens of England; Life of Mary, Queen of Scots; M'Crie's Life of Knox; Robertson's History of Scotland; Macaulay's Essay on Nares's Life of Burleigh; Life of Sir Walter Raleigh; Neale's History of the Puritans. Kenilworth may also be profitably read.
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ascended
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| v.上升，攀登( ascend的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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legitimacy
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| n.合法，正当 | |
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abhorred
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| v.憎恶( abhor的过去式和过去分词 )；（厌恶地）回避；拒绝；淘汰 | |
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supremacy
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| n.至上；至高权力 | |
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conformity
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| n.一致，遵从，顺从 | |
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gluttonous
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| adj.贪吃的，贪婪的 | |
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vindictive
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| adj.有报仇心的，怀恨的，惩罚的 | |
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mar
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| vt.破坏，毁坏，弄糟 | |
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mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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canonical
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| n.权威的；典型的 | |
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guises
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| n.外观，伪装( guise的名词复数 )v.外观，伪装( guise的第三人称单数 ) | |
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guise
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| n.外表，伪装的姿态 | |
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lawful
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| adj.法律许可的，守法的，合法的 | |
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inflicted
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| 把…强加给，使承受，遭受( inflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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vengeance
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consummate
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| adj.完美的；v.成婚；使完美 [反]baffle | |
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commotions
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| n.混乱，喧闹，骚动( commotion的名词复数 ) | |
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abhorrence
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| n.憎恶；可憎恶的事 | |
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scotch
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| n.伤口，刻痕；苏格兰威士忌酒；v.粉碎，消灭，阻止；adj.苏格兰(人)的 | |
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animated
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| adj.生气勃勃的，活跃的，愉快的 | |
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zeal
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imbibed
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ornaments
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| n.装饰( ornament的名词复数 )；点缀；装饰品；首饰v.装饰，点缀，美化( ornament的第三人称单数 ) | |
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idol
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| n.偶像，红人，宠儿 | |
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25
antipathy
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| n.憎恶；反感，引起反感的人或事物 | |
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26
bishops
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| （基督教某些教派管辖大教区的）主教( bishop的名词复数 )； （国际象棋的）象 | |
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27
sweeping
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| adj.范围广大的，一扫无遗的 | |
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28
uncouth
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| adj.无教养的，粗鲁的 | |
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29
trumpet
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| n.喇叭，喇叭声；v.吹喇叭，吹嘘 | |
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30
monstrous
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| adj.巨大的；恐怖的；可耻的，丢脸的 | |
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31
regiment
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| n.团，多数，管理；v.组织，编成团，统制 | |
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32
zealously
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| adv.热心地；热情地；积极地；狂热地 | |
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33
zealous
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| adj.狂热的，热心的 | |
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34
prosecuted
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| a.被起诉的 | |
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35
doctrines
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| n.教条( doctrine的名词复数 )；教义；学说；（政府政策的）正式声明 | |
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36
allied
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| adj.协约国的；同盟国的 | |
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37
tottering
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| adj.蹒跚的，动摇的v.走得或动得不稳( totter的现在分词 )；踉跄；蹒跚；摇摇欲坠 | |
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38
extirpation
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| n.消灭，根除，毁灭；摘除 | |
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39
implored
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| 恳求或乞求（某人）( implore的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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40
politic
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| adj.有智虑的；精明的；v.从政 | |
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41
motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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42
demonstration
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| n.表明，示范，论证，示威 | |
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43
tranquil
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| adj. 安静的, 宁静的, 稳定的, 不变的 | |
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44
renounced
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| v.声明放弃( renounce的过去式和过去分词 )；宣布放弃；宣布与…决裂；宣布摒弃 | |
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45
pretensions
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| 自称( pretension的名词复数 )； 自命不凡； 要求； 权力 | |
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46
jealousy
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| n.妒忌，嫉妒，猜忌 | |
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47
fomented
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| v.激起，煽动（麻烦等）( foment的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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48
disturbances
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| n.骚乱( disturbance的名词复数 )；打扰；困扰；障碍 | |
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49
incited
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| 刺激，激励，煽动( incite的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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50
conspiracy
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| n.阴谋，密谋，共谋 | |
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51
piracy
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| n.海盗行为，剽窃，著作权侵害 | |
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52
accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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53
consort
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| v.相伴；结交 | |
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54
profligate
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| adj.行为不检的；n.放荡的人，浪子，肆意挥霍者 | |
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55
bent
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| n.爱好，癖好；adj.弯的；决心的，一心的 | |
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56
enraged
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| 使暴怒( enrage的过去式和过去分词 )； 歜； 激愤 | |
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57
supplanted
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| 把…排挤掉，取代( supplant的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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58
contrived
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| adj.不自然的，做作的；虚构的 | |
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59
gunpowder
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| n.火药 | |
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60
imputed
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| v.把（错误等）归咎于( impute的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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61
inquiry
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| n.打听，询问，调查，查问 | |
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62
guilt
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| n.犯罪；内疚；过失，罪责 | |
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63
triumphant
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| adj.胜利的，成功的；狂欢的，喜悦的 | |
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64
innocence
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| n.无罪；天真；无害 | |
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65
obstinacy
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| n.顽固；（病痛等）难治 | |
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66
entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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67
exculpated
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| v.开脱，使无罪( exculpate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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68
accusation
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| n.控告，指责，谴责 | |
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69
followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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70
acquitted
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| 宣判…无罪( acquit的过去式和过去分词 )； 使（自己）作出某种表现 | |
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71
treacherous
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| adj.不可靠的，有暗藏的危险的；adj.背叛的，背信弃义的 | |
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72
pretence
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| n.假装，作假；借口，口实；虚伪；虚饰 | |
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73
insurgent
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| adj.叛乱的，起事的；n.叛乱分子 | |
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74
reins
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| 感情，激情； 缰( rein的名词复数 )； 控制手段； 掌管； （成人带着幼儿走路以防其走失时用的）保护带 | |
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75
countenance
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| n.脸色，面容；面部表情；vt.支持，赞同 | |
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76
ministry
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| n.(政府的)部；牧师 | |
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77
abating
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| 减少( abate的现在分词 )； 减去； 降价； 撤消（诉讼） | |
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78
intrigue
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| vt.激起兴趣，迷住；vi.耍阴谋；n.阴谋，密谋 | |
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79
Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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80
virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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81
worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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82
confinement
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| n.幽禁，拘留，监禁；分娩；限制，局限 | |
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83
envious
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| adj.嫉妒的，羡慕的 | |
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84
captivity
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| n.囚禁；被俘；束缚 | |
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85
incessant
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| adj.不停的，连续的 | |
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86
vent
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| n.通风口，排放口；开衩；vt.表达，发泄 | |
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87
anarchy
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| n.无政府状态；社会秩序混乱，无秩序 | |
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88
contentions
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| n.竞争( contention的名词复数 )；争夺；争论；论点 | |
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89
jealousies
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| n.妒忌( jealousy的名词复数 )；妒羡 | |
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90
assassinate
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| vt.暗杀，行刺，中伤 | |
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91
assassinated
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| v.暗杀( assassinate的过去式和过去分词 )；中伤；诋毁；破坏 | |
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92
reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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93
aspired
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| v.渴望，追求( aspire的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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94
intrigues
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| n.密谋策划( intrigue的名词复数 )；神秘气氛；引人入胜的复杂情节v.搞阴谋诡计( intrigue的第三人称单数 )；激起…的好奇心 | |
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95
espoused
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| v.（决定）支持，拥护（目标、主张等）( espouse的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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96
privy
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|
| adj.私用的；隐密的 | |
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97
incompetent
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| adj.无能力的，不能胜任的 | |
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98
remorse
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| n.痛恨，悔恨，自责 | |
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99
commiseration
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| n.怜悯，同情 | |
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100
exalted
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|
| adj.(地位等)高的，崇高的；尊贵的，高尚的 | |
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101
accomplishments
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| n.造诣；完成( accomplishment的名词复数 )；技能；成绩；成就 | |
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102
obloquy
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| n.斥责，大骂 | |
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103
meditating
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| a.沉思的，冥想的 | |
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104
blot
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| vt.弄脏（用吸墨纸）吸干；n.污点，污渍 | |
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105
protracted
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|
| adj.拖延的；延长的v.拖延“protract”的过去式和过去分词 | |
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106
bigoted
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| adj.固执己见的，心胸狭窄的 | |
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107
massacre
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| n.残杀，大屠杀；v.残杀，集体屠杀 | |
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108
celebrated
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| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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109
unlimited
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| adj.无限的，不受控制的，无条件的 | |
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110
providence
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| n.深谋远虑，天道，天意；远见；节约；上帝 | |
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111
invaders
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| 入侵者，侵略者，侵入物( invader的名词复数 ) | |
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112
monarch
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| n.帝王，君主，最高统治者 | |
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113
monarchy
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| n.君主，最高统治者；君主政体，君主国 | |
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114
compassionated
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| v.同情（compassionate的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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115
defensive
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| adj.防御的；防卫的；防守的 | |
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116
yoke
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| n.轭；支配；v.给...上轭，连接，使成配偶 | |
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117
labors
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| v.努力争取(for)( labor的第三人称单数 )；苦干；详细分析；（指引擎）缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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118
resentment
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| n.怨愤，忿恨 | |
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119
piracies
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| n.海上抢劫( piracy的名词复数 )；盗版行为，非法复制 | |
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120
maxims
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| n.格言，座右铭( maxim的名词复数 ) | |
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121
subdue
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| vt.制服，使顺从，征服；抑制，克制 | |
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122
seamen
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| n.海员 | |
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123
patriotism
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| n.爱国精神，爱国心，爱国主义 | |
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124
benignity
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| n.仁慈 | |
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125
benign
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| adj.善良的，慈祥的；良性的，无危险的 | |
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126
paternal
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| adj.父亲的，像父亲的，父系的，父方的 | |
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127
hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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128
sedulously
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| ad.孜孜不倦地 | |
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129
patriotic
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| adj.爱国的，有爱国心的 | |
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130
invincible
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| adj.不可征服的，难以制服的 | |
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131
skilful
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| (=skillful)adj.灵巧的，熟练的 | |
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132
aspiring
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| adj.有志气的；有抱负的；高耸的v.渴望；追求 | |
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133
exterior
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| adj.外部的，外在的；表面的 | |
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134
obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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135
subduing
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| 征服( subdue的现在分词 )； 克制； 制服； 色变暗 | |
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136
miserably
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| adv.痛苦地；悲惨地；糟糕地；极度地 | |
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137
reigns
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| n.君主的统治( reign的名词复数 )；君主统治时期；任期；当政期 | |
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138
civilize
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| vt.使文明，使开化 (=civilise) | |
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139
pervaded
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| v.遍及，弥漫( pervade的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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140
clan
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| n.氏族，部落，宗族，家族，宗派 | |
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141
license
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| n.执照，许可证，特许；v.许可，特许 | |
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142
hostilities
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| n.战争；敌意(hostility的复数)；敌对状态；战事 | |
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143
devastated
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| v.彻底破坏( devastate的过去式和过去分词)；摧毁；毁灭；在感情上（精神上、财务上等）压垮adj.毁坏的；极为震惊的 | |
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144
aggravation
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| n.烦恼，恼火 | |
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145
calamities
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| n.灾祸，灾难( calamity的名词复数 )；不幸之事 | |
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146
haughty
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| adj.傲慢的，高傲的 | |
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147
acquiesced
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| v.默认，默许( acquiesce的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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148
penitence
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| n.忏悔，赎罪；悔过 | |
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149
proceedings
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| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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150
contented
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| adj.满意的，安心的，知足的 | |
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151
condemned
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| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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disdained
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| 鄙视( disdain的过去式和过去分词 )； 不屑于做，不愿意做 | |
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privately
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| adv.以私人的身份，悄悄地，私下地 | |
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clemency
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| n.温和，仁慈，宽厚 | |
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averted
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| 防止，避免( avert的过去式和过去分词 )； 转移 | |
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regained
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| 复得( regain的过去式和过去分词 )； 赢回； 重回； 复至某地 | |
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157
melancholy
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| n.忧郁，愁思；adj.令人感伤（沮丧）的，忧郁的 | |
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exempted
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| 使免除[豁免]( exempt的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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murmur
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| n.低语，低声的怨言；v.低语，低声而言 | |
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constellation
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| n.星座n.灿烂的一群 | |
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immortal
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| adj.不朽的；永生的，不死的；神的 | |
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peculiarity
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| n.独特性，特色；特殊的东西；怪癖 | |
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persecution
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| n. 迫害,烦扰 | |
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peculiarities
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| n. 特质, 特性, 怪癖, 古怪 | |
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imprisonment
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| n.关押，监禁，坐牢 | |
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repugnance
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| n.嫌恶 | |
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167
opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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168
hierarchy
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| n.等级制度；统治集团，领导层 | |
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jurisdiction
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| n.司法权，审判权，管辖权，控制权 | |
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promiscuous
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| adj.杂乱的，随便的 | |
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171
liturgy
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| n.礼拜仪式 | |
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172
redress
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| n.赔偿，救济，矫正；v.纠正，匡正，革除 | |
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penal
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| adj.刑罚的；刑法上的 | |
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174
devastation
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| n.毁坏；荒废；极度震惊或悲伤 | |
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precedent
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| n.先例，前例；惯例；adj.在前的，在先的 | |
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confiscated
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| 没收，充公( confiscate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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177
chapels
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| n.小教堂， （医院、监狱等的）附属礼拜堂( chapel的名词复数 )；（在小教堂和附属礼拜堂举行的）礼拜仪式 | |
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monasteries
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| 修道院( monastery的名词复数 ) | |
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embargoes
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| 贸易禁运令，禁运( embargo的名词复数 ) | |
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180
compulsory
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| n.强制的，必修的；规定的，义务的 | |
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181
frugality
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| n.节约，节俭 | |
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182
rapacity
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| n.贪婪，贪心，劫掠的欲望 | |
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183
extravagant
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| adj.奢侈的；过分的；(言行等)放肆的 | |
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maritime
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| adj.海的，海事的，航海的，近海的，沿海的 | |
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auspices
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| n.资助，赞助 | |
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virgin
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| n.处女，未婚女子；adj.未经使用的；未经开发的 | |
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colonized
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| 开拓殖民地，移民于殖民地( colonize的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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misery
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| n.痛苦，苦恼，苦难；悲惨的境遇，贫苦 | |
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disastrous
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| adj.灾难性的，造成灾害的；极坏的，很糟的 | |
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barley
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| n.大麦，大麦粒 | |
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191
linen
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| n.亚麻布，亚麻线，亚麻制品；adj.亚麻布制的，亚麻的 | |
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carnations
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| n.麝香石竹，康乃馨( carnation的名词复数 ) | |
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revival
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| n.复兴，复苏，（精力、活力等的）重振 | |
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orator
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| n.演说者，演讲者，雄辩家 | |
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adorned
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| [计]被修饰的 | |
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dictated
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| v.大声讲或读( dictate的过去式和过去分词 )；口授；支配；摆布 | |
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dedicated
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| adj.一心一意的；献身的；热诚的 | |
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198
poetical
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| adj.似诗人的；诗一般的；韵文的；富有诗意的 | |
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199
remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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200
sect
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| n.派别，宗教，学派，派系 | |
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201
alluded
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| 提及，暗指( allude的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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202
genealogies
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| n.系谱，家系，宗谱( genealogy的名词复数 ) | |
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