On The Protectorate. the day of the king's execution, January 30, 1649, the House of Commons—being but the shadow of a House of Commons, yet ostensibly the supreme1 authority in England—passed an act prohibiting the proclamation of the Prince of Wales, or any other person, to be king of England. On the 6th of February, the House of Peers was decreed useless and dangerous, and was also dispensed2 with. On the next day, royalty3 was formally abolished. The supreme executive power was vested in a council of state of forty members, the president of which was Bradshaw, the relative and friend of Milton, who employed his immortal4 genius in advocating the new government. The army remained under the command of Fairfax and Cromwell; the navy was controlled by a board of admiralty, headed by Sir Harry5 Vane. A greater toleration of religion was proclaimed than had ever been known before, much to the annoyance6 of the Presbyterians, who were additionally vexed7 that the state was separated entirely8 from the church.
The Independents pursued their victory with considerable moderation, and only the Duke of Hamilton, and Lords Holland and Capel, were executed for treason, while a few others were shut up in the Tower. Never was so mighty9 a revolution accomplished10 with so little bloodshed. But it required all the wisdom and vigor11 of Fairfax and Cromwell to repress the ultra radical12 spirit which had crept into several detachments of the army, and to baffle the movements which the Scots were making in favor of Charles Stuart, who had already been proclaimed king by the parliament of Scotland, and in Ireland by the Marquis of Ormond.
The insurrection in Ireland first required the notice of the new English government. Cromwell accepted the conduct of the war, and the office of lord lieutenant13. Dublin and Derry were the only places which held out for the parliament. All other parts of the country were in a state of insurrection. On the 15th of August, Cromwell and his son-in-law, Ireton, landed near Dublin with an army of six thousand foot and three thousand horse only; but it was an army of Ironsides and Titans. In six months, the complete reconquest of the country was effected. The policy of the conqueror14 was severe and questionable15; but it was successful. In the hope of bringing the war to a speedy termination, Cromwell proceeded in such a way as to bring terror to his name, and curses on his memory. Storming of Drogheda and Wexford. Drogheda and Wexford were not only taken by storm, but nearly the whole garrison16, of more than five thousand men, were barbarously put to the sword. The Irish quailed17 before such a victor, and town after town hastened to make peace. Cromwell's excuse for his undeniable cruelties was, the necessity of the case, of which we may reasonably suppose him to be a judge. Scotland was in array, and English affairs, scarcely settled, demanded his presence in London. An imperfect conquest, on the principles of Rousseau's philanthropy, did not suit the taste or the notions of Cromwell. If he had consumed a few more months than he actually employed, either in treaty-making with a deceitful though oppressed people, or in battles on the principles of the military science then in vogue18, the cause of Independency would have been lost; and that cause, associated with that of liberty, in the eyes of Cromwell, was of more value than the whole Irish nation, or any other nation. Cromwell was a devotee to a cause. Principles, with him, were every thing; men were nothing in comparison. To advance the principles for which he fought, he scrupled19 to use no means or instruments. In this he may have erred20. But this policy was the secret of his success. We cannot justify21 his cruelties in war, because it is hard to justify the war itself. But if we acknowledge its necessity, we should remember that such a master of war as was Cromwell knew his circumstances better than we do or can know. To his immortal glory it can be said that he never inflicted22 cruelty when he deemed it unnecessary; that he never fought for the love of fighting; and that he stopped fighting when the cause for which he fought was won. And this is more than can be said of most conquerors23, even of those imbued24 with sentimental25 horror of bloodshed. Our world is full of cant26. Cromwell's language sometimes sounds like it, especially when he speaks of the "hand of the Lord" in "these mighty changes," who "breaketh the enemies of his church in pieces."
When the conquest of Ireland was completed, Cromwell hastened to London to receive the thanks of parliament and the acclamations of the people; and then he hurried to Scotland to do battle with the Scots, who had made a treaty with the king, and were resolved to establish Presbyterianism and royalty. Cromwell now superseded27 Fairfax, and was created captain-general of the forces of the commonwealth28. Cromwell passed the borders, reached Edinburgh without molestation29, and then advanced on the Scotch30 army of twenty-seven thousand men, under Lesley, at Dunbar, where was fought a most desperate battle, but which Cromwell gained with marvellous intrepidity31 and skill. Three thousand men were killed, and ten thousand taken prisoners, and the hopes of the Scots blasted. The lord-general made a halt, and the whole army sang the one hundred and seventeenth psalm33, and then advanced upon the capital, which opened its gates. Glasgow followed the example; the whole south of Scotland submitted; while the king fled towards the Highlands, but soon rallied, and even took the bold resolution of marching into England, while Cromwell was besieging34 Perth. Charles reached Worcester before he was overtaken, established himself with sixteen thousand men, but was attacked by Cromwell, was defeated, and with difficulty fled. He reached France, however, and quietly rested until he was brought back by General Monk35.
With the Battle of Worcester. battle of Worcester, September 3, 1651, which Cromwell called his "crowning mercy," ended his military life. From that day to the time when be became protector, the most noticeable point in his history is his conduct towards the parliament. And this conduct is the most objectionable part of his life and character; for in this he violated the very principles he originally professed36, and committed the same usurpations which he condemned39 in Charles I. Here he was not true to himself or his cause. Here he laid himself open to the censure40 of all posterity41; and although he had great excuses, and his course has many palliations, still it would seem a mockery of all moral distinctions not to condemn38 in him what we would condemn in another, or what Cromwell himself condemned in the murdered king. It is true he did not, at once, turn usurper42, not until circumstances seemed to warrant the usurpation37—the utter impossibility of governing England, except by exercising the rights and privileges of an absolute monarch43. On the principles of expediency44, he has been vindicated45, and will be vindicated, so long as his cause is advocated by partisan46 historians, or expediency itself is advocated as a rule of life.
After the battle of Worcester, Cromwell lost, in a measure, his democratic sympathies, and naturally, in view of the great excesses of the party with which he had been identified. That he desired the Policy of Cromwell. public good we cannot reasonably doubt; and he adapted himself to those circumstances which seemed to advance it, and which a spirit of wild democratic license47 assuredly did not. So far as it contributed to overturn the throne of the Stuarts, and the whole system of public abuses, civil and ecclesiastical, Cromwell favored it. But no further. When it seemed subversive48 of law and order, the grand ends of all civil governments, then he opposed it. And in this he showed that he was much more conservative in his spirit than has often been supposed; and, in this conservatism he resembled Luther and other great reformers, who were not unreflecting incendiaries, as is sometimes thought—men who destroy, but do not reconstruct. Luther, at heart, was a conservative, and never sought a change to which he was not led by strong inward tempests—forced to make it by the voice of his conscience, which he ever obeyed, and loyalty49 to which so remarkably50 characterized the early reformers, and no class of men more than the Puritans. Cromwell abhorred51 the government of Charles, because it was not a government which respected justice, and which set at defiance52 the higher laws of God. It was not because Charles violated the constitution, it was because he violated truth and equity53, and the nation's good, that he opposed him. Cromwell usurped54 his prerogatives55, and violated the English constitution; but he did not transgress56 those great primal57 principles of truth, for which constitutions are made. He looked beyond constitutions to abstract laws of justice; and it never can be laid to his charge that he slighted these, or proved a weak or wicked ruler. He quarrelled with parliament, because the parliament wished to perpetuate58 its existence unlawfully and meanly, and was moreover unwilling59 and unable to cope with many difficulties which constantly arose. It may be supposed that Cromwell may thus have thought: "I will not support the parliament, for it will not maintain law; it will not legislate60 wisely or beneficently; it seeks its own, not the nation's good. And therefore I take away its existence, and rule myself; for I have the fear of God before my eyes, and am determined61 to rule by his laws, and to advance his glory." Deluded62 he was; blinded by ambition he may have been but he sought to elevate his country; and his efforts in her behalf are appreciated and praised by the very men who are most severe on his undoubted usurpation.
Shortly after the Long Parliament was purged63, at the instigation of Cromwell, and had become the The Rump Parliament. Rump Parliament, as it was derisively64 called, it appointed a committee to take into consideration the time when their powers should cease. But the battle of Worcester was fought before any thing was done, except to determine that future parliaments should consist of four hundred members, and that the existing members should be returned, in the next parliament, for the places they then represented. At length, in December, 1651, it was decided65, through the urgent entreaties66 of Cromwell, but only by a small majority, that the present parliament should Dispersion of the Parliament. cease in November, 1654. Thus it was obvious to Cromwell that the parliament, reduced as it was, and composed of Independents, was jealous of him, and also was aiming to perpetuate its own existence, against all the principles of a representative government. Such are men, so greedy of power themselves, so censorious in regard to the violation67 of justice by others, so blind to the violation of justice by themselves. Cromwell was not the man to permit the usurpation of power by a body of forty or sixty Independents, however willing he was to assume it himself. Beside, the Rump Parliament was inefficient68, and did not consult the interests of the country. There was general complaint. But none complained more bitterly than Cromwell himself. Meeting Whitelock, who then held the great seal, he said that the "army was beginning to have a strange distaste against them; that their pride, and ambition, and self-seeking; their engrossing69 all places of honor and profit to themselves and their friends; their daily breaking into new and violent parties; their delays of business, and design to perpetuate themselves, and continue the power in their own hands; their meddling70 in private matters between party and party, their injustice71 and partiality; the scandalous lives of some of them, do give too much ground for people to open their mouths against them; and unless there be some power to check them, it will be impossible to prevent our ruin." These things Whitelock admitted, but did not see how they could be removed since both he and Cromwell held their commissions from this same parliament, which was the supreme authority. But Cromwell thought there was nothing to hope, and every thing to fear, from such a body of men; that they would destroy what the Lord had done. "We all forget God," said he, "and God will forget us. He will give us up to confusion, and these men will help it on, if left to themselves." Then he asked the great lawyer and chancellor72, "What if a man should take upon himself to be king?"—evidently having in view the regal power. But Whitelock presented such powerful reasons against it, that Cromwell gave up the idea, though he was resolved to destroy the parliament. He then held repeated conferences with the officers of the army, who sympathized with him, and who supported him. At last, while parliament was about to pass an obnoxious73 bill, Cromwell hurried to the House, taking with him a file of musketeers, having resolved what he would do. These he left in the lobby, and, taking his seat, listened a while to the discussion, and then rose, and addressed the House. Waxing warm, he told them, in violent language, "that they were deniers of justice, were oppressive, profane74 men, were planning to bring in Presbyterians, and would lose no time in destroying the cause they had deserted75." Sir Harry Vane and Sir Peter Wentworth rose to remonstrate76, but Cromwell, leaving his seat, walked up and down the floor, with his hat on, reproached the different members, who again remonstrated77. But Cromwell, raising his voice, exclaimed, "You are no parliament. Get you gone. Give way to honester men." Then, stamping with his feet, the door opened, and the musketeers entered, and the members were dispersed78, after giving vent32 to their feelings in the language of reproach. Most of them wore swords, but none offered resistance to the man they feared, and tamely departed.
Thus was the constitution utterly79 subverted80, and parliament, as well as the throne, destroyed. Cromwell published, the next day, a vindication81 of his conduct, setting forth82 the incapacity, selfishness and corruption83 of the parliament, in which were some of the best men England ever had, including Sir Harry Vane, Algernon Sydney, and Sir Peter Wentworth.
His next step was to order the continuance of all the courts of justice, as before, and summon a new parliament, the members of which were nominated by himself and his council of officers. The army, with Cromwell at the head, was now the supreme authority.
The new parliament, composed of one hundred and twenty persons, assembled on the 4th of July, when Cromwell explained the reason of his conduct, and set forth the mercies of the Lord to England. This parliament was not constitutional, since it was not elected by the people of England, but by Cromwell, and therefore would be likely to be his tool. But had the elections been left free, the Presbyterians would have been returned as the largest party, and they would have ruined the cause which Cromwell and the Independents sought to support. In revolutions, there cannot be pursued half measures. Revolutions are the contest between parties. The strongest party gains the ascendency, and keeps it if it can—never by old, constituted laws. In the English Revolution the Independents gained this ascendency by their valor84, enthusiasm, and wisdom. And their great representative ruled in their name.
The new members of parliament reappointed the old Council of State, at the head of which was Cromwell, abolished the High Court of Chancery, nominated commissioners85 to preside in courts of justice, and proceeded to other sweeping86 changes, which alarmed their great nominator, who induced them to dissolve themselves and surrender their trust into his hands, under the title of Cromwell Assumes the Protectorship. Lord Protector of England, Scotland, and Ireland. On the 16th of December, he was installed in his great office, with considerable pomp, in the Court of Chancery, and the new constitution was read, which invested him with all the powers of a king. It, however, ordained87 that he should rule with the aid of a parliament, which should have all the functions and powers of the old parliaments, should be assembled within five months, should last three years, and should consist of four hundred and sixty members. It provided for the maintenance of the army and navy, of which the protector was the head, and decided that the great officers of state should be chosen by approbation88 of parliament. Religious toleration was proclaimed, and provision made for the support of the clergy89.
Thus was the constitution of the nation changed, and a republic substituted for a monarchy90, at the head of which was the ablest man of his age. And there was need of all his abilities. England then was engaged in The Dutch War. war with the Dutch, and the internal state of the nation demanded the attention of a vigorous mind and a still more vigorous arm.
The Dutch war was prosecuted91 with great vigor, and was signalized by the naval92 victories of Blake, Dean, and Monk over the celebrated93 Van Tromp and De Ruyter, the Dutch admirals. The war was caused by the commercial jealousies94 of the two nations, and by the unwillingness95 of the Prince of Orange, who had married a daughter of Charles I., to acknowledge the ambassador of the new English republic. But the superiority which the English sailors evinced, soon taught the Dutch how dangerous it was to provoke a nation which should be its ally on all grounds of national policy, and peace was therefore honorably secured after a most successful war.
The war being ended, the protector had more leisure to attend to business at home. Sir Matthew Hale was made chief justice, and Thurloe, secretary of state; disorganizers were punished; an insurrection in Scotland was quelled96 by General Monk; and order and law were restored.
Meanwhile, the new parliament, the first which had been freely elected for fourteen years, soon manifested a spirit of opposition97 to Cromwell, deferred98 to vote him supplies, and annoyed him all in its power. Still he permitted the members to discuss trifling99 subjects and waste their time for five months; but, at the earliest time the new constitution would allow, he summoned them to the Painted Chamber100, made them a long speech, reminded them of their neglect in attending to the interests of the nation, while disputing about abstract questions, even while it was beset101 with dangers and difficulties, and then dissolved them, (January 22, 1656.)
For the next eighteen months, he ruled Cromwell Rules without a Parliament. without a parliament and found no difficulty in raising supplies, and supporting his now unlimited102 power. During this time, he suppressed a dangerous insurrection in England itself, and carried on a successful and brilliant war against Spain, a power which he hated with all the capacity of hatred103 of which his nation has shown itself occasionally so capable. In the naval war with Spain, Blake was again the hero. During the contest the rich island of Jamaica was conquered from the Spanish, a possession which England has ever since greatly valued.
Encouraged by his successes, Cromwell now called a third parliament, which he opened the 17th of September, 1656, after ejecting one hundred of the members, on account of their political sentiments. The new House voted for the prosecution104 of the Spanish war, granted ample supplies, and offered to Cromwell the title of king. But his council violently opposed it, and Cromwell found it expedient105 to relinquish106 this object of his heart. But his protectorate was continued to him, and he was empowered to nominate his successor.
In a short time, however, the spirit of the new parliament was manifested, not only by violent opposition to the protector, but in acts which would, if carried out, have subverted the government again, and have plunged107 England in anarchy108. It was plain that the protector could not rule with a real representation of the nation. So he dissolved it; and thus ended the last effort of Cromwell to rule with a parliament; or, as his advocates say, to restore the constitution of his country. It was plain that there was too much party animosity and party ambition to permit the protector, shackled109 by the law, to carry out his designs of order and good government. Self-preservation compelled him to be suspicious and despotic, and also to prohibit the exercise of the Catholic worship, and to curtail110 the religious rights of the Quakers, Socinians, and Jews. The continual plottings and political disaffections of these parties forced him to rule on a system to which he was not at first inclined. England was not yet prepared for the civil and religious liberty at which the advocates of revolution had at first aimed.
So Cromwell now resolved to rule alone. And he ruled well. His armies were victorious111 on the continent, and England was respected abroad, and prospered112 at home. The most able and upright men were appointed to office. The chairs of the universities were filled with illustrious scholars, and the bench adorned113 with learned and honest judges. He defended the great interests of Protestantism on the Continent, and formed alliances which contributed to the political and commercial greatness of his country. He generously assisted the persecuted114 Protestants in the valleys of Piedmont, and refused to make treaties with hostile powers unless the religious liberties of the Protestants were respected. He lived at Hampton Court, the old palace of Cardinal115 Wolsey, in simple and sober dignity; nor was debauchery or riot seen at his court. He lived simply and unostentatiously, and to the last preserved the form, and perhaps the spirit, of his early piety116. He surrounded himself with learned men, and patronized poets and scholars. Milton was his familiar guest, and the youthful Dryden was not excluded from his table. An outward morality, at least, was generally observed, and the strictest discipline was kept at his court.
Had Cromwell's life been prolonged to threescore and ten, the history of England might have been different for the next two hundred years. But such was not his fortune. Providence117 removed him from the scene of his conflicts and his heroism118 not long after the dissolution of his last parliament. The death of a favorite daughter preyed119 upon his mind, and the cares of government undermined his constitution. He died on the 3d of September, 1658, the anniversary of his great battles of Worcester and Dunbar, in the sixtieth year of his age.
Two or three nights before he died, he was heard to ejaculate the following prayer, in the anticipation120 of his speedy departure; "Lord, though I am a miserable121 and wretched creature, I am in covenant122 with thee, through thy grace; and I may, I will come to thee, for thy people. Thou hast made me, though very unworthy, a mean instrument to do them good, and Thee service; and many of them have set too high value upon me, though others wish and would be glad of my death. Lord, however Thou disposest of me, continue and go on to do good to them. Give them consistency123 of judgment124, one heart, and mutual125 love; and, with the work of reformation, go on to deliver them, and make the name of Christ glorious in the world. Teach those who look too much on thy instrument to depend more upon Thyself. Pardon such as desire to trample126 upon the dust of a poor worm, for they are Thy people too. And pardon the folly127 of this short prayer, even for Jesus Christ's sake. And give me a good night, if it be Thy pleasure. Amen."
Thus closed the career of Oliver Cromwell, the most remarkable128 man in the list of England's heroes. His motives129 and his honesty have often been impeached130, and sometimes by the most excellent and discriminating131, but oftener by heated partisans132, who had no sympathy with his reforms or opinions. His genius, however, has never been questioned, nor his extraordinary talent, for governing a nation in the most eventful period of its history. And there is a large class, and that class an increasing one, not confined to Independents or republicans, who look upon him as one habitually133 governed by a stern sense of duty, as a man who feared God and regarded justice, as a man sincerely devoted134 to the best interests of his country, and deserving of the highest praises of all enlightened critics. No man has ever been more extravagantly135 eulogized, or been the subject of more unsparing abuse and more cordial detestation. Some are incapable136 of viewing him in any other light than as a profound hypocrite and ambitious despot, while others see in him nothing but the saint and unspotted ruler. He had his defects; for human nature, in all instances, is weak; but in spite of these, and of many and great inconsistencies, from which no sophistry137 can clear him, his great and varied138 excellences139 will ever entitle him to the rank accorded to him by such writers as Vaughan and Carlyle.
With the death of Cromwell virtually ended the republic. "Puritanism without its king, is kingless, anarchic, falls into dislocation, staggers, and plunges140 into even deeper anarchy." His son Richard, according to his will, was proclaimed protector in his stead. But his reign141 was short. Petitions poured in from every quarter for the restoration of parliament. It was restored, and also Regal Government Restored. with it royalty itself. General Monk advanced with his army from Scotland, and quartered in London. In May, 1660, Charles II. was proclaimed king at the gates of Westminster Hall. The experiment of a republic had been tried, and failed. Puritanism veiled its face. It was no longer the spirit of the nation. A great reaction commenced. Royalty, with new but disguised despotism, resumed its sway.
References.—Carlyle's, Dr. Vaughan's, and D'Aubigné's Life of Cromwell. Neal's History of the Puritans. Macaulay's History of England. Godwin's Commonwealth. The common histories of England. Milton's prose writings may be profitably read in this connection, and the various reviews and essays which have of late been written, on the character of Cromwell.
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supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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dispensed
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| v.分配( dispense的过去式和过去分词 )；施与；配（药） | |
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royalty
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| n.皇家，皇族 | |
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immortal
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| adj.不朽的；永生的，不死的；神的 | |
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harry
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| vt.掠夺，蹂躏，使苦恼 | |
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annoyance
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| n.恼怒，生气，烦恼 | |
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vexed
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| adj.争论不休的；（指问题等）棘手的；争论不休的问题；烦恼的v.使烦恼( vex的过去式和过去分词 )；使苦恼；使生气；详细讨论 | |
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entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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mighty
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| adj.强有力的；巨大的 | |
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accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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vigor
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| n.活力，精力，元气 | |
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radical
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| n.激进份子，原子团，根号；adj.根本的，激进的，彻底的 | |
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lieutenant
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| n.陆军中尉，海军上尉；代理官员，副职官员 | |
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conqueror
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| n.征服者，胜利者 | |
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questionable
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| adj.可疑的，有问题的 | |
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garrison
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| n.卫戍部队；驻地，卫戍区；vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
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quailed
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Vogue
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scrupled
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| v.感到于心不安，有顾忌( scruple的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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erred
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justify
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| vt.证明…正当(或有理)，为…辩护 | |
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inflicted
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| 把…强加给，使承受，遭受( inflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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conquerors
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imbued
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| v.使（某人/某事）充满或激起（感情等）( imbue的过去式和过去分词 )；使充满；灌输；激发（强烈感情或品质等） | |
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sentimental
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cant
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superseded
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| [医]被代替的，废弃的 | |
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commonwealth
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molestation
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scotch
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| n.伤口，刻痕；苏格兰威士忌酒；v.粉碎，消灭，阻止；adj.苏格兰(人)的 | |
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intrepidity
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psalm
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besieging
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| 包围，围困，围攻( besiege的现在分词 ) | |
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monk
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professed
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usurpation
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| n.篡位；霸占 | |
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38
condemn
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| vt.谴责，指责；宣判(罪犯)，判刑 | |
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39
condemned
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| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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40
censure
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| v./n.责备；非难；责难 | |
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41
posterity
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| n.后裔，子孙，后代 | |
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42
usurper
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| n. 篡夺者, 僭取者 | |
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43
monarch
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| n.帝王，君主，最高统治者 | |
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44
expediency
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| n.适宜；方便；合算；利己 | |
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45
vindicated
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| v.澄清（某人/某事物）受到的责难或嫌疑( vindicate的过去式和过去分词 )；表明或证明（所争辩的事物）属实、正当、有效等；维护 | |
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46
partisan
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| adj.党派性的；游击队的；n.游击队员；党徒 | |
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47
license
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| n.执照，许可证，特许；v.许可，特许 | |
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48
subversive
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| adj.颠覆性的，破坏性的；n.破坏份子，危险份子 | |
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49
loyalty
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| n.忠诚，忠心 | |
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50
remarkably
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| ad.不同寻常地，相当地 | |
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51
abhorred
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| v.憎恶( abhor的过去式和过去分词 )；（厌恶地）回避；拒绝；淘汰 | |
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52
defiance
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| n.挑战，挑衅，蔑视，违抗 | |
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53
equity
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| n.公正，公平，（无固定利息的）股票 | |
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54
usurped
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| 篡夺，霸占( usurp的过去式和过去分词 )； 盗用； 篡夺，篡权 | |
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55
prerogatives
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| n.权利( prerogative的名词复数 )；特权；大主教法庭；总督委任组成的法庭 | |
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56
transgress
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| vt.违反，逾越 | |
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57
primal
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| adj.原始的；最重要的 | |
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58
perpetuate
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| v.使永存，使永记不忘 | |
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59
unwilling
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| adj.不情愿的 | |
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60
legislate
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| vt.制定法律；n.法规，律例；立法 | |
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61
determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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62
deluded
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| v.欺骗，哄骗( delude的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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63
purged
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| 清除（政敌等）( purge的过去式和过去分词 )； 涤除（罪恶等）； 净化（心灵、风气等）； 消除（错事等）的不良影响 | |
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64
derisively
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| adv. 嘲笑地，嘲弄地 | |
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65
decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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66
entreaties
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| n.恳求，乞求( entreaty的名词复数 ) | |
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67
violation
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| n.违反(行为)，违背(行为)，侵犯 | |
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68
inefficient
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| adj.效率低的，无效的 | |
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69
engrossing
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| adj.使人全神贯注的，引人入胜的v.使全神贯注( engross的现在分词 ) | |
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70
meddling
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| v.干涉，干预（他人事务）( meddle的现在分词 ) | |
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71
injustice
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| n.非正义，不公正，不公平，侵犯（别人的）权利 | |
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72
chancellor
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| n.(英)大臣；法官；(德、奥)总理；大学校长 | |
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73
obnoxious
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| adj.极恼人的，讨人厌的，可憎的 | |
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74
profane
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| adj.亵神的，亵渎的；vt.亵渎，玷污 | |
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deserted
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| adj.荒芜的，荒废的，无人的，被遗弃的 | |
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76
remonstrate
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| v.抗议，规劝 | |
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77
remonstrated
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| v.抗议( remonstrate的过去式和过去分词 )；告诫 | |
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78
dispersed
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| adj. 被驱散的, 被分散的, 散布的 | |
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79
utterly
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| adv.完全地，绝对地 | |
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80
subverted
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| v.颠覆，破坏（政治制度、宗教信仰等）( subvert的过去式和过去分词 )；使（某人）道德败坏或不忠 | |
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81
vindication
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| n.洗冤，证实 | |
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82
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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83
corruption
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| n.腐败，堕落，贪污 | |
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84
valor
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| n.勇气，英勇 | |
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85
commissioners
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| n.专员( commissioner的名词复数 )；长官；委员；政府部门的长官 | |
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86
sweeping
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| adj.范围广大的，一扫无遗的 | |
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87
ordained
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| v.任命（某人）为牧师( ordain的过去式和过去分词 )；授予（某人）圣职；（上帝、法律等）命令；判定 | |
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88
approbation
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| n.称赞；认可 | |
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89
clergy
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| n.[总称]牧师，神职人员 | |
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90
monarchy
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| n.君主，最高统治者；君主政体，君主国 | |
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91
prosecuted
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| a.被起诉的 | |
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92
naval
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| adj.海军的，军舰的，船的 | |
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93
celebrated
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| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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94
jealousies
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| n.妒忌( jealousy的名词复数 )；妒羡 | |
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95
unwillingness
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| n. 不愿意，不情愿 | |
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96
quelled
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| v.（用武力）制止，结束，镇压( quell的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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97
opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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98
deferred
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| adj.延期的，缓召的v.拖延，延缓，推迟( defer的过去式和过去分词 )；服从某人的意愿，遵从 | |
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99
trifling
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| adj.微不足道的；没什么价值的 | |
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100
chamber
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| n.房间，寝室；会议厅；议院；会所 | |
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101
beset
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| v.镶嵌；困扰，包围 | |
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102
unlimited
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| adj.无限的，不受控制的，无条件的 | |
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103
hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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104
prosecution
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| n.起诉，告发，检举，执行，经营 | |
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105
expedient
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| adj.有用的，有利的；n.紧急的办法，权宜之计 | |
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106
relinquish
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| v.放弃，撤回，让与，放手 | |
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107
plunged
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| v.颠簸( plunge的过去式和过去分词 )；暴跌；骤降；突降 | |
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108
anarchy
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| n.无政府状态；社会秩序混乱，无秩序 | |
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109
shackled
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| 给（某人）带上手铐或脚镣( shackle的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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110
curtail
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| vt.截短，缩短；削减 | |
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111
victorious
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| adj.胜利的，得胜的 | |
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112
prospered
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| 成功，兴旺( prosper的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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113
adorned
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| [计]被修饰的 | |
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114
persecuted
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| （尤指宗教或政治信仰的）迫害(~sb. for sth.)( persecute的过去式和过去分词 )； 烦扰，困扰或骚扰某人 | |
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115
cardinal
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| n.(天主教的)红衣主教；adj.首要的，基本的 | |
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116
piety
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| n.虔诚，虔敬 | |
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117
providence
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| n.深谋远虑，天道，天意；远见；节约；上帝 | |
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118
heroism
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| n.大无畏精神，英勇 | |
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119
preyed
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| v.掠食( prey的过去式和过去分词 )；掠食；折磨；（人）靠欺诈为生 | |
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120
anticipation
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| n.预期，预料，期望 | |
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121
miserable
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| adj.悲惨的，痛苦的；可怜的，糟糕的 | |
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122
covenant
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| n.盟约，契约；v.订盟约 | |
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123
consistency
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| n.一贯性，前后一致，稳定性；(液体的)浓度 | |
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124
judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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125
mutual
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| adj.相互的，彼此的；共同的，共有的 | |
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126
trample
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| vt.踩，践踏；无视，伤害，侵犯 | |
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127
folly
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| n.愚笨，愚蠢，蠢事，蠢行，傻话 | |
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128
remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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129
motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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130
impeached
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| v.控告（某人）犯罪( impeach的过去式和过去分词 )；弹劾；对（某事物）怀疑；提出异议 | |
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131
discriminating
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| a.有辨别能力的 | |
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132
partisans
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| 游击队员( partisan的名词复数 )； 党人； 党羽； 帮伙 | |
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133
habitually
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| ad.习惯地，通常地 | |
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134
devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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135
extravagantly
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| adv.挥霍无度地 | |
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136
incapable
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| adj.无能力的，不能做某事的 | |
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137
sophistry
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| n.诡辩 | |
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138
varied
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| adj.多样的，多变化的 | |
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139
excellences
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| n.卓越( excellence的名词复数 )；（只用于所修饰的名词后）杰出的；卓越的；出类拔萃的 | |
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140
plunges
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| n.跳进，投入vt.使投入，使插入，使陷入vi.投入，跳进，陷入v.颠簸( plunge的第三人称单数 )；暴跌；骤降；突降 | |
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141
reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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