While the Protestants in Germany were struggling for religious liberty, and the Parliaments of France for political privileges, there was a contest going on in England for the attainment4 of the same great ends. With the accession of James I. a new era commences in English history, marked by the growing importance of the House of Commons, and their struggles for civil and religious liberty. The Commons had not been entirely5 silent during the long reign2 of Elizabeth, but members of them occasionally dared to assert those rights of which Englishmen are proud. The queen was particularly sensitive to any thing which pertained6 to her prerogative7, and generally sent to the Tower any man who boldly expressed his opinion on subjects which she deemed that she and her ministers alone had the right to discuss. These forbidden subjects were those which pertained to the management of religion, to her particular courts, and to her succession to the crown. She never made an attack on what she conceived to be the constitution, but only zealously8 defended what she considered as her own rights. And she was ever sufficiently10 wise to yield a point to the commons, after she had asserted her power, so that concession11, on her part, had all the appearance of bestowing13 a favor. She never pushed matters to extremity14, but gave way in good time. And in this policy she showed great wisdom; so that, in spite of all her crimes and caprices, she ever retained the affections of the English people.
The Accession of James I. son of her rival Mary Stuart, Queen of Scots, ascended16 the throne, (1603,) under the title of James I., and was the first of the Stuart kings. He had been king of Scotland under the title of James VI., and had there many difficulties to contend with, chiefly in consequence of the turbulence17 of the nobles, and the bigotry18 of the reformers. He was eager to take possession of his English inheritance, but was so poor that he could not begin his journey until Cecil sent him the money. He was crowned, with great ceremony, in Westminster Abbey, on the 25th of June.
The first acts of his reign were unpopular; and it was subsequently disgraced by a continual succession of political blunders. To detail these, or to mention all the acts of this king, or the events of his inglorious reign would fill a volume larger than this History. Moreover, from this period, modern history becomes very complicated and voluminous, and all that can be attempted in this work is, an allusion19 to the principal events.
The The Genius of the Reign of James. genius of this reign is the contest between royal prerogative and popular freedom. The proceedings20 in parliament were characterized by a spirit of boldness and resistance never before manifested, while the speeches and acts of the king were marked by an obstinate21 and stupid pertinacity22 to those privileges which absolute kings extorted24 from their subjects in former ages of despotism and darkness. The boldness of the Commons and the bigotry of the king led to incessant25 disagreement and discontent; and, finally, under Charles I., to open rupture26, revolution, and strife27.
The progress of this insurrection and contest furnishes one of the most important and instructive chapters in the history of society and the young student cannot make himself too familiar with details, of which our limits forbid a description.
The great Puritan contest here begins, destined28 not to be closed until after two revolutions, and nearly a century of anxiety, suffering, and strife. Providence29 raised up, during the whole of the Stuart dynasty, great patriots31 and statesmen, who had an eye to perceive the true interests and rights of the people, and a heart and a hand to defend them. No period and no nation have ever been more fertile in great men than England was from the accession of James I. to the abdication32 of James II., a period of eighty-five years. Shakspeare, Raleigh, Coke, Bacon, Cecil, Selden, Pym, Wentworth, Hollis, Leighton, Taylor, Baxter, Howe, Cromwell, Hampden, Blake, Vane, Milton, Clarendon, Burnet, Shaftesbury, are some of the luminaries33 which have shed a light down to our own times, and will continue to shine through all future ages. They were not all contemporaneous, but they all took part, more or less, on one side or the other, in the great contest of the seventeenth century. Whether statesmen, warriors34, poets, or divines, they alike made their age an epoch35, and their little island the moral centre of the world.
But we must first allude36 to some of the events of the reign of James I., before the struggle between prerogative and liberty attracted the attention of Europe.
One of the first was the Conspiracy38 of Sir Walter Raleigh. conspiracy against the king, in which Lord Cobham and Sir Walter Raleigh were engaged. We lament39 that so great a favorite with all readers as Sir Walter Raleigh, so universal a genius, a man so learned, accomplished40, and brave, should have even been suspected of a treasonable project, and without the excuse of some traitors41, that they wished to deliver their country from tyranny. But there is no perfection in man. Sir Walter was restless and ambitious, and had an eye mainly to his own advantage. His wit, gallantry, and chivalry44 were doubtless very pleasing qualities in a courtier, but are not the best qualities of a patriot30. He was disappointed because he could not keep pace with Cecil in the favor of his sovereign, and because the king took away the monopolies he had enjoyed. Hence, in conjunction with other disappointed politicians, he was accused of an attempt to seize the king's person, to change the ministry46, and to place the Lady Arabella Stuart on the throne. Against Raleigh appeared no less a person than the great Coke, who prosecuted47 him with such vehemence49 that Raleigh was found guilty, and condemned51 to death. But the proofs of his guilt50 are not so clear as the evidence of his ambition; and much must be attributed to party animosity. Though condemned, he was not executed; but lived to write many more books, and make many more voyages, to the great delight both of the cultivated and the adventurous52. That there was a plot to seize the king is clear, and the conspirators53 were detected and executed. Raleigh was suspected of this, and perhaps was privy54 to it; but the proofs of his crime were not apparent, except to the judges, and to the attorney-general, Coke, who compared the different plots to Samson's foxes, joined in the tails, though their heads were separated.
The most memorable55 event at this time in the domestic history of the kingdom was the Gunpowder56 Plot. Gunpowder Plot, planned by Catesby and other disappointed and desperate Catholics for the murder of the king, and the destruction of both houses of parliament. Knowing the sympathies of James for their religion, the Catholics had expected toleration, at least. But when Persecution57 of the Catholics. persecution continued against them, some reckless and unprincipled men united in a design to blow up the parliament. Percy, a relation of the Earl of Northumberland, was concerned in the plot, and many of the other conspirators were men of good families and fortunes, but were implacable bigots. They hired a cellar, under the parliament house, which had been used for coals; and there they deposited thirty-one barrels of gunpowder, waiting several months for a favorable time to perpetrate one of the most horrid58 crimes ever projected. It was resolved that Guy Fawkes, one of the number, should set fire to the train. They were all ready, and the 5th of November, 1605, was at hand, the day to which parliament was prorogued59; but Percy was anxious to save his kinsman61 from the impending62 ruin, Sir Everard Digby wished to warn some of his friends, and Tresham was resolved to give his brother-in-law, Lord Mounteagle, a caution. It seems that this peer received a letter so peculiar63, that he carried it to Cecil, who showed it to the king, and the king detected or suspected a plot. The result was, that the cellar was explored by the lord chamberlain, and Guy Fawkes himself was found, with all the materials for striking a light, near the vault66 in which the coal and the gunpowder were deposited. He was seized, interrogated67, tortured, and imprisoned68; but the wretch69 would not reveal the names of his associates, although he gloried in the crime he was about to commit, and alleged70, as his excuse, that violent diseases required desperate remedies, the maxim71 of the Jesuits. But most of the conspirators revealed their guilt by flight. They might have escaped, had they fled from the kingdom; but they hastened only into the country to collect their friends, and head an insurrection, which, of course, was easily suppressed. The leaders in this plot were captured and executed, and richly deserved their fate, although it was clear that they were infatuated. But in all crime there is infatuation. It was suspected that the Jesuits were at the bottom of the conspiracy; and the whole Catholic population suffered reproach from the blindness and folly72 of a few bigots, from whom no sect73 or party ever yet has been free. But there is no evidence that any of the Catholic clergy74 were even privy to the intended crime, which was known only to the absolute plotters. Some Jesuits were indeed suspected, arrested, tortured, and executed; but no evidence of guilt was brought against them sufficient to convict them. But their acquittal was impossible in such a state of national alarm and horror. Nothing ever made a more lasting75 and profound impression on the English mind than this intended crime; and it strengthened the prejudices against the Catholics even more than the persecutions under Queen Mary. Had the crime been consummated76, it would only have proved a blunder. It would have shocked and irritated the nation beyond all self-control; and it is probable that the whole Catholic population would have been assassinated78, or hunted out, as victims for the scaffold, in every corner of England. It proved, however, a great misfortune, and the severest blow Catholicism ever received in England. Thus God overrules all human wickedness. There was one person who suffered, in consequence of the excited suspicions of the nation, whose fate we cannot but compassionate79; and this person was the Earl of Northumberland, who was sentenced to pay a fine of thirty thousand pounds, to be deprived of all his offices, and to be imprisoned in the Tower for life, and simply because he was the head of the Catholic party, and a promoter of toleration. Indeed, penal80 statutes81 against the Catholics were fearfully multiplied. No Catholic was permitted to appear at court, or live in London, or within ten miles of it, or remove, on any occasion, more than five miles from his home, without especial license83. No Catholic recusant was permitted to practise surgery, physic, or law; to act as judge, clerk, or officer of any court or corporation; or perform the office of administrator84, executor, or guardian85. Every Catholic who refused to have his child baptized by a Protestant, was obliged to pay, for each omission86, one hundred pounds. Every person keeping a Catholic servant, was compelled to pay ten pounds a month to government. Moreover, every recusant was outlawed87; his house might be broken open; his books and furniture destroyed; and his horses and arms taken from him. Such was the severe treatment with which the Catholics, even those who were good citizens, were treated by our fathers in England; and this persecution was defended by some of the greatest jurists, divines, and statesmen which England has produced. And yet some maintain that there has been no progress in society, except in material civilization!
One of the peculiarities88 of the reign of James was, the ascendency which favorites obtained over him, so often the mark of a weak and vacillating mind. Henry VIII. and Elizabeth had their favorites; but they were ministers of the royal will. Moreover, they, like Wolsey, Cromwell, Burleigh, and Essex, were great men, and worthy89 of the trust reposed91 in them. But James, with all his kingcraft and statecraft, with all his ostentation92 and boasts of knowledge and of sagacity, reposed his confidence in such a man as Villiers, Duke of Buckingham. It is true he also had great men to serve him; Cecil was his secretary, Bacon was his chancellor93, and Coke was his chief justice. But Robert Carr, Earl of Somerset. Carr and Villiers rose above them all in dignity and honor, and were the companions and confidential94 agents of their royal master.
Robert Carr was a Scottish gentleman, poor and cunning, who had early been taught that personal beauty, gay dress, and lively manners, would make his fortune at court. He first attracted the attention of the king at a tilting95 match, at which he was the esquire to Lord Dingwall. In presenting his lord's shield to the king, his horse fell and threw him at James's feet. His leg was broken, but his fortune was made. James, struck with his beauty and youth, and moved by the accident, sent his own surgeon to him, visited him himself, and even taught him Latin, seeing that the scholastic96 part of his education had been neglected. Indeed, James would have made a much better schoolmaster than king; and his pedantry97 and conceit98 were beyond all bounds, so that Bacon styled him, either in irony99 or sycophancy100, "the Solomon of the age." Greatness and Fall of Somerset. Carr now became the pet of the learned monarch101. He was knighted, rich presents were bestowed103 on him, all bowed down to him as they would have done to a royal mistress; and Cecil and Suffolk vied with each other in their attempts to secure the favor of his friends. He gradually eclipsed every great noble at court, was created Viscount Rochester, received the Order of the Garter, and, when Cecil, then Earl of Salisbury, died, received the post of the Earl of Suffolk as lord chamberlain, he taking Cecil's place as treasurer104. Rochester, in effect, became prime minister, as Cecil had been. He was then created Earl of Somerset, in order that he might marry the Countess of Essex, the most beautiful and fascinating woman at the English court. She was daughter of the Earl of Suffolk, and granddaughter of the old Duke of Norfolk, executed in 1572, and, consequently, belonged to the first family in the realm. She was married to Essex at the age of thirteen, but treated him with contempt and coldness, being already enamored of the handsome favorite. That she might marry Carr she obtained a divorce from her husband on the most frivolous105 grounds, and through the favor of the king, who would do any thing for the man he delighted to honor. She succeeded in obtaining her end, and caused the ruin of all who opposed her wishes. But she proved a beautiful demon106, a fascinating fury, as might be expected from such an unprincipled woman, although ennobled by "the blood of all the Howards." Her reign lasted, however, only during the ascendency of her husband. For a time, "glorious days were succeeded by as glorious nights, when masks and dancings had a continual motion, and when banquetings rapt up the spirit of the sacred king, and kept it from descending108 to earthly things." But whatever royal favor stamps, royal favor, like fashion, leaves. Carr was supplanted110 by Villiers, and his doom111 was sealed. For the murder of his old friend Sir Thomas Overbury, who died in the Tower, as it was then supposed by poison, he and his countess were tried, found guilty, and disgraced. But he was not executed, and, after a few years' imprisonment112, retired113 to the country, with his lady, to reproach and hate each other. Their only child, the Lady Anna Carr, a woman of great honor and virtue114, married the first duke of Bedford, and was the mother of Lord Russell who died on the scaffold, a martyr115 to liberty, in the reign of Charles II. The origin of the noble families of England is curious. Some few are descended116 from successful Norman chieftains, who came over with William the Conqueror117, and whose merit was in their sword. Others are the descendants of those who, as courtiers, statesmen, or warriors, obtained great position, power, and wealth, during former reigns. Many owe their greatness to the fact that they are the offspring of the illegitimate children of kings, or the descendants of the ignoble118 minions119 of kings. Some few are enrolled121 in the peerage on account of their great wealth; and a still smaller number for the eminent122 services they have rendered their country like Wellington, Brougham, or Ellenborough. A vast majority can boast only the merit or the successful baseness of their ancestors. But all of them are interlinked by marriages, and therefore share together the glory or the shame of their progenitors125, so far as glory and shame can be transmitted from father to son, independently of all individual virtue or vice124.
Carr was succeeded in the royal favor by Duke of Buckingham. Villiers, and he, more fortunate, ever retained the ascendency over the mind and heart of James, as well as of his son Charles I. George Villiers owed his fortune, not to his birth or talents, but to his fine clothes, his Parisian manners, smooth face, tall figure, and bland126 smiles. He became cup-bearer, then knight102, then gentleman of the privy council, then earl, then marquis, and finally duke of Buckingham, lord high admiral, warden127 of the Cinque Ports, high steward128 of Westminster, constable129 of Windsor Castle, and chief justice in eyre of the parks and forests. "The doting130 and gloating king" had taught Somerset Latin; he attempted to teach Buckingham divinity, and called him ever by the name of "Steenie." And never was there such a mixture of finery, effeminacy, insolence131, and sycophancy in any royal minion120 before or since. Beau Brummell never equalled him in dress, Wolsey in magnificence, Mazarin in peculation132, Walpole in corruption133, Jeffries in insolence, or Norfolk in pride. He was the constant companion of the king, to whose vices123 he pandered134, and through him the royal favor flowed. But no rewards, or favors, or greatness satisfied him; not so much because he was ambitious, as because, like a spoiled child, he did not appreciate the magnitude of the gifts which were bestowed on him. Nor did he ever know his place; but made love to the queen of France herself, when he was sent on an embassy. He trampled135 on the constitution, subverted137 the laws, ground down the people by taxes, and taught the king to disregard the affections of his subjects, and to view them as his slaves. But such a triumph of iniquity139 could not be endured; and Buckingham was finally assassinated, after he had gained an elevation140 higher than any English subject ever before attained141, except Wolsey, and without the exercise of any qualities which entitled him to a higher position than a master of ceremonies at a fashionable ball. It is easy to conceive that such a minion should arrive at power under such a monarch as James; but how can we understand that such a man as Lord Bacon. Lord Bacon, the chancellor, the philosopher, the statesman, the man of learning, genius, and wisdom, should have bowed down to the dust, in vile3 subserviency142, to this infamous143 favorite of the king. Surely, what lessons of the frailty144 of human nature does the reign of James teach us! The most melancholy145 instance of all the singular cases of human inconsistency, at this time, is the conduct of the great Bacon himself, who reached the zenith of his power during this reign. It is not the receiving of a bribe146, while exercising the highest judicial147 authority in the land, on which alone his shame rests, but his insolent148 conduct to his inferiors, his acquiescence149 in wrong, his base and unmanly sycophancy, his ingratitude151 to his friends and patrons, his intense selfishness and unscrupulous ambition while climbing to power, and, above all, his willingness to be the tool of a despot who trampled on the rights and liberties which God had given him to guard; and this in an age of light, of awakened152 intelligence, when even his crabbed153 rival Coke was seeking to explode the abuses of the Dark Ages. But "the difference between the soaring angel and the creeping snake, was but a type of the difference between Bacon the philosopher and Bacon the attorney-general, Bacon seeking for truth and Bacon seeking for the Seals." As the author of the Novum Organum, as the pioneer of modern science, as the calm and patient investigator154 of nature's laws, as the miner and sapper of the old false systems of philosophy which enslaved the human mind, as the writer for future generations, he has received, as he has deserved, all the glory which admiring and grateful millions can bestow12, of his own nation, and of all nations. No name in British annals is more illustrious than his, and none which is shaded with more lasting shame. Pope alone would have given him an immortality155 as the "wisest, brightest, meanest of mankind." The only defence for the political baseness of Bacon—and this is insufficient—is, that all were base around him. The years when he was in power are among the darkest and most disgraceful in English history.
Allusion has been made to the reign of favorites; but this was but a small part of the evils of the times. Every thing abroad and at home was mismanaged. Patents of monopolies were multiplied; the most grievous exactions were made; indefensible executions were ordered; the laws were perverted158; justice was sold; and an ignominious159 war was closed by a still more ignominious peace. Trial and Execution of Raleigh. The execution of Raleigh was a disgrace to the king, the court, and the nation, because the manner of it was so cowardly and cruel. He had been convicted, in the early part of the reign, of treason, and committed to the Tower. There he languished160 twelve years, amusing himself by writing a universal history, and in seeking the elixir161 of life; for, in the mysteries of chemistry, and in the mazes162 of historical lore64, as in the intrigues163 of courts, and dangers of camps, he was equally at home.
He was released from his prison in order to take command of an adventurous expedition to Guiana in quest of gold. In a former voyage he had visited the banks of the Oronoco in quest of the city of Manoa, where precious stones and gold existed in exhaustless treasures. That El Dorado he could not find; but now, in prison, he proposed to Secretary Winwood an expedition to secure what he had before sought in vain. The king wavered a while between his cupidity164 and fear; for, while he longed for gold, as the traveller does for water on the desert of Sahara, he was afraid of giving offence to the Spanish ambassador. But his cupidity was the stronger feeling, and Raleigh was sent with fourteen ships to the coasts of South America. The expedition was in every respect unfortunate to Raleigh and to the king. The gallant43 commander lost his private fortune and a promising165 son, the Spaniards attacked his armament, his troops mutinied and deserted166, and he returned to England, with a sullied fame, to meet a disappointed sovereign and implacable enemies. In such times, failure is tantamount to crime, and Raleigh was tried for offences he never committed. The most glaring injustice167, harshness, and sophistry168 were resorted to, even by Bacon; but still Raleigh triumphantly169 defended himself. But no innocence171 or eloquence172 could save him; and he was executed on the sentence which had been pronounced against him for treason fifteen years before. To such meanness and cowardice173 did his enemies resort to rid the world of a universal genius, whose crime—if crime he ever committed—had long been consigned174 to oblivion.
But we cannot longer dwell on the lives of eminent individuals during the reign of James. However interesting may be the details of their fortunes, their history dwindles175 into insignificance176 when compared with the great public injuries which an infatuated monarch inflicted178. Not cruel in his temper, not stained by personal crimes, quite learned in Greek and Latin, but weak and ignorant of his duties as a king, Encroachments of James. he was inclined to trespass179 on the rights of his subjects. As has been already remarked, the genius of his reign was the contest between prerogative and liberty. The Commons did not acquiesce150 in his measures, or yield to his wishes, as they did during the reign of Elizabeth. He had a notion that the duty of a king was to command, and that of the subject was to obey, in all things; that kings ruled by divine right, and were raised by the Almighty180 above all law. But such notions were not approved by a parliament which swarmed183 with Puritans, and who were not careful to conceal184 their views from the king. They insisted on their privileges as tenaciously185 as the king insisted on his prerogative, and often came into collision with him. And they instituted an inquiry186 into monopolies, and attacked the monstrous187 abuses of purveyance, and the incidents of feudal188 tenure189, by which, among other things, the king became guardian to wards107, and received the profits of their estates during their minority. These feudal claims, by which the king, in part, received his revenue, were every year becoming less valuable to the crown, and more offensive to the people. The king, at length, was willing to compound, and make a bargain with the Commons, by which he was to receive two hundred thousand pounds a year, instead of the privileges of wardship190, and other feudal rights. But his necessities required additional grants, which the Commons were unwilling191 to bestow; and the king then resorted to the sale of monopolies and even peerages, sent the more turbulent of the Commons to prison, and frequently dissolved parliament. He was resolved to tax the people if supplies were not granted him, while the Commons maintained that no taxation192 could be allowed without their consent. Moreover, the Commons refused to grant such supplies as the king fancied he needed, unless certain grievances193 were redressed194, among which was the High Commission Court, an arbitrary tribunal, which fined and imprisoned without appeal. But James, though pressed for money, stood firm to his notions of prerogative, and supplied his most urgent necessities by illegal means. People were dragged to the Star Chamber65, on all kinds of accusations196, that they might be sentenced to pay enormous fines; new privileges and monopolies were invented, and new dignities created. Baronets, who are hereditary198 knights199, were instituted, and baronetcies were sold for one thousand pounds each.
But the monopolies which the king granted, in order to raise money, did not inflame200 the Commons so much as the projected marriage between the prince of Wales and the infanta of Spain. James flattered himself that this Spanish match, to arrange which he had sent Buckingham to the court of Madrid, would procure201 the restitution202 of the Palatinate to the elector, who had been driven from his throne. But the Commons thought differently. They, as well as the people generally, were indignant in view of the inactivity of the government in not sending aid to the distressed204 Protestants of Germany; and the loss of the Palatinate was regarded as a national calamity205. They saw no good which would accrue206 from an alliance with the enemies and persecutors of these Protestants; but, on the other hand, much evil. As the constitutional guardians207, therefore, of the public welfare and liberty, Quarrel between James and Parliament. they framed a remonstrance208 to the king, representing the overgrown power of Austria as dangerous to the liberties of Europe, and entreated209 his majesty210 to take up arms against Spain, which was allied211 with Austria, and by whose wealth Austrian armies were supported.
James was inflamed212 with indignation at this remonstrance, which militated against all his maxims213 of government; and he forthwith wrote a letter to the speaker of the House of Commons, commanding him to admonish215 the members "not to presume to meddle216 with matters of state which were beyond their capacity, and especially not to touch on his son's marriage." The Commons, not dismayed, and conscious of strength, sent up a new remonstrance in which they affirmed that they were entitled to interpose with their counsel in all matters of state, and that entire freedom of speech was their ancient and undoubted right, transmitted from their ancestors. The king, in reply, told the Commons, that "their remonstrance was more like a denunciation of war, than an address of dutiful subjects, and that their pretension217 to inquire into state affairs was a plenipotence to which none of their ancestors, even during the weakest reigns, had ever dared to aspire218." He farther insinuated219 that their privileges were derived220 from royal favor. On this, the Commons framed another protest,—that the liberties, franchises221, privileges, and jurisdictions223 of parliament are the ancient and undoubted birthright of Englishmen, and that every member has the right of freedom of speech. This protest they entered upon their journals, upon which James lost all temper, ordered the clerk to bring him the journals, erased224 the protestation with his own hand, in presence of the judges and the council, and then dissolved the parliament.
Nothing else of note occurred in this reign, except the prosecution225 of the Spanish match, which was so odious226 to the nation that Buckingham, to preserve his popularity, broke off the negotiations227, and by a system of treachery and duplicity as hateful as were his original efforts to promote the match. War with Spain was the result of the insult offered to the infanta and the court. An alliance was now made with France, and Prince Charles married Henrietta Maria, daughter of Henry IV. The Commons then granted abundant supplies for war, to recover the Palatinate; and liberty of conscience was granted by the monarch, on the demands of Richelieu, to the Catholics—so long and, perseveringly229 oppressed.
Shortly after, (March 27, 1625,) King James Death of James I. died at Theobalds, his favorite palace, from a disease produced by anxiety, gluttony, and sweet wines, after a reign in England of twenty-two years; and his son, Charles I., before the breath was out of his body, was proclaimed king in his stead.
The course pursued by James I. was adopted by his son; and, as their reigns were memorable for the same struggle, we shall consider them together until revolution gave the victory to the advocates of freedom.
Charles I. was twenty-five years of age when he began his reign. In a moral and social point of view he was a more respectable man than his father, but had the same absurd notions of the royal prerogative, the same contempt of the people, the same dislike of constitutional liberty, and the same resolution of maintaining the absolute power of the crown, at any cost. He was moreover, perplexed230 by the same embarrassments231, was involved in debt, had great necessities, and was dependent on the House of Commons for aid to prosecute48 his wars and support the dignity of the crown. But he did not consider the changing circumstances and spirit of the age, and the hostile and turbulent nature of his people. He increased, rather than diminished, the odious monopolies which irritated the nation during the reign of his father; he clung to all the old feudal privileges; he retained the detestable and frivolous Buckingham as his chief minister; and, when Buckingham was assassinated, he chose others even more tyrannical and unscrupulous; he insisted on taxing the people without their consent, threw contempt on parliament, and drove the nation to rebellion. In all his political acts he was infatuated, after making every allowance for the imperfections of human nature. A wiser man would have seen the rising storm, and might possibly have averted232 it. But Charles never dreamed of it, until it burst in all its fury on his devoted233 head, and consigned him to the martyr's grave. We pity his fate, but lament still more his blindness. And so great was this blindness, that it almost seems as if Providence had marked him out to be a victim on the altar of human progress.
With the reign of Charles commences unquestionably the most exciting period of English history, and a period to which historians have given more attention than to any other great historical era, the French Revolution alone excepted. The attempt to describe the leading events in this exciting age and reign would be, in this connection, absurd; and yet some notice of them cannot be avoided.
For more than ten centuries, The Struggle of Classes. great struggles have been going on in society between the dominant234 orders and sects235. The victories gained by the oppressed millions, over their different masters, constitute what is called the Progress of Society. Defenders236 of the people have occasionally arisen from orders to which they did not belong. When, then, any great order defended the cause of the people against the tyranny and selfishness of another order, then the people have advanced a step in civil and social freedom.
When Feudalism weighed fearfully upon the people, "the clergy sought, on their behalf, a little reason, justice, and humanity, and the poor man had no other asylum237 than the churches, no other protectors than the priests; and, as the priests offered food to the moral nature of man, they acquired a great ascendency, and the preponderance passed from the nobles to the clergy." By the aid of the church, royalty238 also rose above feudalism, and aided the popular cause.
The church, having gained the ascendency, sought then to enslave the kings of the earth. But royalty, borrowing help from humiliated239 nobles and from the people, became the dominant power in Europe.
In these struggles between nobles and the clergy, and between the clergy and kings, Rise of Popular Power. the people had acquired political importance. They had obtained a knowledge of their rights and of their strength; and they were determined240 to maintain them. They liked not the tyranny of either nobles, priests, or kings; but they bent241 all their energies to suppress the power of the latter, since the two former had been already humiliated.
The struggle of the people against royalty is pre?minently the genius of the English Revolution. It is to be doubted whether any king could have resisted the storm of popular fury which hurled242 Charles from his throne. But no king could have managed worse than he, no king could be more unfortunately and unpropitiously placed; and his own imprudence and folly hastened the catastrophe244.
The House of Commons, which had acquired great strength, spirit, and popularity during the reign of James, fully82 perceived the difficulties and necessities of Charles, but made no adequate or generous effort to relieve him from them. Some of the more turbulent rejoiced in them. They knew that kings, like other men, were selfish, and that it was not natural for people to part with their privileges and power without a struggle, even though this power was injurious to the interests of society. In the Middle Ages, barons245, bishops247, and popes had fought desperately249 in the struggle of classes; and it was only from their necessities that either kings or people had obtained what they demanded. King Charles, no more than Pope Boniface VIII., would surrender, as a boon250 to man, without compulsion, his supposed omnipotence251.
The king ascended his throne burdened by the debts of his father, and by an expensive war, which the Commons incited252, but would not pay for. They granted him, to meet his difficulties and maintain his honor, the paltry253 sum of one hundred and forty thousand pounds, and the duties of tonnage and poundage, not for life, as was customary, but for a year. Quarrel between the King and the Commons. Nothing could be more provoking to a young king. Of course, the money was soon spent, and the king wanted more, and had a right to expect more. But, if the Commons granted what the king required, he would be made independent of them, and he would rule tyrannically, as the kings of England did before him. So they resolved not to grant necessary supplies to carry on the government, unless the king would part with the prerogatives254 of an absolute prince, and those old feudal privileges which were an abomination in the eyes of the people. Charles was not the man to make such a bargain. Few kings, in his age, would have seen its necessity. But necessity there was. Civil war was inevitable255, without a compromise, provided both parties were resolved on maintaining their ground. But Charles fancied that the Commons could be browbeaten256 and intimidated257 into submission258; and, moreover, in case he was brought into collision with his subjects, he fancied that he was stronger than they, and could put down the spirit of resistance. In both of these suppositions he was wrong. The Commons were firm, and were stronger than he was, because they had the sympathy of the people. They believed conscientiously259, especially the Puritans, that he was wrong; that God gave him no divine right to enslave them, and that they were entitled, by the eternal principles of justice, and by the spirit of the constitution, to civil and religious liberty, in the highest sense of that term. They believed that their rights were inalienable and absolute; that, among them, they could not be taxed without their own consent; and that their constitutional guardians, the Commons, should be unrestricted in debate. These notions of the people were ideas. On ideas all governments rest. No throne could stand a day unless the people felt they owed it their allegiance. When the main support of the throne of Charles was withdrawn261, the support of popular ideas, and this support given to the House of Commons, at issue with the sovereign, what could he do? What could Louis XVI. do one hundred and fifty years afterwards? What could Louis Philippe do in our times? A king, without the loyalty263 of the people, is a phantom264, a mockery, and a delusion265, unless he have physical force to sustain him; and even then armies will rebel, if they feel they are not bound to obey, and if it is not for their interest to obey.
Now Charles had neither loyalty nor force to hold him on his throne. The agitations266 of an age of unprecedented267 boldness in speculations268 destroyed the former; the House of Commons would not grant supplies to secure the latter. And they would not grant supplies, because they loved themselves and the cause of the people better than they loved their king. In short, it was only by his concessions269 that they would supply his necessities. He would not make the concessions, and the contest soon ended in an appeal to arms.
But Charles was not without friends, and some of his The Counsellors of Charles. advisers270 were men of sagacity and talent. It is true they did not fully appreciate the weakness of the king, or the strength of his enemies; but they saw his distress203, and tried to remove it. They, very naturally in such an age, recommended violent courses—to grant new monopolies, to extort23 fines, to exercise all his feudal privileges, to pawn272 the crown jewels, even, in order to raise money; for money, at all events, he must have. They advised him to arrest turbulent and incendiary members of the Commons, to prorogue60 and dissolve parliaments, to raise forced loans, to impose new duties, to shut up ports, to levy273 fresh taxes, and to raise armies friendly to his cause. In short, they recommended unconstitutional measures—measures which both they and the king knew to be unconstitutional, but which they justified274 on the ground of necessity. And the king, in his perplexity, did what his ministers advised. But every person who was sent to the Tower, every new tax, every sentence of the Star Chamber, every seizure275 of property, every arbitrary command, every violation276 of the liberties of the people, raised up new enemies to the king, and inflamed the people with new discontents.
At first the Commons felt that they could obtain what they wanted—a redress195 of grievances, if the king's favorite adviser271 and minister were removed. Besides, they all hated Buckingham—peers, commons, and people,—and all sought his downfall. He had no friends among the people, as Essex had in the time of Elizabeth. His extravagance, pomp, and insolence disgusted all orders; and his reign seemed to be an insult to the nation. Even the people regarded him as an upstart, setting himself above the old nobility, and enriching himself by royal domains277, worth two hundred eighty-four thousand three hundred and ninety-five pounds. So the Commons violently attacked his administration, and impeached278 him. But he was shielded by the king, and even appointed to command an expedition to relieve La Rochelle, then besieged279 by Richelieu. Death of Buckingham — Petition of Right. But he was stabbed by a religious fanatic280, by the name of Felton, as he was about to embark281 at Portsmouth. His body was removed to London, and he was buried with great state in Westminster Abbey, much lamented282 by the king, who lost his early friend, one of the worst ministers, but not the worst man, which that age despised, (1628.)
Meanwhile the indignant Commons persevered283 with their work. They passed what is called the "Petition of Right,"—a string of resolutions which asserted that no freeman ought to be detained in prison, without being brought to trial, and that no taxes could be lawfully284 levied285, without consent of the Commons—the two great pillars of the English constitution, yet truths involved in political difficulty, especially in cases of rebellion. The personal liberty of the subject is a great point indeed; and the act of habeas corpus, passed in later times, is a great step in popular freedom; but, if never to be suspended, no government could guard against conspiracy in revolutionary times.
The Petition of Right, however, obtained the king's assent286, though unwillingly287, grudgingly288, and insincerely given; and the Commons, gratified for once, voted to the king supplies.
But Charles had no notion of keeping his word, and soon resorted to unconstitutional measures, as before. But he felt the need of able counsellors. His "dear Steenie" was dead, and he knew not in whom to repose90 confidence.
The demon of despotism raised up an agent in the person of Earl of Strafford. Thomas Wentworth, a man of wealth, talents, energy, and indomitable courage; a man who had, in the early part of his career, defended the cause of liberty; who had even suffered imprisonment sooner than contribute to an unlawful loan, and in whom the hopes of the liberal party were placed. But he was bribed289. His patriotism290 was not equal to his ambition. Seduced291 by a peerage, and by the love of power, he went over to the side of the king, and defended his arbitrary rule as zealously as he had before advocated the cause of constitutional liberty. He was created Viscount Wentworth, and afterwards earl of Strafford—the most prominent man of the royalist party, and the greatest traitor42 to the cause of liberty which England had ever known. His picture, as painted by Vandyke, and hung up in the princely hall of his descendant, Earl Fitzwilliam, is a faithful portrait of what history represents him—a cold, dark, repulsive292, unscrupulous tyrant293, with an eye capable of reading the secrets of the soul, a brow lowering with care and thought, and a lip compressed with determination, and twisted into contempt of mankind. If Wentworth did not love his countrymen, he loved to rule over them: and he gained his end, and continued the prime minister of absolutism until an insulted nation rose in their might, and placed his head upon the block.
Under the rule of this minister, whom every one feared, the Puritans every where fled, preferring the deserts of America, with freedom, to the fair lands of England, with liberty trodden under foot. The reigns of both James and Charles are memorable for the resistance and despair of this intrepid294 and religious sect, in which were enrolled some of the finest minds and most intelligent patriots of the country. Pym, Cromwell, Hazelrig, and even Hampden, are said to have actually embarked295; but Providence detained them in England, they having a mission of blood to perform there. In another chapter, the Puritans, their struggles, and principles, will be more fully presented; and we therefore, in this connection, abstain296 from further notice. It may, however, be remarked, that they were the most inflexible297 enemies of the king, and were determined to give him and his minister no rest until all their ends were gained. They hated Archbishop Laud298 even more intensely than they hated Wentworth; and Laud, if possible, was a greater foe299 to religious and civil liberty. Strafford and Laud are generally coupled together in the description of the abuses of arbitrary power. The churchman, however, was honest and sincere, only his views were narrow and his temper irritable300. His vices were those of the bigot—such as disgraced St. Dominic or Torquemada, but faults which he deemed excellencies. He was an enthusiast301 in high churchism and toryism; and his zeal9 in defence of royal prerogative and the divine rights of bishops has won for him the panegyrics302 of his friends, as well as the curses of his enemies. For Strafford, too, there is admiration303, but only for his talents, his courage, his strength—the qualities which one might see in Milton's Satan, or in Carlyle's picture gallery of heroes.
While the king and his minister were raising forced loans and contributions, sending members of the House of Commons to the Tower, fining, imprisoning304, and mutilating the Puritans, a new imposition called out the energies of a great patriot and a great man, John John Hampden. Hampden—a fit antagonist305 of the haughty306 Wentworth. This new exaction157 was a tax called ship money.
It was devised by Chief Justice Finch307 and Attorney-General Noy, two subordinate, but unscrupulous tools of despotism, and designed to extort money from the inland counties, as well as from the cities, for furnishing ships—a demand that Elizabeth did not make, in all her power, even when threatened by the Spanish Armada. Clarendon even admits that this tax was not for the support of the navy, "but for a spring and magazine which should have no bottom, and for an everlasting308 supply on all occasions." And this the nation completely understood, and resolved desperately to resist.
Hampden, though a wealthy man, refused to pay the share assessed on him, which was only twenty shillings, deeming it an illegal tax. He was proceeded against by the crown lawyers. Hampden appealed to a decision of the judges in regard to the legality of the tax, and the king permitted the question to be settled by the laws. The trial lasted thirteen days, but ended in the condemnation309 of Hampden, who had shown great moderation, as well as courage, and had won the favor of the people. It was shortly after this that Hampden, as some historians assert, resolved to leave England with his cousin Oliver Cromwell. But the king prevented the ships, in which they and other emigrants310 had embarked, from sailing. Hampden was reserved for new trials and new labors311.
About a month after Hampden's condemnation, an Insurrection in Scotland. insurrection broke out in Scotland, which hastened the crisis of revolution. It was produced by the attempt of Archbishop Laud to impose the English liturgy312 on the Scottish nation, and supplant109 Presbyterianism by Episcopacy. The revolutions in Scotland, from the time of Knox, had been popular; not produced by great men, but by the diffusion313 of great ideas. The people believed in the spiritual independence of their church, and not in the supremacy314 of a king. The instant, therefore, that the Episcopal worship was introduced, by authority, in the cathedral of Edinburgh, there was an insurrection, which rapidly spread through all parts of the country. An immense multitude came to Edinburgh to protest against the innovation, and crowded all the houses, streets, and halls of the city. The king ordered the petitioners315 home, without answering their complaints. They obeyed the injunction, but soon returned in greater numbers. An organization of resistance was made, and a provisional government appointed. All classes joined the insurgents316, who, menaced, but united, at last bound themselves, by a solemn league and covenant318, not to separate until their rights and liberties were secured. A vast majority of all the population of Scotland—gentlemen, clergy, citizens, and laborers319, men, women, and children—assembled in the church, and swore fealty320 to the covenant. Force, of course, was necessary to reduce the rebels, and civil war commenced in Scotland. But war increased the necessities of the king, and he was compelled to make peace with the insurgent317 army.
Eleven years had now elapsed since the dissolution of the last parliament, during which the king had attempted to rule without one, and had resorted to all the expedients322 that the ingenuity323 of the crown lawyers could suggest, in order to extort money. Imposts fallen into desuetude324, monopolies abandoned by Elizabeth, royal forests extended beyond the limits they had in feudal times, fines past all endurance, confiscations without end, imprisonments, tortures, and executions,—all marked these eleven years. The sum for fines alone, in this period, amounted to more than two hundred thousand pounds. The forest of Rockingham was enlarged from six to sixty miles in circuit, and the earl of Salisbury was fined twenty thousand pounds for encroaching upon it. Individuals and companies had monopolies of salt, soap, coals, iron, wine, leather, starch325, feathers, tobacco, beer, distilled326 liquors, herrings, butter, potash, linen327 cloth, rags, hops248, gunpowder, and divers328 other articles, which, of course, deranged329 the whole trade of the country. Prynne was fined ten thousand pounds, and had his ears cut off, and his nose slit330, for writing an offensive book; and his sufferings were not greater than what divers others experienced for vindicating331 the cause of truth and liberty.
At last, the king's necessities compelled him to summon another parliament. He had exhausted332 every expedient321 to raise money. His army clamored for pay; and he was overburdened with debts.
On the 13th of April, 1640, the new parliament met. It knew its strength, and was determined now, Long Parliament. more than ever, to exercise it. It immediately took the power into its own hands, and from remonstrances334 and petitions it proceeded to actual hostilities335; from the denunciation of injustice and illegality, it proceeded to trample136 on the constitution itself. It is true that the members were irritated and threatened, and some of their number had been seized and imprisoned. It is true that the king continued his courses, and was resolved on enforcing his measures by violence. The struggle became one of desperation on both sides—a struggle for ascendency—and not for rights.
One of the first acts of the House of Commons was the impeachment336 of Strafford. He had been just summoned from Ireland, where, as lord lieutenant337, he had exercised almost regal power and regal audacity338; he had been summoned by his perplexed and desponding master to assist him by his counsels. Reluctantly he obeyed, foreseeing the storm. He had scarcely arrived in London when the intrepid Pym accused him of high treason. The Lords accepted the accusation197, and the imperious minister was committed to the Tower.
The impeachment of Laud soon followed; but he was too sincere in his tyranny to understand why he should be committed. Nor was he feared, as Strafford was, against whom the vengeance339 of the parliament was especially directed. A secret committee, invested with immense powers, was commissioned to scrutinize340 his whole life, and his destruction was resolved upon. On the 22d of March his trial began, and lasted seventeen days, during which time, unaided, he defended himself against thirteen accusers, with consummate77 ability. Indeed, he had studied his charges and despised his adversaries341. Under ordinary circumstances, he would have been acquitted342, for there was not sufficient evidence to convict him of high treason; but an unscrupulous and infuriated body of men were thirsting for his blood, and it was proposed to convict him by bill of attainder; that is, by act of parliament, on its own paramount343 authority, with or without the law. The bill passed, in spite of justice, in spite of the eloquence of the attainted earl. He was condemned, and remanded to the Tower.
Had the king been strong he would have saved his minister; had he been magnanimous, he would have stood by him to the last. But he had neither the power to save him, nor the will to make adequate sacrifices. He feebly interposed, but finally yielded, and gave his consent to the execution of the main agent of all his aggressions on the constitution he had sworn to maintain. Strafford deserved his fate, although the manner of his execution was not according to law.
A few months after the execution of Strafford, an event occurred which proved exceedingly unfortunate to the royal cause; and this was the Rebellion of Ireland. rebellion of Ireland, and the massacre344 of the Protestant population, caused, primarily, by the oppressive government of England, and the harsh and severe measures of the late lord lieutenant. In the course of a few weeks, the English and Scottish colonies seemed almost uprooted345; one of the most frightful346 butcheries was committed that ever occurred. The Protestants exaggerated their loss; but it is probable that at least fifty thousand were massacred. The local government of Dublin was paralyzed. The English nation was filled with deadly and implacable hostility347, not against the Irish merely, but against the Catholics every where. It was supposed that there was a general conspiracy among the Catholics to destroy the whole nation; and it was whispered that the queen herself had aided the revolted Irish. The most vigorous measures were adopted to raise money and troops for Ireland. The Commons took occasion of the general spirit of discontent and insurrection to prepare a grand remonstrance on the evils of the kingdom, which were traced to a "coalition350 of Papists, Arminian bishops and clergymen, and evil courtiers and counsellors." The Commons recited all the evils of the last sixteen years, and declared the necessity of taking away the root of them, which was the arbitrary power of the sovereign. The king, in reply, told the Commons that their remonstrance was unparliamentary; that he could not understand what they meant by a wicked party; that bishops were entitled to their votes in parliament; and that, as to the removal of evil counsellors, they must name whom they were. The remonstrance was printed and circulated by the Commons, which was of more effect than an army could have been.
Thus were affairs rapidly reaching a crisis, when the attempt to seize five of the most refractory351 and able members of parliament consummated it. The members were Hollis, Hazelrig, Pym, Hampden, and Strode; and they were accused of high treason. This movement of the king was one of the greatest blunders and one of the most unconstitutional acts he ever committed. The Commons refused to surrender their members; and then the king went down to the house, with an armed force, to seize them. But Pym and others got intelligence of the design of Charles, and had time to withdraw before he arrived. "The baffled tyrant returned to Whitehall with his company of bravoes," while the city of London sheltered Hampden and his friends. The shops were shut, the streets were filled with crowds, and the greatest excitement prevailed. The friends of Charles, who were inclined to constitutional measures, were filled with shame. It was now feared that the king would not respect his word or the constitution, and, with all his promises, was still bent on tyrannical courses. All classes, but bigoted352 royalists, now felt that something must be done promptly353, or that their liberties would be subverted.
Then it was, and not till then, that the Commons openly defied him, while the king remained in his palace, humbled355, dismayed, and bewildered, "feeling," says Clarendon, "the trouble and agony which usually attend generous minds upon their having committed errors;" or, as Macaulay says, "the despicable repentance356 which attends the bungling357 villain358, who, having attempted to commit a crime, finds that he has only committed a folly."
In a few days, the king Flight of the King from London. fled from Whitehall, which he was never destined to see again till he was led through it to the scaffold. He went into the country to raise forces to control the parliament, and the parliament made vigorous measures to put itself and the kingdom in a state of resistance. On the 23d of April, the king, with three hundred horse, advanced to Hull359, and were refused admission by the governor. This was tantamount to a declaration of war. It was so considered. Thirty-two Lords, and sixty members of the Commons departed for York to join the king. The parliament decreed an army, and civil war began.
Before this can be traced we must consider the Puritans, which is necessary in order fully to appreciate the Revolution. The reign of Charles I. was now virtually ended, and that of the Parliament and Cromwell had begun.
Dissensions among the Rise of the Puritans. Protestants themselves did not occur until the reign of Elizabeth, and were first caused by difficulties about a clerical dress, which again led to the advocacy of simpler forms of worship, stricter rules of life, more definite forms of faith, and more democratic principles of government, both ecclesiastical and civil. The first promoters of these opinions were the foreign divines who came from Geneva, at the invitation of Cranmer, of whom Peter Martyr, Martin Bucer, John à Lasco, were the most distinguished360. Some Englishmen, also, who had been travelling on the continent, brought with them the doctrines361 of Calvin. Among these was Hooper, who, on being nominated to the bishopric of Gloucester, refused to submit to the appointed form of consecration362 and admission. He objected to what he called the Aaronical habits—the square cap, tippet, and surplice, worn by bishops. But dissent363 became more marked and determined when the exiles returned to England, on the accession of Elizabeth, and who were for advancing the reformation according to their own standard. The queen and her advisers, generally, were content with King Edward's liturgy; but the majority of the exiles desired the simpler services of Geneva. The new bishops, most of whom had been their companions abroad, endeavored to soften364 them for the present, declaring that they would use all their influence at court to secure them indulgence. The queen herself connived365 at non-conformity366, until her government was established, but then firmly declared that she had fixed367 her standard, and insisted on her subjects conforming to it. The bishops, seeing this, changed their conduct, explained away their promises, and became severe towards their dissenting368 brethren.
The standard of the queen was the Thirty-Nine Articles. She admitted that the Scriptures370 were the sole rule of faith, but declared that individuals must interpret Scripture369 as expounded371 in the articles and formularies of the English church, in violation of the great principle of Protestantism, which even the Puritans themselves did not fully recognize—the right and the duty of every individual to interpret Scripture himself, whether his interpretation372 interfered373 with the Established Church or not.
The first dissenters374 did not claim Original Difficulties and Differences. this right, but only urged that certain points, about which they felt scruples376, should be left as matters indifferent. On all essential points, they, as well as the strictest conformists, believed in the necessity of a uniformity of public worship, and of using the sword of the magistrate377 in defence of their doctrines. The standard of conformity, according to the bishops, was the queen's supremacy and the laws of the land; according to the Puritans, the decrees of provincial378 and national synods.
At first, many of the Puritans overcame their scruples so far as to comply with the required oath and accept livings in the Establishment. But they indulged in many irregularities, which, during the first year of the reign of Elizabeth, were winked379 at by the authorities. "Some performed," says an old author, "divine service in the chancel, others in the body of the church; some in a seat made in the church; some in a pulpit, with their faces to the people; some keeping precisely380 to the order of the book; some intermix psalms381 in metre; some say with a surplice, and others without one. The table stands in the body of the church in some places, in others it stands in the chancel; in some places the table stands altarwise, distant from the wall a yard, in others in the middle of the chancel, north and south. Some administer the communion with surplice and cap, some with a surplice alone, others with none; some with chalice382, others with a communion cup, others with a common cup; some with unleavened bread, and some with leavened383; some receive kneeling, others standing384, others sitting; some baptize in a font, some in a basin; some sign with the sign of the cross, other sign not; some minister with a surplice, others without; some with a square cap, others with a round cap; some with a button cap, and some with a hat, some in scholar's clothes, some in common clothes."
These differences in public worship, which, by many, were considered as indifferent matters, and by others were unduly385 magnified, seem to have constituted the chief peculiarity386 of the early Puritans. In regard to the queen's supremacy, the union of church and state, the necessity of supporting religion by law, and articles of theological belief, there was no disagreement. Most of the non-conformists were men of learning and piety387, and among the ornaments388 of the church.
The metropolitan389 bishop246, at this time, was Parker, a great stickler390 for the forms of the church, and very intolerant in all his opinions. He and others of the bishops had been appointed as commissioners391 to investigate the causes of dissent, and to suspend all who refused to conform to the rubric of the church. Hence arose the famous Court of the Ecclesiastical Commission, so much abused during the reigns of James and Charles.
Under the direction of Parker, great numbers were Persecution during the Reign of Elizabeth. suspended from their livings for non-conformity, and sent to wander in a state of destitution392. Among these were some of the most learned men in the church. They had no means of defence or livelihood393, and resorted to the press in order to vindicate394 their opinions. For this they were even more harshly dealt with; an order was issued from the Star Chamber, that no person should print a book against the queen's injunctions, upon the penalty of fines and imprisonment; and authority was given to church-wardens to search all suspected places where books might be concealed395. Great multitudes suffered in consequence of these tyrannical laws.
But the non-conformists were further molested396. They were forbidden to assemble together to read the Scriptures and pray, but were required to attend regularly the churches of the Establishment, on penalty of heavy fines for neglect.
At length, worried, disgusted, and irritated, they resolved upon setting up the Genevan service, and upon withdrawing entirely from the Church of England. The separation, once made, (1566,) became wider and wider, and the Puritans soon after opposed the claims of bishops as a superior order of the clergy. They were opposed to the temporal dignities annexed397 to the episcopal office to the titles and office of archdeacons, deans, and chapters; to the jurisdiction222 of spiritual courts; to the promiscuous398 access of all persons to the communion; to the liturgy; to the prohibition399, in the public service of prayer, by the clergyman himself; to the use of godfathers and godmothers; to the custom of confirmation400; to the cathedral worship and organs; to pluralities and non-residency; to the observance of Lent and of the holy days; and to the appointment of ministers by the crown, bishops, or lay patrons, instead of election by the people.
The schism401 was now complete, and had grown out of such small differences as refusing to bow at the name of Jesus, and to use the cross in baptism.
In our times, the Puritans would have been permitted to worship God in their own way, but they were not thus allowed in the time of Elizabeth. Religious toleration was not then understood or practised; and it was the fault of the age, since the Puritans themselves, when they obtained the power, persecuted402 with great severity the Quakers and the Catholics. But, during the whole reign of Elizabeth, especially the life of Archbishop Parker, they were in a minority, and suffered—as minorities ever have suffered—all the miseries403 which unreasonable404 majorities could inflict177.
Archbishop Archbishops Grindal and Whitgift. Grindal, who succeeded Parker in 1575, recommended milder measures to the queen; but she had no charity for those who denied the supremacy of her royal conscience.
Grindal was succeeded, in 1583, by Dr. Whitgift, the antagonist of the learned Dr. Cartwright, and he proved a ruler of the church according to her majesty's mind. He commenced a most violent crusade against the non-conformists, and was so harsh, cruel, and unreasonable, that Cecil—Lord Burleigh—was obliged to remonstrate405, being much more enlightened than the prelate. "I have read over," said he, "your twenty-four articles, and I find them so curiously406 penned, that I think that the Spanish Inquisition used not so many questions to entrap407 the priests." Nevertheless fines, imprisonment, and the gibbet continued to do their work in the vain attempt to put down opinions, till within four or five years of the queen's death when there was a cessation of persecution.
But the Scottish Solomon, as James was called, Persecution under James. renewed the severity which Elizabeth found it wise to remit15. Hitherto, the Puritans had been chiefly Presbyterians; but now the Independents arose, who carried their views still further, even to wildness and radicalism409. They were stricter Calvinists, and inclined to republican views of civil government. Consequently, they were still more odious than were the Presbyterians to an arbitrary government. They were now persecuted for their doctrines of faith, as well as for their forms of worship. The Church of England retained the thirty-nine articles; but many of her leading clergy sympathized with the views of Arminius, and among them was the primate410 himself. So strictly411 were Arminian doctrines cherished, that no person under a dean was permitted to discourse412 on predestination, election, reprobation413, efficacy, or universality of God's grace. And the king himself would hear no doctrines preached, except those he had condemned at the synod of Dort. But this act was aimed against the Puritans, who, of all parties, were fond of preaching on what was called "the Five Points of Calvinism." But they paid dearly for their independence. James absolutely detested414 them, regarded them as a sect insufferable in a well-governed commonwealth415, and punished them with the greatest severity. Their theological doctrines, their notions of church government, and, above all, their spirit of democratic liberty, were odious and repulsive. Archbishop Bancroft, who succeeded Whitgift in 1604, went beyond all his predecessors416 in bigotry, but had not their commanding intellects. His measures were so injudicious, so vexatious, so annoying, so severe, and so cruel, that the Puritans became, if possible, still more estranged417. With the popular discontents, and with the progress of persecution, their numbers increased, both in Scotland and England. With the increase of Puritanism was also a corresponding change in the Church of England, since ceremony and forms increased almost to a revival418 of Catholicism. And this reaction towards Rome, favored by the court, incensed419 still more the Puritans, and led to language unnecessarily violent and abusive on their side. Their controversial tracts420 were pervaded421 with a spirit of bitterness and treason which, in the opinion of James, fully justified the imprisonments, fines, and mutilations which his minister inflicted. The Puritans, in despair, Puritans in Exile. fled to Holland, and from thence to New England, to establish, amid its barren hills and desolate423 forests, that worship which alone they thought would be acceptable to God. Persecution elevated them, and none can deny that they were characterized by moral virtues424 and a spirit of liberty which no people ever before or since exhibited. Almost their only fault was intolerance respecting the opinions and pleasures of many good people who did not join their ranks.
James's death did not remit their sufferings; but, by this time, they had so multiplied that they became a party too formidable to be crushed. The High Commission Court and the Star Chamber still filled the prisons and pillories425 with victims; but every sentence of these courts fanned the flame of discontent, and hastened the catastrophe which was rapidly approaching. The volcano, over whose fearful brink426 the royal family and the haughty hierarchy427 were standing, was now sending forth214 those frightful noises which indicated approaching convulsions.
During the years that Charles dispensed428 with the parliaments, when Laud was both minister and archbishop, the persecution reached its height, and also popular discontent. During this period, the greatest emigration was made to New England, and even Hampden and Cromwell contemplated429 joining their brethren in America. Arianism and Popery advanced with Puritanism, and all parties prepared for the approaching contest. The advocates of royal usurpation430 became more unreasonable, the friends of popular liberty became more violent. Those who had the power, exercised it without reflection. The history of the times is simply this—despotism striving to put Puritanism and liberty beneath its feet, and Puritanism aiming to subvert138 the crown.
But the greatest commotions431 were in Scotland, where the people were generally Presbyterians; and it was the zeal of Archbishop Laud in suppressing these, and attempting to change the religion of the land, which precipitated432 the ruin of Charles I.
Ever since the time of Knox, Scotland had been the scene of violent Troubles in Scotland. religious animosities. In that country, the reformation, from the first, had been a popular movement. It was so impetuous, and decided433 under the guidance of the uncompromising Knox, that even before the dethronement of Mary, it was complete. In the year 1592, through the influence of Andrew Melville, the Presbyterian government was fairly established, and King James is said to have thus expressed himself: "I praise God that I was born in the time of the light of the gospel, and in such a place as to be king of the purest kirk in the world." The Church of Scotland, however, had severe struggles from the period of its institution, 1560, to the year 1584, when the papal influence was finally destroyed by the expulsion of the earl of Arran from the councils of the young king. Nor did these struggles end even there. James, perceiving that Episcopacy was much more consonant434 with monarchy435 than Presbyterianism, attempted to remodel436 the Scottish church on the English basis, which attempt resulted in discontent and rebellion. James, however, succeeded in reducing to contempt the general assemblies of the Presbyterian church, and in confirming Archbishop Spotswood in the chief administration of ecclesiastical affairs, which, it must be confessed, were regulated with great prudence243 and moderation.
When Charles came to the throne, he complained of the laxity of the Scotch437 primate, and sent him a set of rules by which he was to regulate his conduct. Charles also added new dignities to his see, and ordained438 that he, as primate, should take precedence over all the temporal lords, which irritated the proud Scotch nobility. He moreover contemplated the recovery of tithes439 and church lands for the benefit of the Episcopal government, and the imposition of a liturgy on the Scotch nation, a great majority of whom were Presbyterians. This was the darling scheme of Laud, who believed that there could scarcely be salvation440 out of his church, and which church he strove to make as much like the Catholic as possible, and yet maintain independence of the pope. But nothing was absolutely done towards changing the religion of Scotland until Charles came down to Edinburgh (1633) to be crowned, when a liturgy was prepared for the Scotch nation, subjected to the revision of Laud, but which was not submitted to or seen by, the General Assembly, or any convocation of ministers in Scotland. Nothing could be more ill timed or ill judged than this conflict with the religious prejudices of a people zealously attached to their own forms of worship. The clergy united with the aristocracy, and both with the people, in denouncing the conduct of the king and his ministers as tyrannical and unjust. The canons, especially, which Laud had prepared, were, in the eyes of the Scotch, puerile441 and superstitious442; they could not conceive why a Protestant prelate should make so much account of the position of the font or of the communion table, turned into an altar. Indeed, his liturgy was not much other than an English translation of the Roman Missal, and excited the detestation of all classes. Yet it was resolved to introduce it into the churches, and the day was fixed for its introduction, which was Easter Sunday, 1637. But such a ferment443 was produced, that the experiment was put off to Sunday, 23d of July. On that day, the archbishops and bishops, lords of session, and magistrates444 were all present, by command, in the Church of St. Giles. But no sooner had the dean opened the service book, and begun to read out of it, than the people, who had assembled in great crowds, began to fill the church with uproar445. The bishop of Edinburgh, who was to preach, stepped into the pulpit, and attempted to appease446 the tumultuous people. But this increased the tumult447, when an old woman, seizing a stool, hurled it at the bishop's head. Sticks, stones, and dirt followed the stool, with loud cries of "Down with the priest of Baal!" "A pape, a pape!" "Antichrist!" "Pull him down!" This was the beginning of the insurrection, which spread from city to village, until all Scotland was in arms, and Episcopacy, as an established religion, was subverted. In February, 1638, the covenant was drawn262 up in Edinburgh, and was subscribed448 to by all classes, in all parts of Scotland; and, in November, the General Assembly met in Glasgow, the first that had been called for twenty years, and Presbyterianism was re?stablished in the kingdom, if not legally, yet in reality.
From the day on which the Convocation opened, until the conquest of the country by Cromwell, the Kirk reigned449 supreme450, there being no power in the government, or in the country, able or disposed to resist or question its authority. This was the golden age of Presbyterianism, when the clergy enjoyed autocratic power —a sort of Druidical ascendency over the minds and consciences of the people, in affairs temporal as well as spiritual.
Puritanism did not pervade422 the English, as it did the Scotch mind, Peculiarities of Puritanism in England. although it soon obtained an ascendency. Most of the great political chieftains who controlled the House of Commons, and who clamored for the death of Strafford and Laud, were Puritans. But they were not all Presbyterians. In England, after the flight of the king from Whitehall, the Independents attracted notice, and eventually seized the reins451 of government. Cromwell was an Independent.
The difference between these two sects was chiefly in their views about government, civil and ecclesiastical. Both Presbyterians and Independents were rigid452 Calvinists, practised a severe morality, were opposed to gay amusements, disliked organs and ceremonies, strictly observed the Sabbath, and attached great importance to the close observance of the Mosaic453 ritual. The Presbyterians were not behind the Episcopalians in hatred454 of sects and a free press. They had their model of worship, and declared it to be of divine origin. They looked upon schism as the parent of licentiousness455, insisted on entire uniformity, maintained the divine right of the clergy to the management of ecclesiastical affairs, and claimed the sword of the magistrate to punish schismatics and heretics. They believed in the union of church and state, but would give the clergy the ascendency they possessed456 in the Middle Ages. They did not desire the entire prostration457 of royal authority, but only aimed to limit and curtail458 it.
The Independents wished a total disruption of church and state, and disliked synods almost as much as they did bishops. They believed that every congregation was a distinct church, and had a right to elect the pastor459. They preferred the greatest variety of sects to the ascendency of any one, by means of the civil sword. They rejected all spiritual courts, and claimed the right of each church to reject, punish, or receive members. In politics, they wished a total overthrow460 of the government—monarchy, aristocracy, and prelacy; and were averse461 to any peace which did not secure complete toleration of opinions, and the complete subversion462 of the established order of things.
Between the Presbyterians and the Independents, therefore, Conflicts among the Puritans. there could not be any lasting sympathy or alliance. They only united to crush the common foe; and, when Charles was beheaded, and Cromwell installed in power, they turned their arms against each other.
The great religious contest, after the rise of Cromwell, was not between the Puritans and the Episcopalians, but between the different sects of Puritans themselves. At first, the Independents harmonized with the Presbyterians. Their theological and ethical463 opinions were the same, and both cordially hated and despised the government of the Stuarts. But when the Presbyterians obtained the ascendency, the Independents were grieved and enraged464 to discover that religious toleration was stigmatized465 as the parent of all heresy466 and schism. While in power, the Presbyterians shackled467 the press, and their intolerance brought out John Milton's famous tract37 on the liberty of unlicensed printing—one of the most masterly arguments which the advocates of freedom have ever made. The idea that any dominant religious sect should be incorporated with the political power, was the fatal error of Presbyterianism, and raised up enemies against it, after the royal power was suppressed. Cromwell was persuaded that the cause of religious liberty would be lost unless Presbyterianism, as well as Episcopacy, was disconnected with the state; and hence one great reason of his assuming the dictatorship. And he granted a more extended toleration than had before been known in England, although it was not perfect. The Catholics and the Quakers were not partakers of the boon which he gave to his country; so hard is it for men to learn the rights of others, when they have power in their own hands.
The Restoration was a victory over both the Independents and the general swarm182 of sectaries which an age of unparalleled religious excitement had produced. It is difficult to conceive of the intensity468 of the passions which inflamed all parties of religious disputants. Character of the Puritans. But if the Puritan contest developed fanatical zeal, it also brought out the highest qualities of mind and heart which any age has witnessed. With all the faults and weaknesses of the Puritans, there never lived a better class of men,—men of more elevated piety, more enlarged views, or greater disinterestedness469, patriotism, and moral worth. They made sacrifices which our age can scarcely appreciate, and had difficulties to contend with which were unparalleled in the history of reform. They made blunders which approximated to crimes, but they made them in their inexperience and zeal to promote the cause of religion and liberty. They were conscientious260 men—men who acted from the fear of God, and with a view to promote the highest welfare of future generations. They launched their bark boldly upon an unknown sea, and heroically endured its dangers and sufferings, with a view of conferring immortal156 blessings470 on their children and country. More prudent471 men would have avoided the perils472 of an unknown navigation; but, by such men, a great experiment for humanity would not have been tried. It may have failed, but the world has learned immortal wisdom from the failure. But the Puritans were not mere348 adventurers or martyrs473. They have done something of lasting benefit to mankind, and they have done this by the power of faith, and by loyalty to their consciences, perverted as they were in some respects. The Puritans were not agreeable companions to the idle, luxurious474, or frivolous; they were rigid ever, to austerity; their expressions degenerated475 into cant476, and they were hostile to many innocent amusements. But these were peculiarities which furnished subjects of ridicule477 merely, and did not disgrace or degrade them. These were a small offset478 to their moral wisdom, their firm endurance, their elevation of sentiment, their love of liberty, and their fear of God. Such are the men whom Providence ordains479 to give impulse to society, and effect great and useful reforms.
We now return to consider the changes which they attempted in government. The civil war, of which Cromwell was the hero, now claims our attention.
The refusal of the governor of Hull to admit the king was virtually the declaration of war, for which both parties had vigorously prepared.
The standard of the king was first raised in Nottingham, while the head-quarters of the parliamentarians were in London. The first action of any note was the battle of Edge Hill, (October 23, 1642,) but was undecisive. Indeed, both parties hesitated to plunge480 into desperate war, at least until, by skirmishings and military man?uvres, they were better prepared for it.
The forces of the belligerents481, at this period, were nearly equal but the parliamentarians had the ablest leaders. It was the misfortune of the king to have no man of commanding talents, as his counsellor, after the arrest of Strafford. Hyde, afterwards lord chancellor, and Earl of Clarendon, was the ablest of the royalist party. Falkland and Culpeper were also eminent men; but neither of them was the equal of Pym or John Hampden. Hampden.
The latter was doubtless the ablest man in England at this time, and the only one who could have saved it from the evils which afterwards afflicted482 it. On him the hopes and affections of the nation centred. He was great in council and great in debate. He was the acknowledged leader of the House of Commons. He was eloquent483, honest, unwearied, sagacious, and prudent. "Never had a man inspired a nation with greater confidence: the more moderate had faith in his wisdom; the more violent in his devoted patriotism; the more honest in his uprightness; the more intriguing484 in his talents." He spared neither his fortune nor his person, as soon as hostilities were inevitable. He subscribed two thousand pounds to the public cause, took a colonel's commission, and raised a regiment485 of infantry486, so well known during the war for its green uniform, and the celebrated487 motto of its intrepid leader,—"Vestigia nulla retrorsum." He possessed the talents of a great statesman and a great general, and all the united qualities requisite488 for the crisis in which he appeared—"the valor489 and energy of Cromwell, the discernment and eloquence of Vane, the humanity and moderation of Manchester, the stern integrity of Hale, the ardent490 public spirit of Sydney. Others could conquer; he alone could reconcile. A heart as bold as his brought up the cuirassiers who turned the tide of battle on Marston Moor491. As skilful492 an eye as his watched the Scottish army descending from the heights over Dunbar. But it was when, to the sullen493 tyranny of Laud and Charles, had succeeded the fierce conflict of sects and factions494, ambitious of ascendency, and burning for revenge; it was when the vices and ignorance, which the old tyranny had generated, threatened the new freedom with destruction, that England missed that sobriety, that self-command, that perfect soundness of judgment496, that perfect rectitude of intention, to which the history of revolutions furnishes no parallel, or furnishes a parallel in Washington alone."[1]
This great man was removed by Providence from the scene of violence and faction495 at an early period of the contest. He was mortally wounded in one of those skirmishes in which the detachments of both armies had thus far engaged, and which made the campaigns of 1642-3 so undecided, so tedious, and so irritating—campaigns in which the generals of both armies reaped no laurels497, and which created the necessity for a greater genius than had thus far appeared. Oliver Cromwell. That genius was Oliver Cromwell. At the battle of Edge Hill he was only captain of a troop of horse, and at the death of his cousin Hampden, he was only colonel. He was indeed a member of the Long Parliament, as was Hampden, and had secured the attention of the members in spite of his slovenly498 appearance and his incoherent, though earnest speeches. Under his rough and clownish exterior499, his talents were not perceived, except by two or three penetrating500 intellects; but they were shortly to appear, and to be developed, not in the House of Commons, but on the field of battle. The rise of Oliver Cromwell can scarcely be dated until the death of John Hampden; nor were the eyes of the nation fixed on him, as their deliverer, until some time after. The Earl of Essex was still the commander of the forces, while the Earl of Bedford, Lord Manchester, Lord Fairfax, Skippon, Sir William Waller, Leslie, and others held high posts. Cromwell was still a subordinate; but genius breaks through all obstacles, and overleaps all boundaries. The time had not yet come for the exercise of his great military talents. The period of negotiation228 had not fully passed, and the king, at his head-quarters at Oxford501, "that seat of pure, unspotted loyalty," still hoped to amuse the parliament, gain time, and finally overwhelm its forces. Prince Rupert—brave, ardent, reckless, unprincipled—still ravaged502 the country without reaping any permanent advantage. The parliament was perplexed and the people were disappointed. On the whole, the king's forces were in the ascendant, and were augmenting503; while plots and insurrections were constantly revealing to the parliamentarians the dangers which threatened them. Had not an able leader, at this crisis, appeared among the insurgents, or had an able general been given to Charles, it is probable that the king would have secured his ends; for popular enthusiasm without the organization which a master spirit alone can form, soon burns itself out.
The state of the contending parties, from the battle of Edge Hill, for nearly two years, was very singular and very complicated. The king remained at The King at Oxford. Oxford, distracted by opposing counsels, and perplexed by various difficulties. The head-quarters of his enemies, at London, were no less the seat of intrigues and party animosities. The Presbyterians were the most powerful, and were nearly as distrustful of the Independents as they were of the king, and feared a victory over the king nearly as much as they did a defeat by him, and the dissensions among the various sects and leaders were no secret in the royalist camp, and doubtless encouraged Charles in his endless intrigues and dissimulations. But he was not equal to decisive measures, and without them, in revolutionary times, any party must be ruined. While he was meditating505 and scheming, he heard the news of an alliance between Scotland and the parliament, in which the Presbyterian interest was in the ascendency. This was the first great blow he received since the commencement of the war, and the united forces of his enemies now resolved upon more vigorous measures.
At the opening of the campaign, the parliament had five armies—that of the Scots, of twenty-one thousand; that of Essex, ten thousand five hundred; that of Waller, five thousand one hundred; that of Manchester, fourteen thousand; and that of Fairfax, five thousand five hundred—in all, about fifty-six thousand men, of whom the committee of the two kingdoms had the entire disposal. In May, Essex and Waller invested Oxford, while Fairfax, Manchester, and the Scots met under the walls of York. Thus these two great royalist cities were attacked at once by all the forces of parliament. Charles, invested by a stronger force, and being deprived of the assistance of the princes, Rupert and Maurice, his nephews, who were absent on their marauding expeditions, escaped from Oxford, and proceeded towards Exeter. In the mean time, he ordered Prince Rupert to advance to the relief of York, which was defended by the marquis of Newcastle. The united royalist army now amounted to twenty-six thousand men, with a numerous and well appointed cavalry506; and this great force obliged the armies of the parliament to raise the siege of York. Had Rupert been contented507 with this success, and intrenched himself in the strongest city of the north of England, he and Newcastle might have maintained their ground; but Rupert, against the advice of Newcastle, resolved on an engagement with the parliamentary generals, who had retreated to Marston Moor, on the banks of the Ouse, five miles from the city.
The next day after the relief of York was fought the famous battle of Marston Moor, (July 2, 1644,) the bloodiest508 in the war, which resulted in the entire discomfiture509 of the royalist forces, and the ruin of the royal interests at the north. York was captured in a few days. Rupert retreated to Lancashire to recruit his army, and Newcastle, disgusted with Rupert, and with the turn affairs had taken, withdrew beyond seas. The Scots soon stormed the town of Newcastle, and the whole north of England fell into the hands of the victors.
This great battle was decided by the ability of Cromwell, now lieutenant-general in the army of the parliament. He had distinguished himself in all subordinate stations, in the field of battle, in raising forces, and in councils of war, for which he had been promoted to serve as second under the Earl of Manchester. But his remarkable510 military genius was not apparent to the parliament until the battle of Marston Moor, and on him the eyes of the nation now began to be centred. Cromwell after the Battle. He was now forty-five years of age, in the vigor349 of his manhood, burning with religious enthusiasm, and eager to deliver his country from the tyranny of Charles I., and of all kings. He was an Independent and a radical408, opposed to the Episcopalians, to the Presbyterians, to the Scots, to all moderate men, to all moderate measures, to all jurisdiction in matters of religion, and to all authority in political affairs, which did not directly emanate511 from the people, who were called upon to regulate themselves by their individual reason. Enthusiasm of the Independents. He was the idol512 of the Independent party, which now began to gain the ascendency in that stormy crisis. For three years, the Presbyterians had been in the ascendant, but had not realized the hopes or expectations of the enthusiastic advocates of freedom. By turns imperious and wavering, fanatical and moderate, they sought to curtail and humble354 the king, not to ruin him; to depress Episcopacy, but to establish another religion by the sword of the magistrate. Their leaders were timid, insincere, and disunited; few among them had definite views respecting the future government of the realm: and they gradually lost the confidence of the nation. But the Independents reposed fearlessly on the greatness and grandeur513 of their abstract principles, and pronounced, without a scruple375, those potent514 words which kindled515 a popular enthusiasm—equality of rights, the just distribution of property, and the removal of all abuses. Above all, they were enthusiasts516 in religion, as well as in liberty, and devoutly517 attached to the doctrines of Calvin. They abominated518 all pleasures and pursuits which diverted their minds from the contemplation of God, or the reality of a future state. Cromwell himself lived in the ecstasy519 of religious excitement. His language was the language of the Bible, and its solemn truths were not dogmas, but convictions to his ardent mind. In the ardor520 of his zeal and the frenzy521 of his hopes, he fondly fancied that the people of England were to rise in simultaneous confederation, shake off all the old shackles522 of priests and kings, and be governed in all their actions, by the principles of the Bible. A sort of Jewish theocracy523 was to be restored on earth, and he was to be the organ of the divine will, as was Joshua of old, when he led the Israelites against the pagan inhabitants of the promised land. Up to this time, no inconsistencies disgraced him. His prayers and his exhortations524 were in accordance with his actions, and the most scrutinizing525 malignity526 could attribute nothing to him but sincerity527 and ardor in the cause which he had so warmly espoused528. As magistrate, as member of parliament, as farmer, or as general, he slighted no religious duties, and was devoted to the apparent interests of England. Such a man, so fervent529, enthusiastic, honest, patriotic530, and able, of course was pointed45 out as a future leader, especially when his great military talents were observed at Marston Moor. From the memorable 2d of July he became the most marked and influential531 man in England. Hampden had offered up his life as a martyr, and Pym, the great lawyer and statesman, had died from exhaustion532. Essex had won no victory commensurate with the public expectations, and Waller lost his army by desertions and indecisive measures. Both Essex and Manchester, with their large estates, their aristocratic connections, and their Presbyterian sympathies, were afraid of treating the king too well. The battle of Newbury, which shortly after was gained by the parliamentarians, was without decisive results, in consequence of the indecision of Manchester. The parliament and the nation looked for another leader, who would pursue his advantages, and adopt more vigorous measures. At this point, the Presbyterians would have made peace with the king, who still continued his insincere negotiations; but it was too late. The Independents had gained the ascendency, and their voice was for war—no more dallying533, no more treaties, no more half measures, but uncompromising war. It was plain that either the king or the Independents must be the absolute rulers of England.
Then was passed (April 3, 1645) the famous Self-Denying Ordinance534, by which all members of parliament were excluded from command in the army, an act designed to get rid of Essex and Manchester, and prepare the way for the elevation of Cromwell. Sir Thomas Fairfax was appointed to the supreme command, and Cromwell was despatched into the inland counties to raise recruits. But it was soon obvious that the army could do nothing without him, although it was remodelled535 and re?nforced; and even Fairfax and his officers petitioned parliament that Cromwell might be appointed lieutenant-general again, and commander-in-chief of the horse; which request was granted, and Cromwell rejoined the army, of which he was its hope and idol.
He joined it in time to win the most decisive battle of the war, the Battle of Naseby. battle of Naseby, June 14, 1645. The forces of both armies were nearly balanced, and the royalists were commanded by the king in person, assisted by his ablest generals. But the rout536 of the king's forces was complete, his fortunes were prostrated537, and he was driven, with the remnants of his army, from one part of the kingdom to the other, while the victorious538 parliamentarians were filled with exultation539 and joy. Cromwell, however, was modest and composed, and ascribed the victory to the God of battles, whose servant, he fancied, he pre?minently was.
The parliamentary army continued Success of the Parliamentary Army. its successes. Montrose gained the battle of Alford; Bridgewater surrendered to Fairfax; Glasgow and Edinburgh surrendered to Montrose; Prince Rupert was driven from Bristol, and, as the king thought, most disgracefully, which misfortune gave new joy to the parliament, and caused new thanksgivings from Cromwell, who gained the victory. From Bristol, the army turned southward, and encountered what royalist force there was in that quarter, stormed Bridgewater, drove the royalist generals into Cornwall, took Winchester, battered540 down Basing House, rich in provisions, ammunition541, and silver plate, and completely prostrated all the hopes of the king in the south of England. Charles fled from Oxford, secretly, to join the Scottish army.
By the 24th of June, 1646, all the garrisons542 of England and Wales, except those in the north, were in the hands of the parliament. In July, the parliament sent their final propositions to the king at Newcastle, which were extremely humiliating, and which he rejected. Negotiations were then entered into between the parliament and the Scots, which were long protracted543, but which finally ended in an agreement, by the Scots, to surrender the king to the parliament, for the payment of their dues. They accordingly marched home with an instalment of two hundred thousand pounds, and the king was given up, not to the Independents, but to the Commissioners of parliament, in which body the Presbyterian interest predominated.
At this juncture544, (January, 1647,) Cromwell, rather than the king, was in danger of losing his head. The Presbyterians, who did not wish to abolish royalty, but establish uniformity with their mode of worship, began to be extremely jealous of the Independents, who were bent on more complete toleration of opinions, and who aimed at a total overthrow of many of the old institutions of the country. So soon as the king was humbled, and in their hands, it was proposed to disband the army which had gloriously finished the war, and which was chiefly composed of the Independents, and to create a new one on a Presbyterian model. The excuse was, that the contest was ended, while, indeed, the royalists were rather dispersed545 and humbled, than subdued546. It was voted that, in the reduced army, no one should have, except Fairfax, a higher rank than colonel, a measure aimed directly at Cromwell, now both feared and distrusted by the Presbyterians. But the army refused to be disbanded without payment of its arrears547, and, moreover, marched upon London, in spite of the vote of the parliament that it should not come within twenty-five miles. Several irritating resolutions were passed by the parliament, which only had the effect of uniting the army more strongly together, in resistance against parliament, as well as against the king. The Lords and Commons then voted that the king should be brought nearer London, and new negotiations opened with him, which were prevented from being carried into effect by the seizure of the king at Holmby House, by Cornet Joyce, with a strong party of horse belonging to Whalley's regiment, probably at the instigation of Cromwell and Ireton. His majesty was now in the hands of the army, his worst enemy, and, though treated with respect and deference548, was really guarded closely, and watched by the Independent generals. The same day, Cromwell left London in haste, and joined the army, knowing full well that he was in imminent549 danger of arrest. He was cordially received, and forthwith the army resolved not to disband until all the national grievances were redressed, thus setting itself up virtually against all the constituted authorities. Fairfax, Cromwell, Ireton, and Hammond, with other high officers, then waited on the king, and protested that they had nothing to do with the seizure of his person, and even invited him to return to Holmby House. But the king never liked the Presbyterians, and was willing to remain with the army instead, especially since he was permitted to have Episcopal chaplains, and to see whomsoever he pleased.
The generals of the army were not content with the Seizure of the King. seizure of his majesty's person, but now caused eleven of the most obnoxious550 of the Presbyterian leaders of parliament to be accused, upon which they hid themselves, while the army advanced towards London. The parliament, at first, made a show of resistance, but soon abandoned its course, and now voted that the army should be treated with more respect and care. It was evident now to all persons where the seat of power rested.
In the mean time, the king was removed from Newmarket to Kingston, from Hatfield to Woburn Abbey, and thence to Windsor Castle, which was the scene of new intrigues and negotiations on his part, and on the part of parliament, and even on the part of Cromwell. This was the last chance the king had. Had he cordially sided now with either the Presbyterians or the Independents, his subsequent misfortunes might have been averted. But he hated both parties, and trifled with both, and hoped to conquer both. He was unable to see the crisis of his affairs, or to adapt himself to it. He was incapable551 of fair dealing552 with any party. His duplicity and dissimulation504 were fully made known to Cromwell and Ireton by a letter of the king to his wife, which they intercepted553; and they made up their minds to more decided courses. The king was more closely guarded; the army marched to the immediate333 vicinity of London; a committee of safety was named, and parliament was intimidated into the passing of a resolution, by which the city of London and the Tower were intrusted to Fairfax and Cromwell. The Presbyterian party was forever depressed554, its leading members fled to France, and the army had every thing after its own way. Parliament still was ostensibly the supreme power in the land; but it was entirely controlled by the Independent leaders and generals.
The Triumph of the Independents. victorious Independents then made their celebrated proposals to the king, as the Presbyterians had done before them; only the conditions which the former imposed were more liberal, and would have granted to the king powers almost as great as are now exercised by the sovereign. But he would not accept them, and continued to play his game of kingcraft.
Shortly after, the king contrived555 to escape from Windsor to the Isle556 of Wight, with the connivance557 of Cromwell. At Carisbrook Castle, where he quartered himself, he was more closely guarded than before. Seeing this, he renewed his negotiations with the Scots, and attempted to escape. But escape was impossible. He was now in the hands of men who aimed at his life. A strong party in the army, called the Levellers, openly advocated his execution, and the establishment of a republic; and parliament itself resolved to have no further treaty with him. His only hope was now from the Scots, and they prepared to rescue him.
Although the government of the country was now virtually in the hands of the Independents and of the army, the state of affairs was extremely critical, and none other than Cromwell could have extricated558 the dominant party from the difficulties. In one quarter was an imprisoned and intriguing king in league with the Scots, while the royalist party was waiting for the first reverse to rise up again with new strength in various parts of the land. Indeed, there were several insurrections, which required all the vigor of Cromwell to suppress. The city of London, which held the purse-strings, was at heart Presbyterian, and was extremely dissatisfied with the course affairs were taking. Then, again, there was a large, headstrong, levelling, mutineer party in the army, which clamored for violent courses, which at that time would have ruined every thing. Finally, the Scotch parliament had voted to raise a force of forty thousand men, to invade England and rescue the king. Cromwell, before he could settle the peace of the country, must overcome all these difficulties. Who, but he, could have triumphed over so many obstacles, and such apparent anarchy559?
The first thing Cromwell did was to restore order in England; and therefore he obtained leave to march against the rebels, who had arisen in various parts of the country. Scarcely were these subdued, before he heard of the advance of the Scottish army, under the Duke of Hamilton. A second civil war now commenced, and all parties witnessed the result with fearful anxiety.
The army of Hamilton was not as large as he had hoped. Still he had fifteen thousand men, and crossed the borders, while Cromwell was besieging560 Pembroke, in a distant part of the kingdom. But Pembroke soon surrendered; and Cromwell advanced, by rapid marches, against the Scottish army, more than twice as large as his own. The hostile forces met in Lancashire. Hamilton was successively defeated at Preston, Wigan, and Warrington. Hamilton was taken prisoner at Uttoxeter, August 25, 1648, and his invading army was completely annihilated561.
Cromwell then resolved to Cromwell Invades Scotland. invade, in his turn, Scotland itself, and, by a series of military actions, to give to the army a still greater ascendency. He was welcomed at Edinburgh by the Duke of Argyle, the head of an opposing faction, and was styled "the Preserver of Scotland." That country was indeed rent with most unhappy divisions, which Lieutenant-General Cromwell remedied in the best way he could; and then he rapidly retraced562 his steps, to compose greater difficulties at home. In his absence, the Presbyterians had rallied, and were again negotiating with the king on the Isle of Wight, while Cromwell was openly denounced in the House of Lords as ambitious, treacherous563, and perfidious564. Fairfax, his superior in command, but inferior in influence, was subduing565 the rebel royalists, who made a firm resistance at Colchester, and all the various parties were sending their remonstrances to parliament.
Among these was a remarkable one from the regiments566 of Ireton, Ingoldsby, Fleetwood, Whalley, and Overton, which imputed567 to parliament the neglect of the affairs of the realm, called upon it to proclaim the sovereignty of the people and the election of a supreme magistrate, and threatened to take matters into their own hands. This was in November, 1646; but, long before this, a republican government was contemplated, although the leaders of the army had not joined in with the hue568 and cry which the fanatical Levellers had made.
In the midst of the storm which the petition from the army had raised, the news arrived that the king had been Seizure of the King a Second Time. seized a second time, and had been carried a prisoner to Hurst Castle, on the coast opposite the island, where he was closely confined by command of the army. Parliament was justly indignant, and the debate relative to peace was resumed with redoubled earnestness. It is probable that, at this crisis, so irritated was parliament against the army, peace would have been made with the king, and the Independent party suppressed, had not most decisive measures been taken by the army. A rupture between the parliament and the army was inevitable. But Cromwell and the army chiefs had resolved upon their courses. The mighty181 stream of revolution could no longer be checked. Twenty thousand men had vowed569 that parliament should be purged570. On the morning of December 6, Colonel Pride and Colonel Rich, with troops, surrounded the House of Commons; and, as the members were going into the house, the most obnoxious were seized and sent to prison, among whom were Primrose571, who had lost his ears in his contest against the crown, Waller, Harley, Walker, and various other men, who had distinguished themselves as advocates of constitutional liberty. None now remained in the House of Commons but some forty Independents, who were the tools of the army, and who voted to Cromwell their hearty572 thanks. "The minority had now become a majority,"—which is not unusual in revolutionary times,—and proceeded to the work, in good earnest, which he had long contemplated.
This was the Trial of the King. trial of the king, whose apartments at Whitehall were now occupied by his victorious general, and whose treasures were now lavished573 on his triumphant170 soldiers.
On the 17th of December, 1648, in the middle of the night, the drawbridge of the Castle of Hurst was lowered, and a troop of horse entered the yard. Two days after, the king was removed to Windsor. On the 23d, the Commons voted that he should be brought to trial. On the 20th of January, Charles Stuart, King of England, was brought before the Court of High Commission, in Westminster Hall, and placed at the bar, to be tried by this self-constituted body for his life. In the indictment574, he was charged with being a tyrant, traitor, and murderer. To such an indictment, and before such a body, the dignified575 but unfortunate successor of William the Conqueror demurred576. He refused to acknowledge the jurisdiction of the court. But the solemn mockery of the trial proceeded nevertheless, and on the 27th, sentence of death was pronounced upon the prisoner—that prisoner the King of England, a few years before the absolute ruler of the state. On January 30, the bloody577 sentence was executed, and the soul of the murdered king ascended to that God who pardons those who put their trust in him, in spite of all their mistakes, errors, and delusions578. The career of Charles I. is the most melancholy in English history. That he was tyrannical, that he disregarded the laws by which he swore to rule, that he was narrow, and bigoted, that he was deceitful in his promises, that he was bent on overturning the liberties of England, and did not comprehend the wants and circumstances of his times, can scarcely be questioned. But that he was sincere in his religion, upright in his private life, of respectable talents, and good intentions, must also be admitted. His execution, or rather his martyrdom, made a deep and melancholy impression in all Christian579 countries, and was the great blunder which the republicans made—a blunder which Hampden would have avoided. His death, however, removed from England a most dangerous intriguer580, and, for a while, cemented the power of Cromwell and his party, who now had undisputed ascendency in the government of the realm. Charles's exactions and tyranny provoked the resistance of parliament, and the indignation of the people, then intensely excited in discussing the abstract principles of civil and religious liberty. The resistance of parliament created the necessity of an army, and the indignation of the people filled it with enthusiasts. The army flushed with success, forgot its relations and duties, and usurped581 the government it had destroyed, and a military dictatorship, the almost inevitable result of revolution, though under the name of a republic, succeeded to the despotism of the Stuart kings. This republic, therefore, next claims attention.
References.—The standard Histories of England. Guizot's History of the English Revolution. Clarendon's History of the Rebellion. Forster's Life of the Statesmen of the Commonwealth. Neal's History of the Puritans. Macaulay's Essays. Lives of Bacon, Raleigh, Strafford, Laud, Hampden, and Cromwell. These works furnish all the common information. Few American students have the opportunity to investigate Thurlow's State Papers, or Rushworth, Whitelocke, Dugdale, or Mrs. Hutchinson.
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reigns
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n.君主的统治( reign的名词复数 );君主统治时期;任期;当政期 | |
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reign
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n.统治时期,统治,支配,盛行;v.占优势 | |
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vile
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adj.卑鄙的,可耻的,邪恶的;坏透的 | |
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attainment
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n.达到,到达;[常pl.]成就,造诣 | |
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entirely
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ad.全部地,完整地;完全地,彻底地 | |
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pertained
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关于( pertain的过去式和过去分词 ); 有关; 存在; 适用 | |
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prerogative
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n.特权 | |
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zealously
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adv.热心地;热情地;积极地;狂热地 | |
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zeal
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n.热心,热情,热忱 | |
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sufficiently
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adv.足够地,充分地 | |
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concession
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n.让步,妥协;特许(权) | |
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bestow
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v.把…赠与,把…授予;花费 | |
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bestowing
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砖窑中砖堆上层已烧透的砖 | |
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extremity
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n.末端,尽头;尽力;终极;极度 | |
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remit
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v.汇款,汇寄;豁免(债务),免除(处罚等) | |
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ascended
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v.上升,攀登( ascend的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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turbulence
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n.喧嚣,狂暴,骚乱,湍流 | |
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bigotry
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n.偏见,偏执,持偏见的行为[态度]等 | |
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allusion
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n.暗示,间接提示 | |
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proceedings
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n.进程,过程,议程;诉讼(程序);公报 | |
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obstinate
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adj.顽固的,倔强的,不易屈服的,较难治愈的 | |
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pertinacity
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n.执拗,顽固 | |
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extort
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v.勒索,敲诈,强要 | |
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extorted
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v.敲诈( extort的过去式和过去分词 );曲解 | |
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incessant
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adj.不停的,连续的 | |
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rupture
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n.破裂;(关系的)决裂;v.(使)破裂 | |
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strife
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n.争吵,冲突,倾轧,竞争 | |
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destined
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adj.命中注定的;(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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providence
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n.深谋远虑,天道,天意;远见;节约;上帝 | |
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patriot
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n.爱国者,爱国主义者 | |
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patriots
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爱国者,爱国主义者( patriot的名词复数 ) | |
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abdication
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n.辞职;退位 | |
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luminaries
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n.杰出人物,名人(luminary的复数形式) | |
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warriors
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武士,勇士,战士( warrior的名词复数 ) | |
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epoch
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n.(新)时代;历元 | |
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allude
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v.提及,暗指 | |
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tract
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n.传单,小册子,大片(土地或森林) | |
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conspiracy
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n.阴谋,密谋,共谋 | |
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lament
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n.悲叹,悔恨,恸哭;v.哀悼,悔恨,悲叹 | |
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accomplished
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adj.有才艺的;有造诣的;达到了的 | |
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traitors
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卖国贼( traitor的名词复数 ); 叛徒; 背叛者; 背信弃义的人 | |
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traitor
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n.叛徒,卖国贼 | |
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gallant
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adj.英勇的,豪侠的;(向女人)献殷勤的 | |
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chivalry
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n.骑士气概,侠义;(男人)对女人彬彬有礼,献殷勤 | |
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pointed
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adj.尖的,直截了当的 | |
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ministry
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n.(政府的)部;牧师 | |
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prosecuted
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a.被起诉的 | |
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prosecute
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vt.告发;进行;vi.告发,起诉,作检察官 | |
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vehemence
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n.热切;激烈;愤怒 | |
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guilt
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n.犯罪;内疚;过失,罪责 | |
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condemned
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adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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52
adventurous
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adj.爱冒险的;惊心动魄的,惊险的,刺激的 | |
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conspirators
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n.共谋者,阴谋家( conspirator的名词复数 ) | |
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privy
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adj.私用的;隐密的 | |
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memorable
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adj.值得回忆的,难忘的,特别的,显著的 | |
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56
gunpowder
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n.火药 | |
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persecution
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n. 迫害,烦扰 | |
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horrid
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adj.可怕的;令人惊恐的;恐怖的;极讨厌的 | |
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prorogued
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v.使(议会)休会( prorogue的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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prorogue
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v.使(会议)休会 | |
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kinsman
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n.男亲属 | |
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impending
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a.imminent, about to come or happen | |
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peculiar
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adj.古怪的,异常的;特殊的,特有的 | |
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lore
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n.传说;学问,经验,知识 | |
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chamber
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n.房间,寝室;会议厅;议院;会所 | |
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vault
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n.拱形圆顶,地窖,地下室 | |
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interrogated
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v.询问( interrogate的过去式和过去分词 );审问;(在计算机或其他机器上)查询 | |
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imprisoned
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下狱,监禁( imprison的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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wretch
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n.可怜的人,不幸的人;卑鄙的人 | |
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alleged
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a.被指控的,嫌疑的 | |
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maxim
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n.格言,箴言 | |
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folly
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n.愚笨,愚蠢,蠢事,蠢行,傻话 | |
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sect
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n.派别,宗教,学派,派系 | |
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clergy
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n.[总称]牧师,神职人员 | |
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lasting
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adj.永久的,永恒的;vbl.持续,维持 | |
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consummated
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v.使结束( consummate的过去式和过去分词 );使完美;完婚;(婚礼后的)圆房 | |
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consummate
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adj.完美的;v.成婚;使完美 [反]baffle | |
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assassinated
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v.暗杀( assassinate的过去式和过去分词 );中伤;诋毁;破坏 | |
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compassionate
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adj.有同情心的,表示同情的 | |
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penal
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adj.刑罚的;刑法上的 | |
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statutes
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成文法( statute的名词复数 ); 法令; 法规; 章程 | |
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fully
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adv.完全地,全部地,彻底地;充分地 | |
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license
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n.执照,许可证,特许;v.许可,特许 | |
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administrator
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n.经营管理者,行政官员 | |
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guardian
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n.监护人;守卫者,保护者 | |
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omission
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n.省略,删节;遗漏或省略的事物,冗长 | |
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outlawed
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宣布…为不合法(outlaw的过去式与过去分词形式) | |
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peculiarities
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n. 特质, 特性, 怪癖, 古怪 | |
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worthy
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adj.(of)值得的,配得上的;有价值的 | |
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repose
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v.(使)休息;n.安息 | |
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reposed
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v.将(手臂等)靠在某人(某物)上( repose的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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92
ostentation
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n.夸耀,卖弄 | |
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chancellor
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n.(英)大臣;法官;(德、奥)总理;大学校长 | |
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confidential
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adj.秘(机)密的,表示信任的,担任机密工作的 | |
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tilting
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倾斜,倾卸 | |
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scholastic
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adj.学校的,学院的,学术上的 | |
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pedantry
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n.迂腐,卖弄学问 | |
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conceit
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n.自负,自高自大 | |
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irony
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n.反语,冷嘲;具有讽刺意味的事,嘲弄 | |
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100
sycophancy
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n.拍马屁,奉承,谄媚;吮痈舐痔 | |
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101
monarch
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n.帝王,君主,最高统治者 | |
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102
knight
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n.骑士,武士;爵士 | |
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103
bestowed
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赠给,授予( bestow的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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104
treasurer
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n.司库,财务主管 | |
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frivolous
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adj.轻薄的;轻率的 | |
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106
demon
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n.魔鬼,恶魔 | |
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107
wards
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区( ward的名词复数 ); 病房; 受监护的未成年者; 被人照顾或控制的状态 | |
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108
descending
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n. 下行 adj. 下降的 | |
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109
supplant
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vt.排挤;取代 | |
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110
supplanted
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把…排挤掉,取代( supplant的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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111
doom
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n.厄运,劫数;v.注定,命定 | |
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112
imprisonment
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n.关押,监禁,坐牢 | |
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retired
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adj.隐退的,退休的,退役的 | |
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virtue
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n.德行,美德;贞操;优点;功效,效力 | |
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115
martyr
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n.烈士,殉难者;vt.杀害,折磨,牺牲 | |
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116
descended
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a.为...后裔的,出身于...的 | |
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conqueror
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n.征服者,胜利者 | |
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ignoble
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adj.不光彩的,卑鄙的;可耻的 | |
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119
minions
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n.奴颜婢膝的仆从( minion的名词复数 );走狗;宠儿;受人崇拜者 | |
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120
minion
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n.宠仆;宠爱之人 | |
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121
enrolled
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adj.入学登记了的v.[亦作enrol]( enroll的过去式和过去分词 );登记,招收,使入伍(或入会、入学等),参加,成为成员;记入名册;卷起,包起 | |
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eminent
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adj.显赫的,杰出的,有名的,优良的 | |
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vices
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缺陷( vice的名词复数 ); 恶习; 不道德行为; 台钳 | |
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124
vice
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n.坏事;恶习;[pl.]台钳,老虎钳;adj.副的 | |
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125
progenitors
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n.祖先( progenitor的名词复数 );先驱;前辈;原本 | |
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126
bland
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adj.淡而无味的,温和的,无刺激性的 | |
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127
warden
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n.监察员,监狱长,看守人,监护人 | |
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128
steward
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n.乘务员,服务员;看管人;膳食管理员 | |
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129
constable
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n.(英国)警察,警官 | |
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130
doting
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adj.溺爱的,宠爱的 | |
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131
insolence
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n.傲慢;无礼;厚颜;傲慢的态度 | |
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132
peculation
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n.侵吞公款[公物] | |
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133
corruption
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n.腐败,堕落,贪污 | |
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134
pandered
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v.迎合(他人的低级趣味或淫欲)( pander的过去式和过去分词 );纵容某人;迁就某事物 | |
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135
trampled
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踩( trample的过去式和过去分词 ); 践踏; 无视; 侵犯 | |
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136
trample
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vt.踩,践踏;无视,伤害,侵犯 | |
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137
subverted
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v.颠覆,破坏(政治制度、宗教信仰等)( subvert的过去式和过去分词 );使(某人)道德败坏或不忠 | |
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138
subvert
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v.推翻;暗中破坏;搅乱 | |
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139
iniquity
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n.邪恶;不公正 | |
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140
elevation
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n.高度;海拔;高地;上升;提高 | |
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141
attained
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(通常经过努力)实现( attain的过去式和过去分词 ); 达到; 获得; 达到(某年龄、水平、状况) | |
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142
subserviency
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n.有用,裨益 | |
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143
infamous
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adj.声名狼藉的,臭名昭著的,邪恶的 | |
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144
frailty
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n.脆弱;意志薄弱 | |
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145
melancholy
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n.忧郁,愁思;adj.令人感伤(沮丧)的,忧郁的 | |
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146
bribe
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n.贿赂;v.向…行贿,买通 | |
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147
judicial
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adj.司法的,法庭的,审判的,明断的,公正的 | |
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148
insolent
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adj.傲慢的,无理的 | |
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149
acquiescence
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n.默许;顺从 | |
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150
acquiesce
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vi.默许,顺从,同意 | |
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151
ingratitude
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n.忘恩负义 | |
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152
awakened
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v.(使)醒( awaken的过去式和过去分词 );(使)觉醒;弄醒;(使)意识到 | |
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153
crabbed
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adj.脾气坏的;易怒的;(指字迹)难辨认的;(字迹等)难辨认的v.捕蟹( crab的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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154
investigator
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n.研究者,调查者,审查者 | |
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155
immortality
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n.不死,不朽 | |
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156
immortal
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adj.不朽的;永生的,不死的;神的 | |
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157
exaction
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n.强求,强征;杂税 | |
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158
perverted
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adj.不正当的v.滥用( pervert的过去式和过去分词 );腐蚀;败坏;使堕落 | |
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159
ignominious
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adj.可鄙的,不光彩的,耻辱的 | |
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160
languished
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长期受苦( languish的过去式和过去分词 ); 受折磨; 变得(越来越)衰弱; 因渴望而变得憔悴或闷闷不乐 | |
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161
elixir
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n.长生不老药,万能药 | |
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162
mazes
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迷宫( maze的名词复数 ); 纷繁复杂的规则; 复杂难懂的细节; 迷宫图 | |
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163
intrigues
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n.密谋策划( intrigue的名词复数 );神秘气氛;引人入胜的复杂情节v.搞阴谋诡计( intrigue的第三人称单数 );激起…的好奇心 | |
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164
cupidity
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n.贪心,贪财 | |
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165
promising
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adj.有希望的,有前途的 | |
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166
deserted
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adj.荒芜的,荒废的,无人的,被遗弃的 | |
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167
injustice
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n.非正义,不公正,不公平,侵犯(别人的)权利 | |
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168
sophistry
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n.诡辩 | |
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169
triumphantly
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ad.得意洋洋地;得胜地;成功地 | |
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170
triumphant
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adj.胜利的,成功的;狂欢的,喜悦的 | |
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171
innocence
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n.无罪;天真;无害 | |
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172
eloquence
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n.雄辩;口才,修辞 | |
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173
cowardice
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n.胆小,怯懦 | |
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174
consigned
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v.把…置于(令人不快的境地)( consign的过去式和过去分词 );把…托付给;把…托人代售;丟弃 | |
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175
dwindles
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v.逐渐变少或变小( dwindle的第三人称单数 ) | |
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176
insignificance
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n.不重要;无价值;无意义 | |
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177
inflict
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vt.(on)把…强加给,使遭受,使承担 | |
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178
inflicted
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把…强加给,使承受,遭受( inflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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179
trespass
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n./v.侵犯,闯入私人领地 | |
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180
almighty
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adj.全能的,万能的;很大的,很强的 | |
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181
mighty
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adj.强有力的;巨大的 | |
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182
swarm
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n.(昆虫)等一大群;vi.成群飞舞;蜂拥而入 | |
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183
swarmed
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密集( swarm的过去式和过去分词 ); 云集; 成群地移动; 蜜蜂或其他飞行昆虫成群地飞来飞去 | |
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184
conceal
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v.隐藏,隐瞒,隐蔽 | |
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185
tenaciously
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坚持地 | |
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186
inquiry
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n.打听,询问,调查,查问 | |
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187
monstrous
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adj.巨大的;恐怖的;可耻的,丢脸的 | |
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188
feudal
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adj.封建的,封地的,领地的 | |
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189
tenure
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n.终身职位;任期;(土地)保有权,保有期 | |
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190
wardship
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监护,保护 | |
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191
unwilling
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adj.不情愿的 | |
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192
taxation
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n.征税,税收,税金 | |
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193
grievances
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n.委屈( grievance的名词复数 );苦衷;不满;牢骚 | |
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194
redressed
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v.改正( redress的过去式和过去分词 );重加权衡;恢复平衡 | |
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195
redress
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n.赔偿,救济,矫正;v.纠正,匡正,革除 | |
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196
accusations
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n.指责( accusation的名词复数 );指控;控告;(被告发、控告的)罪名 | |
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197
accusation
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n.控告,指责,谴责 | |
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198
hereditary
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adj.遗传的,遗传性的,可继承的,世袭的 | |
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199
knights
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骑士; (中古时代的)武士( knight的名词复数 ); 骑士; 爵士; (国际象棋中)马 | |
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200
inflame
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v.使燃烧;使极度激动;使发炎 | |
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201
procure
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vt.获得,取得,促成;vi.拉皮条 | |
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202
restitution
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n.赔偿;恢复原状 | |
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203
distress
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n.苦恼,痛苦,不舒适;不幸;vt.使悲痛 | |
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204
distressed
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痛苦的 | |
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205
calamity
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n.灾害,祸患,不幸事件 | |
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206
accrue
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v.(利息等)增大,增多 | |
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207
guardians
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监护人( guardian的名词复数 ); 保护者,维护者 | |
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208
remonstrance
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n抗议,抱怨 | |
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209
entreated
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恳求,乞求( entreat的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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210
majesty
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n.雄伟,壮丽,庄严,威严;最高权威,王权 | |
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211
allied
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adj.协约国的;同盟国的 | |
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212
inflamed
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adj.发炎的,红肿的v.(使)变红,发怒,过热( inflame的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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213
maxims
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n.格言,座右铭( maxim的名词复数 ) | |
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214
forth
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adv.向前;向外,往外 | |
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215
admonish
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v.训戒;警告;劝告 | |
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216
meddle
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v.干预,干涉,插手 | |
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217
pretension
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n.要求;自命,自称;自负 | |
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218
aspire
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vi.(to,after)渴望,追求,有志于 | |
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219
insinuated
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v.暗示( insinuate的过去式和过去分词 );巧妙或迂回地潜入;(使)缓慢进入;慢慢伸入 | |
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220
derived
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vi.起源;由来;衍生;导出v.得到( derive的过去式和过去分词 );(从…中)得到获得;源于;(从…中)提取 | |
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221
franchises
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n.(尤指选举议员的)选举权( franchise的名词复数 );参政权;获特许权的商业机构(或服务);(公司授予的)特许经销权v.给…以特许权,出售特许权( franchise的第三人称单数 ) | |
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222
jurisdiction
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n.司法权,审判权,管辖权,控制权 | |
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223
jurisdictions
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司法权( jurisdiction的名词复数 ); 裁判权; 管辖区域; 管辖范围 | |
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224
erased
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v.擦掉( erase的过去式和过去分词 );抹去;清除 | |
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225
prosecution
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n.起诉,告发,检举,执行,经营 | |
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226
odious
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adj.可憎的,讨厌的 | |
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227
negotiations
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协商( negotiation的名词复数 ); 谈判; 完成(难事); 通过 | |
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228
negotiation
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n.谈判,协商 | |
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229
perseveringly
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坚定地 | |
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230
perplexed
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adj.不知所措的 | |
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231
embarrassments
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n.尴尬( embarrassment的名词复数 );难堪;局促不安;令人难堪或耻辱的事 | |
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232
averted
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防止,避免( avert的过去式和过去分词 ); 转移 | |
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233
devoted
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adj.忠诚的,忠实的,热心的,献身于...的 | |
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234
dominant
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adj.支配的,统治的;占优势的;显性的;n.主因,要素,主要的人(或物);显性基因 | |
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235
sects
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n.宗派,教派( sect的名词复数 ) | |
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236
defenders
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n.防御者( defender的名词复数 );守卫者;保护者;辩护者 | |
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237
asylum
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n.避难所,庇护所,避难 | |
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238
royalty
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n.皇家,皇族 | |
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239
humiliated
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感到羞愧的 | |
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240
determined
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adj.坚定的;有决心的 | |
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241
bent
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n.爱好,癖好;adj.弯的;决心的,一心的 | |
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242
hurled
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v.猛投,用力掷( hurl的过去式和过去分词 );大声叫骂 | |
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243
prudence
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n.谨慎,精明,节俭 | |
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244
catastrophe
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n.大灾难,大祸 | |
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245
barons
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男爵( baron的名词复数 ); 巨头; 大王; 大亨 | |
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246
bishop
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n.主教,(国际象棋)象 | |
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247
bishops
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(基督教某些教派管辖大教区的)主教( bishop的名词复数 ); (国际象棋的)象 | |
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248
hops
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跳上[下]( hop的第三人称单数 ); 单足蹦跳; 齐足(或双足)跳行; 摘葎草花 | |
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249
desperately
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adv.极度渴望地,绝望地,孤注一掷地 | |
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250
boon
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n.恩赐,恩物,恩惠 | |
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251
omnipotence
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n.全能,万能,无限威力 | |
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252
incited
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刺激,激励,煽动( incite的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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253
paltry
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adj.无价值的,微不足道的 | |
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254
prerogatives
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n.权利( prerogative的名词复数 );特权;大主教法庭;总督委任组成的法庭 | |
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255
inevitable
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adj.不可避免的,必然发生的 | |
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256
browbeaten
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v.(以言辞或表情)威逼,恫吓( browbeat的过去分词 ) | |
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257
intimidated
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v.恐吓;威胁adj.害怕的;受到威胁的 | |
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258
submission
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n.服从,投降;温顺,谦虚;提出 | |
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259
conscientiously
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adv.凭良心地;认真地,负责尽职地;老老实实 | |
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260
conscientious
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adj.审慎正直的,认真的,本着良心的 | |
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261
withdrawn
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vt.收回;使退出;vi.撤退,退出 | |
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262
drawn
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v.拖,拉,拔出;adj.憔悴的,紧张的 | |
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263
loyalty
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n.忠诚,忠心 | |
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264
phantom
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n.幻影,虚位,幽灵;adj.错觉的,幻影的,幽灵的 | |
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265
delusion
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n.谬见,欺骗,幻觉,迷惑 | |
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266
agitations
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(液体等的)摇动( agitation的名词复数 ); 鼓动; 激烈争论; (情绪等的)纷乱 | |
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267
unprecedented
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adj.无前例的,新奇的 | |
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268
speculations
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n.投机买卖( speculation的名词复数 );思考;投机活动;推断 | |
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269
concessions
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n.(尤指由政府或雇主给予的)特许权( concession的名词复数 );承认;减价;(在某地的)特许经营权 | |
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270
advisers
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顾问,劝告者( adviser的名词复数 ); (指导大学新生学科问题等的)指导教授 | |
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271
adviser
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n.劝告者,顾问 | |
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272
pawn
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n.典当,抵押,小人物,走卒;v.典当,抵押 | |
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273
levy
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n.征收税或其他款项,征收额 | |
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274
justified
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a.正当的,有理的 | |
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275
seizure
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n.没收;占有;抵押 | |
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276
violation
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n.违反(行为),违背(行为),侵犯 | |
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277
domains
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n.范围( domain的名词复数 );领域;版图;地产 | |
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278
impeached
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v.控告(某人)犯罪( impeach的过去式和过去分词 );弹劾;对(某事物)怀疑;提出异议 | |
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279
besieged
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包围,围困,围攻( besiege的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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280
fanatic
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n.狂热者,入迷者;adj.狂热入迷的 | |
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281
embark
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vi.乘船,着手,从事,上飞机 | |
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282
lamented
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adj.被哀悼的,令人遗憾的v.(为…)哀悼,痛哭,悲伤( lament的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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283
persevered
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v.坚忍,坚持( persevere的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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284
lawfully
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adv.守法地,合法地;合理地 | |
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285
levied
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征(兵)( levy的过去式和过去分词 ); 索取; 发动(战争); 征税 | |
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286
assent
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v.批准,认可;n.批准,认可 | |
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287
unwillingly
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adv.不情愿地 | |
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288
grudgingly
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289
bribed
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v.贿赂( bribe的过去式和过去分词 );向(某人)行贿,贿赂 | |
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290
patriotism
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n.爱国精神,爱国心,爱国主义 | |
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291
seduced
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诱奸( seduce的过去式和过去分词 ); 勾引; 诱使堕落; 使入迷 | |
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292
repulsive
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adj.排斥的,使人反感的 | |
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293
tyrant
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n.暴君,专制的君主,残暴的人 | |
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294
intrepid
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adj.无畏的,刚毅的 | |
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295
embarked
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乘船( embark的过去式和过去分词 ); 装载; 从事 | |
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296
abstain
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v.自制,戒绝,弃权,避免 | |
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297
inflexible
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adj.不可改变的,不受影响的,不屈服的 | |
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298
laud
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n.颂歌;v.赞美 | |
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299
foe
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n.敌人,仇敌 | |
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300
irritable
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adj.急躁的;过敏的;易怒的 | |
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301
enthusiast
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n.热心人,热衷者 | |
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302
panegyrics
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n.赞美( panegyric的名词复数 );称颂;颂词;颂扬的演讲或文章 | |
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303
admiration
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n.钦佩,赞美,羡慕 | |
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304
imprisoning
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v.下狱,监禁( imprison的现在分词 ) | |
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305
antagonist
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n.敌人,对抗者,对手 | |
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306
haughty
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adj.傲慢的,高傲的 | |
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307
finch
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n.雀科鸣禽(如燕雀,金丝雀等) | |
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308
everlasting
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adj.永恒的,持久的,无止境的 | |
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309
condemnation
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n.谴责; 定罪 | |
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310
emigrants
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n.(从本国移往他国的)移民( emigrant的名词复数 ) | |
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311
labors
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v.努力争取(for)( labor的第三人称单数 );苦干;详细分析;(指引擎)缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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312
liturgy
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n.礼拜仪式 | |
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313
diffusion
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n.流布;普及;散漫 | |
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314
supremacy
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n.至上;至高权力 | |
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315
petitioners
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n.请求人,请愿人( petitioner的名词复数 );离婚案原告 | |
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316
insurgents
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n.起义,暴动,造反( insurgent的名词复数 ) | |
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317
insurgent
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adj.叛乱的,起事的;n.叛乱分子 | |
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318
covenant
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n.盟约,契约;v.订盟约 | |
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319
laborers
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n.体力劳动者,工人( laborer的名词复数 );(熟练工人的)辅助工 | |
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320
fealty
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n.忠贞,忠节 | |
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321
expedient
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adj.有用的,有利的;n.紧急的办法,权宜之计 | |
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322
expedients
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n.应急有效的,权宜之计的( expedient的名词复数 ) | |
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323
ingenuity
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n.别出心裁;善于发明创造 | |
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324
desuetude
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n.废止,不用 | |
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325
starch
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n.淀粉;vt.给...上浆 | |
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326
distilled
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adj.由蒸馏得来的v.蒸馏( distil的过去式和过去分词 );从…提取精华 | |
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327
linen
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n.亚麻布,亚麻线,亚麻制品;adj.亚麻布制的,亚麻的 | |
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328
divers
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adj.不同的;种种的 | |
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329
deranged
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adj.疯狂的 | |
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330
slit
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n.狭长的切口;裂缝;vt.切开,撕裂 | |
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331
vindicating
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v.澄清(某人/某事物)受到的责难或嫌疑( vindicate的现在分词 );表明或证明(所争辩的事物)属实、正当、有效等;维护 | |
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332
exhausted
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adj.极其疲惫的,精疲力尽的 | |
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333
immediate
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adj.立即的;直接的,最接近的;紧靠的 | |
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334
remonstrances
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n.抱怨,抗议( remonstrance的名词复数 ) | |
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335
hostilities
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n.战争;敌意(hostility的复数);敌对状态;战事 | |
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336
impeachment
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n.弹劾;控告;怀疑 | |
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337
lieutenant
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n.陆军中尉,海军上尉;代理官员,副职官员 | |
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338
audacity
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n.大胆,卤莽,无礼 | |
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339
vengeance
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n.报复,报仇,复仇 | |
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340
scrutinize
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n.详细检查,细读 | |
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341
adversaries
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n.对手,敌手( adversary的名词复数 ) | |
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342
acquitted
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宣判…无罪( acquit的过去式和过去分词 ); 使(自己)作出某种表现 | |
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343
paramount
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a.最重要的,最高权力的 | |
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344
massacre
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n.残杀,大屠杀;v.残杀,集体屠杀 | |
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345
uprooted
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v.把(某物)连根拔起( uproot的过去式和过去分词 );根除;赶走;把…赶出家园 | |
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346
frightful
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adj.可怕的;讨厌的 | |
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347
hostility
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n.敌对,敌意;抵制[pl.]交战,战争 | |
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348
mere
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adj.纯粹的;仅仅,只不过 | |
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349
vigor
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n.活力,精力,元气 | |
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350
coalition
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n.结合体,同盟,结合,联合 | |
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351
refractory
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adj.倔强的,难驾驭的 | |
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352
bigoted
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adj.固执己见的,心胸狭窄的 | |
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353
promptly
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adv.及时地,敏捷地 | |
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354
humble
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adj.谦卑的,恭顺的;地位低下的;v.降低,贬低 | |
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355
humbled
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adj. 卑下的,谦逊的,粗陋的 vt. 使 ... 卑下,贬低 | |
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356
repentance
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n.懊悔 | |
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357
bungling
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adj.笨拙的,粗劣的v.搞糟,完不成( bungle的现在分词 );笨手笨脚地做;失败;完不成 | |
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358
villain
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n.反派演员,反面人物;恶棍;问题的起因 | |
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359
hull
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n.船身;(果、实等的)外壳;vt.去(谷物等)壳 | |
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360
distinguished
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adj.卓越的,杰出的,著名的 | |
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361
doctrines
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n.教条( doctrine的名词复数 );教义;学说;(政府政策的)正式声明 | |
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362
consecration
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n.供献,奉献,献祭仪式 | |
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363
dissent
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n./v.不同意,持异议 | |
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364
soften
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v.(使)变柔软;(使)变柔和 | |
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365
connived
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v.密谋 ( connive的过去式和过去分词 );搞阴谋;默许;纵容 | |
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366
conformity
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n.一致,遵从,顺从 | |
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367
fixed
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adj.固定的,不变的,准备好的;(计算机)固定的 | |
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368
dissenting
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adj.不同意的 | |
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369
scripture
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n.经文,圣书,手稿;Scripture:(常用复数)《圣经》,《圣经》中的一段 | |
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370
scriptures
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经文,圣典( scripture的名词复数 ); 经典 | |
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371
expounded
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|
论述,详细讲解( expound的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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372
interpretation
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n.解释,说明,描述;艺术处理 | |
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373
interfered
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v.干预( interfere的过去式和过去分词 );调停;妨碍;干涉 | |
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374
dissenters
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n.持异议者,持不同意见者( dissenter的名词复数 ) | |
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375
scruple
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n./v.顾忌,迟疑 | |
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376
scruples
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n.良心上的不安( scruple的名词复数 );顾虑,顾忌v.感到于心不安,有顾忌( scruple的第三人称单数 ) | |
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377
magistrate
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n.地方行政官,地方法官,治安官 | |
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378
provincial
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|
adj.省的,地方的;n.外省人,乡下人 | |
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379
winked
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v.使眼色( wink的过去式和过去分词 );递眼色(表示友好或高兴等);(指光)闪烁;闪亮 | |
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|
380
precisely
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adv.恰好,正好,精确地,细致地 | |
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381
psalms
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n.赞美诗( psalm的名词复数 );圣诗;圣歌;(中的) | |
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382
chalice
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|
n.圣餐杯;金杯毒酒 | |
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383
leavened
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adj.加酵母的v.使(面团)发酵( leaven的过去式和过去分词 );在…中掺入改变的因素 | |
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|
384
standing
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n.持续,地位;adj.永久的,不动的,直立的,不流动的 | |
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385
unduly
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adv.过度地,不适当地 | |
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386
peculiarity
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n.独特性,特色;特殊的东西;怪癖 | |
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387
piety
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n.虔诚,虔敬 | |
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388
ornaments
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n.装饰( ornament的名词复数 );点缀;装饰品;首饰v.装饰,点缀,美化( ornament的第三人称单数 ) | |
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389
metropolitan
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adj.大城市的,大都会的 | |
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|
390
stickler
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n.坚持细节之人 | |
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|
391
commissioners
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n.专员( commissioner的名词复数 );长官;委员;政府部门的长官 | |
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392
destitution
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n.穷困,缺乏,贫穷 | |
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393
livelihood
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|
n.生计,谋生之道 | |
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394
vindicate
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|
v.为…辩护或辩解,辩明;证明…正确 | |
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395
concealed
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a.隐藏的,隐蔽的 | |
参考例句: |
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|
396
molested
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|
v.骚扰( molest的过去式和过去分词 );干扰;调戏;猥亵 | |
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|
397
annexed
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|
[法] 附加的,附属的 | |
参考例句: |
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|
398
promiscuous
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|
adj.杂乱的,随便的 | |
参考例句: |
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|
399
prohibition
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|
n.禁止;禁令,禁律 | |
参考例句: |
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|
400
confirmation
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|
n.证实,确认,批准 | |
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|
401
schism
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|
n.分派,派系,分裂 | |
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|
402
persecuted
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|
(尤指宗教或政治信仰的)迫害(~sb. for sth.)( persecute的过去式和过去分词 ); 烦扰,困扰或骚扰某人 | |
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|
403
miseries
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n.痛苦( misery的名词复数 );痛苦的事;穷困;常发牢骚的人 | |
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|
404
unreasonable
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|
adj.不讲道理的,不合情理的,过度的 | |
参考例句: |
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|
405
remonstrate
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|
v.抗议,规劝 | |
参考例句: |
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|
406
curiously
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|
adv.有求知欲地;好问地;奇特地 | |
参考例句: |
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|
407
entrap
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|
v.以网或陷阱捕捉,使陷入圈套 | |
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|
408
radical
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|
n.激进份子,原子团,根号;adj.根本的,激进的,彻底的 | |
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|
409
radicalism
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n. 急进主义, 根本的改革主义 | |
参考例句: |
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|
410
primate
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|
n.灵长类(目)动物,首席主教;adj.首要的 | |
参考例句: |
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|
411
strictly
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|
adv.严厉地,严格地;严密地 | |
参考例句: |
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|
412
discourse
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|
n.论文,演说;谈话;话语;vi.讲述,著述 | |
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|
413
reprobation
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n.斥责 | |
参考例句: |
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|
414
detested
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|
v.憎恶,嫌恶,痛恨( detest的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句: |
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|
415
commonwealth
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|
n.共和国,联邦,共同体 | |
参考例句: |
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|
416
predecessors
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|
n.前任( predecessor的名词复数 );前辈;(被取代的)原有事物;前身 | |
参考例句: |
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|
417
estranged
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|
adj.疏远的,分离的 | |
参考例句: |
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|
418
revival
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|
n.复兴,复苏,(精力、活力等的)重振 | |
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|
419
incensed
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|
盛怒的 | |
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|
420
tracts
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|
大片土地( tract的名词复数 ); 地带; (体内的)道; (尤指宣扬宗教、伦理或政治的)短文 | |
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|
421
pervaded
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|
v.遍及,弥漫( pervade的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句: |
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|
422
pervade
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|
v.弥漫,遍及,充满,渗透,漫延 | |
参考例句: |
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|
423
desolate
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|
adj.荒凉的,荒芜的;孤独的,凄凉的;v.使荒芜,使孤寂 | |
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|
424
virtues
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|
美德( virtue的名词复数 ); 德行; 优点; 长处 | |
参考例句: |
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|
425
pillories
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|
n.颈手枷( pillory的名词复数 )v.使受公众嘲笑( pillory的第三人称单数 );将…示众;给…上颈手枷;处…以枷刑 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
426
brink
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|
n.(悬崖、河流等的)边缘,边沿 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
427
hierarchy
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|
n.等级制度;统治集团,领导层 | |
参考例句: |
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|
428
dispensed
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|
v.分配( dispense的过去式和过去分词 );施与;配(药) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
429
contemplated
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|
adj. 预期的 动词contemplate的过去分词形式 | |
参考例句: |
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|
430
usurpation
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|
n.篡位;霸占 | |
参考例句: |
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|
431
commotions
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|
n.混乱,喧闹,骚动( commotion的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句: |
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|
432
precipitated
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|
v.(突如其来地)使发生( precipitate的过去式和过去分词 );促成;猛然摔下;使沉淀 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
433
decided
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|
adj.决定了的,坚决的;明显的,明确的 | |
参考例句: |
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|
434
consonant
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|
n.辅音;adj.[音]符合的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
435
monarchy
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|
n.君主,最高统治者;君主政体,君主国 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
436
remodel
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|
v.改造,改型,改变 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
437
scotch
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|
n.伤口,刻痕;苏格兰威士忌酒;v.粉碎,消灭,阻止;adj.苏格兰(人)的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
438
ordained
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|
v.任命(某人)为牧师( ordain的过去式和过去分词 );授予(某人)圣职;(上帝、法律等)命令;判定 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
439
tithes
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|
n.(宗教捐税)什一税,什一的教区税,小部分( tithe的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
440
salvation
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|
n.(尤指基督)救世,超度,拯救,解困 | |
参考例句: |
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|
441
puerile
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|
adj.幼稚的,儿童的 | |
参考例句: |
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|
442
superstitious
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|
adj.迷信的 | |
参考例句: |
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|
443
ferment
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|
vt.使发酵;n./vt.(使)激动,(使)动乱 | |
参考例句: |
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|
444
magistrates
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|
地方法官,治安官( magistrate的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句: |
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|
445
uproar
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|
n.骚动,喧嚣,鼎沸 | |
参考例句: |
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|
446
appease
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|
v.安抚,缓和,平息,满足 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
447
tumult
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|
n.喧哗;激动,混乱;吵闹 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
448
subscribed
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|
v.捐助( subscribe的过去式和过去分词 );签署,题词;订阅;同意 | |
参考例句: |
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|
449
reigned
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|
vi.当政,统治(reign的过去式形式) | |
参考例句: |
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|
450
supreme
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|
adj.极度的,最重要的;至高的,最高的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
451
reins
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|
感情,激情; 缰( rein的名词复数 ); 控制手段; 掌管; (成人带着幼儿走路以防其走失时用的)保护带 | |
参考例句: |
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|
452
rigid
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|
adj.严格的,死板的;刚硬的,僵硬的 | |
参考例句: |
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|
453
mosaic
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|
n./adj.镶嵌细工的,镶嵌工艺品的,嵌花式的 | |
参考例句: |
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|
454
hatred
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|
n.憎恶,憎恨,仇恨 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
455
licentiousness
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|
n.放肆,无法无天 | |
参考例句: |
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|
456
possessed
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|
adj.疯狂的;拥有的,占有的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
457
prostration
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|
n. 平伏, 跪倒, 疲劳 | |
参考例句: |
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|
458
curtail
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|
vt.截短,缩短;削减 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
459
pastor
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|
n.牧师,牧人 | |
参考例句: |
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|
460
overthrow
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|
v.推翻,打倒,颠覆;n.推翻,瓦解,颠覆 | |
参考例句: |
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|
461
averse
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|
adj.厌恶的;反对的,不乐意的 | |
参考例句: |
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|
462
subversion
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|
n.颠覆,破坏 | |
参考例句: |
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|
463
ethical
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|
adj.伦理的,道德的,合乎道德的 | |
参考例句: |
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|
464
enraged
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|
使暴怒( enrage的过去式和过去分词 ); 歜; 激愤 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
465
stigmatized
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|
v.使受耻辱,指责,污辱( stigmatize的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
466
heresy
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|
n.异端邪说;异教 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
467
shackled
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|
给(某人)带上手铐或脚镣( shackle的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
468
intensity
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|
n.强烈,剧烈;强度;烈度 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
469
disinterestedness
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|
参考例句: |
|
|
470
blessings
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|
n.(上帝的)祝福( blessing的名词复数 );好事;福分;因祸得福 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
471
prudent
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|
adj.谨慎的,有远见的,精打细算的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
472
perils
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|
极大危险( peril的名词复数 ); 危险的事(或环境) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
473
martyrs
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|
n.martyr的复数形式;烈士( martyr的名词复数 );殉道者;殉教者;乞怜者(向人诉苦以博取同情) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
474
luxurious
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|
adj.精美而昂贵的;豪华的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
475
degenerated
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|
衰退,堕落,退化( degenerate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
476
cant
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|
n.斜穿,黑话,猛扔 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
477
ridicule
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|
v.讥讽,挖苦;n.嘲弄 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
478
offset
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|
n.分支,补偿;v.抵消,补偿 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
479
ordains
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|
v.任命(某人)为牧师( ordain的第三人称单数 );授予(某人)圣职;(上帝、法律等)命令;判定 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
480
plunge
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|
v.跳入,(使)投入,(使)陷入;猛冲 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
481
belligerents
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|
n.交战的一方(指国家、集团或个人)( belligerent的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
482
afflicted
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|
使受痛苦,折磨( afflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
483
eloquent
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|
adj.雄辩的,口才流利的;明白显示出的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
484
intriguing
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|
adj.有趣的;迷人的v.搞阴谋诡计(intrigue的现在分词);激起…的好奇心 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
485
regiment
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|
n.团,多数,管理;v.组织,编成团,统制 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
486
infantry
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|
n.[总称]步兵(部队) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
487
celebrated
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|
adj.有名的,声誉卓著的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
488
requisite
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|
adj.需要的,必不可少的;n.必需品 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
489
valor
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|
n.勇气,英勇 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
490
ardent
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|
adj.热情的,热烈的,强烈的,烈性的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
491
moor
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|
n.荒野,沼泽;vt.(使)停泊;vi.停泊 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
492
skilful
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|
(=skillful)adj.灵巧的,熟练的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
493
sullen
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|
adj.愠怒的,闷闷不乐的,(天气等)阴沉的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
494
factions
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|
组织中的小派别,派系( faction的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
495
faction
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|
n.宗派,小集团;派别;派系斗争 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
496
judgment
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|
n.审判;判断力,识别力,看法,意见 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
497
laurels
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|
n.桂冠,荣誉 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
498
slovenly
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|
adj.懒散的,不整齐的,邋遢的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
499
exterior
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|
adj.外部的,外在的;表面的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
500
penetrating
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|
adj.(声音)响亮的,尖锐的adj.(气味)刺激的adj.(思想)敏锐的,有洞察力的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
501
Oxford
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|
n.牛津(英国城市) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
502
ravaged
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|
毁坏( ravage的过去式和过去分词 ); 蹂躏; 劫掠; 抢劫 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
503
augmenting
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|
使扩张 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
504
dissimulation
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|
n.掩饰,虚伪,装糊涂 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
505
meditating
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|
a.沉思的,冥想的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
506
cavalry
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|
n.骑兵;轻装甲部队 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
507
contented
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|
adj.满意的,安心的,知足的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
508
bloodiest
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|
adj.血污的( bloody的最高级 );流血的;屠杀的;残忍的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
509
discomfiture
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|
n.崩溃;大败;挫败;困惑 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
510
remarkable
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|
adj.显著的,异常的,非凡的,值得注意的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
511
emanate
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|
v.发自,来自,出自 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
512
idol
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|
n.偶像,红人,宠儿 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
513
grandeur
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|
n.伟大,崇高,宏伟,庄严,豪华 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
514
potent
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|
adj.强有力的,有权势的;有效力的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
515
kindled
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|
(使某物)燃烧,着火( kindle的过去式和过去分词 ); 激起(感情等); 发亮,放光 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
516
enthusiasts
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|
n.热心人,热衷者( enthusiast的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
517
devoutly
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|
adv.虔诚地,虔敬地,衷心地 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
518
abominated
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|
v.憎恶,厌恶,不喜欢( abominate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
519
ecstasy
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|
n.狂喜,心醉神怡,入迷 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
520
ardor
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|
n.热情,狂热 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
521
frenzy
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|
n.疯狂,狂热,极度的激动 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
522
shackles
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|
手铐( shackle的名词复数 ); 脚镣; 束缚; 羁绊 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
523
theocracy
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|
n.神权政治;僧侣政治 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
524
exhortations
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|
n.敦促( exhortation的名词复数 );极力推荐;(正式的)演讲;(宗教仪式中的)劝诫 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
525
scrutinizing
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|
v.仔细检查,详审( scrutinize的现在分词 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
526
malignity
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|
n.极度的恶意,恶毒;(病的)恶性 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
527
sincerity
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|
n.真诚,诚意;真实 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
528
espoused
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|
v.(决定)支持,拥护(目标、主张等)( espouse的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
529
fervent
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|
adj.热的,热烈的,热情的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
530
patriotic
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|
adj.爱国的,有爱国心的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
531
influential
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|
adj.有影响的,有权势的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
532
exhaustion
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|
n.耗尽枯竭,疲惫,筋疲力尽,竭尽,详尽无遗的论述 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
533
dallying
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v.随随便便地对待( dally的现在分词 );不很认真地考虑;浪费时间;调情 | |
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534
ordinance
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n.法令;条令;条例 | |
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535
remodelled
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v.改变…的结构[形状]( remodel的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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536
rout
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n.溃退,溃败;v.击溃,打垮 | |
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537
prostrated
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v.使俯伏,使拜倒( prostrate的过去式和过去分词 );(指疾病、天气等)使某人无能为力 | |
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538
victorious
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adj.胜利的,得胜的 | |
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539
exultation
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n.狂喜,得意 | |
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540
battered
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adj.磨损的;v.连续猛击;磨损 | |
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541
ammunition
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n.军火,弹药 | |
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542
garrisons
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守备部队,卫戍部队( garrison的名词复数 ) | |
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543
protracted
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adj.拖延的;延长的v.拖延“protract”的过去式和过去分词 | |
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544
juncture
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n.时刻,关键时刻,紧要关头 | |
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545
dispersed
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adj. 被驱散的, 被分散的, 散布的 | |
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546
subdued
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adj. 屈服的,柔和的,减弱的 动词subdue的过去式和过去分词 | |
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547
arrears
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n.到期未付之债,拖欠的款项;待做的工作 | |
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548
deference
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n.尊重,顺从;敬意 | |
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549
imminent
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adj.即将发生的,临近的,逼近的 | |
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550
obnoxious
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adj.极恼人的,讨人厌的,可憎的 | |
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551
incapable
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adj.无能力的,不能做某事的 | |
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552
dealing
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n.经商方法,待人态度 | |
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553
intercepted
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拦截( intercept的过去式和过去分词 ); 截住; 截击; 拦阻 | |
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554
depressed
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adj.沮丧的,抑郁的,不景气的,萧条的 | |
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555
contrived
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adj.不自然的,做作的;虚构的 | |
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556
isle
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n.小岛,岛 | |
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557
connivance
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n.纵容;默许 | |
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558
extricated
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v.使摆脱困难,脱身( extricate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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559
anarchy
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n.无政府状态;社会秩序混乱,无秩序 | |
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560
besieging
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包围,围困,围攻( besiege的现在分词 ) | |
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561
annihilated
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v.(彻底)消灭( annihilate的过去式和过去分词 );使无效;废止;彻底击溃 | |
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562
retraced
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v.折回( retrace的过去式和过去分词 );回忆;回顾;追溯 | |
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563
treacherous
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adj.不可靠的,有暗藏的危险的;adj.背叛的,背信弃义的 | |
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564
perfidious
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adj.不忠的,背信弃义的 | |
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565
subduing
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征服( subdue的现在分词 ); 克制; 制服; 色变暗 | |
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566
regiments
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(军队的)团( regiment的名词复数 ); 大量的人或物 | |
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567
imputed
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v.把(错误等)归咎于( impute的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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568
hue
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n.色度;色调;样子 | |
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569
vowed
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起誓,发誓(vow的过去式与过去分词形式) | |
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570
purged
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清除(政敌等)( purge的过去式和过去分词 ); 涤除(罪恶等); 净化(心灵、风气等); 消除(错事等)的不良影响 | |
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571
primrose
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n.樱草,最佳部分, | |
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572
hearty
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adj.热情友好的;衷心的;尽情的,纵情的 | |
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573
lavished
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v.过分给予,滥施( lavish的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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574
indictment
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n.起诉;诉状 | |
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575
dignified
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a.可敬的,高贵的 | |
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576
demurred
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v.表示异议,反对( demur的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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577
bloody
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adj.非常的的;流血的;残忍的;adv.很;vt.血染 | |
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578
delusions
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n.欺骗( delusion的名词复数 );谬见;错觉;妄想 | |
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579
Christian
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adj.基督教徒的;n.基督教徒 | |
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580
intriguer
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密谋者 | |
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581
usurped
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篡夺,霸占( usurp的过去式和过去分词 ); 盗用; 篡夺,篡权 | |
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