Few events in English history have ever been hailed with greater popular enthusiasm than the The Restoration. restoration of Charles II. On the 25th of May, 1660, he landed near Dover, with his two brothers, the Dukes of York and Gloucester. On the 29th of May, he made his triumphal entry into London. It was his birthday, he was thirty years of age, and in the full maturity2 of manly3 beauty, while his gracious manners and captivating speech made him the favorite of the people, as well as of the old nobility. The season was full of charms, and the spirits of all classes were buoyant with hope. Every thing conspired4 to give a glow to the popular enthusiasm. A long line of illustrious monarchs5 was restored. The hateful fires of religious fanaticism7 were apparently8 extinguished. An accomplished9 sovereign, disciplined in the school of adversity, of brilliant talents, amiable10 temper, fascinating manners, and singular experiences, had returned to the throne of his ancestors, and had sworn to rule by the laws, to forget old offences, and promote liberty of conscience. No longer should there be a government of soldiers, nor the rule of a man hostile to those pleasures and opinions which had ever been dear to the English people. With the return of the exiled prince, should also return joy, peace, and prosperity. For seventeen years, there had been violent political and social animosities, war, tyranny, social restraints, and religious fanaticism. But order and law were now to be re?stablished, and the reign of cant11 and hypocrisy12 was now to end. Justice and mercy were to meet together in the person of a king who was represented to have all the virtues14 and none of the vices16 of his station and his times. Great Public Rejoicings. So people reasoned and felt, of all classes and conditions. And why should they not rejoice in the restoration of such blessings17? The ways were strewn with flowers, the bells sent forth18 a merry peal19, the streets were hung with tapestries20; while aldermen with their heavy chains, nobles in their robes of pomp, ladies with their silks and satins, and waving handkerchiefs, filling all the balconies and windows; musicians, dancers, and exulting21 crowds,—all welcomed the return of Charles. Never was there so great a jubilee22 in London; and never did monarch6 receive such addresses of flattery and loyalty23. "Dread24 monarch," said the Earl of Manchester, in the House of Lords, "I offer no flattering titles. You are the desire of three kingdoms, the strength and stay of the tribes of the people." "Most royal sovereign," said one of the deputations, "the hearts of all are filled with veneration25 for you, confidence in you, longings26 for you. All degrees, and ages, and sexes, high, low, rich and poor, men, women, and children, join in sending up to Heaven one prayer, 'Long live King Charles II.;' so that the English air is not susceptible27 of any other sound, bells, bonfires, peals28 of ordnance29, shouts, and acclamations of the people bear no other moral; nor can his majesty30 conceive with what joy, what cheerfulness, what lettings out of the soul, what expressions of transported minds, a stupendous concourse of people attended the proclamation of their most potent31, most mighty32, and most undoubted king." Such was the adulatory33 language addressed by the English people to the son of the king they had murdered, and to a man noted34 for every frivolity35 and vice15 that could degrade a sovereign. What are we to think of that public joy, and public sycophancy36, after so many years of hard fighting for civil and religious liberty? For what were the battles of Naseby and Worcester? For what the Solemn League and Covenant37? For what the trial and execution of Charles I.? For what the elevation38 of Cromwell? Alas39! for what were all the experiments and sufferings of twenty years, the breaking up of old and mighty customs, and twenty years of blood, usurpation40, and change? What were the benefits of the Revolution? Or, had it no benefits? How happened it that a whole nation should simultaneously42 rise and expel their monarch from a throne which his ancestors had enjoyed for six hundred years, and then, in so short a time, have elevated to this old throne, which was supposed to be subverted43 forever, the son of their insulted, humiliated44, and murdered king? and this without bloodshed, with every demonstration45 of national rejoicings, and with every external mark of repentance46 for their past conduct. Charles, too, was restored without any of those limitations by which the nation sought to curtail47 the power of his father. The nation surrendered to him more absolute power than the most ambitious kings, since the reign of John, had ever claimed,—more than he ever dared to expect. How shall we explain these things? And what is the moral which they teach?
One fact is obvious,—that a Reaction to Revolutionary Principles. great reaction had taken place in the national mind as to revolutionary principles. It is evident that a great disgust for the government of Cromwell had succeeded the antipathy48 to the royal government of Charles. All classes as ardently49 desired the restoration, as they had before favored the rebellion. Even the old parliamentarians hailed the return of Charles, notwithstanding it was admitted that the protectorate was a vigorous administration; that law and order were enforced; that religious liberty was proclaimed; that the rights of conscience were respected; that literature and science were encouraged; that the morals of the people were purified; that the ordinances52 of religion were observed; that vice and folly53 were discouraged; that justice was ably administered; that peace and plenty were enjoyed; that prosperity attended the English arms abroad; and that the nation was as much respected abroad as it was prosperous at home. These things were admitted by the very people who rejoiced in the restoration. And yet, in spite of all these substantial blessings, the reign of Cromwell was odious54. Why was this?
It can only be explained on the supposition that there were unendurable evils connected with the administration of Cromwell, which more than balanced the benefits he conferred; or, that expectations were held out by Charles of national benefits greater than those conferred by the republic; or, that the nation had so retrograded in elevation of sentiment as to be unable to appreciate the excellences56 of Cromwell's administration.
There is much to support all of these suppositions. In regard to the evils connected with the republic, it is certain that a large standing50 army was supported, and was necessary to uphold the government of the protector, in order to give to it efficiency and character. This army was expensive, and the people felt the burden. They always complain under taxation57, whether necessary or not. Taxes ever make any government unpopular, and made the administration of Cromwell especially so. And the army showed the existence of a military despotism, which, however imperatively58 called for, or rendered unavoidable by revolution, was still a hateful fact. The English never have liked the principle of a military despotism. And it was a bitter reflection to feel that so much blood and treasure had been expended59 to get rid of the arbitrary rule of the Stuarts, only to introduce a still more expensive and arbitrary government, under the name of a republic. Moreover, the eyes of the people were opened to the moral corruptions61 incident to the support of a large army, without which the power of Cromwell would have been unsubstantial. He may originally have desired to establish his power on a civil basis, rather than a military one; but his desires were not realized. The parliaments which he assembled were unpractical and disorderly. He was forced to rule without them. But the nation could not forget this great insult to their liberties, and to those privileges which had ever been dear to them. The preponderance of the civil power has, for several centuries, characterized the government; and no blessings were sufficiently62 great to balance the evil, in the eye of an Englishman, of the preponderance of a military government, neither the excellence55 of Cromwell's life, nor the glory and greatness to which he raised the nation.
Again, much was expected of Charles II., and there was much in his character and early administration to produce Excellences in Charles's Government. content. His manners were agreeable. He had no personal antipathies63 or jealousies64. He selected, at first, the wisest and best of all parties to be his counsellors and ministers. He seemed to forget old offences. He was fond of pleasure; was good-natured and affable. He summoned a free parliament. His interests were made to appear identical with those of the people. He promised to rule by the laws. He did not openly infringe65 on the constitution. And he restored, what has ever been so dear to the great body of the nation, the Episcopal Church in all its beauty and grandeur66, while he did not recommence the persecution67 of Puritans until some time had elapsed from his restoration. Above all, he disbanded the army, which was always distasteful to the people,—odious, onerous68, and oppressive. The civil power again triumphed over that of the military, and circumstances existed which rendered the subversion69 of liberty very difficult. Many adverse70 events transpired71 during his unfortunate and disgraceful reign; but these, in the early part of it, had not, of course, been anticipated.
There is also force in the third supposition, that the nation had retrograded in moral elevation. All writers speak of a strong reaction to the religious fervor72 of the early revolutionists. The moral influence of the army had proved destructive to the habits and sentiments of the people. A strong love of pleasure and demoralizing amusements existed, when Charles was recalled. A general laxity of morals was lamented73 by the wisest and best of the nation. The religious convictions of enthusiasts74 survived their sympathies. Hypocrisy and cant succeeded fervor and honesty. Infidelity lurked75 in many a bosom76 in which devotional ardor77 had once warmly burned. Distrust of all philanthropy and all human virtue13 was as marked, as faith in the same previously78 had been. The ordinances of religion became irksome, and it was remembered with bitterness that the Puritans, in the days of their ascendency, had cruelly proscribed79 the most favorite pleasures and time-honored festivals of old England. But the love of them returned with redoubled vigor51. May-poles, wrestling-matches, bear-baitings, puppet-shows, bowls, horse-racing, betting, rope-dancing, romping80 under the mistletoe on Christmas, eating boars' heads, attending the theatres, health-drinking,—all these old-fashioned ways, in which the English sought merriment, were restored. The evil was chiefly in the excess to which these pleasures were carried; and every thing, which bore any resemblance to the Puritans, was ridiculed81 and despised. The nation, as a nation, did not love Puritanism, or any thing pertaining82 to it, after the deep religious excitement had passed away. The people were ashamed of prayer-meetings, of speaking through their noses, of wearing their hair straight, of having their garments cut primly83, of calling their children by the name of Moses, Joshua, Jeremiah, Obadiah, &c.; and, in short, of all customs and opinions peculiar84 to the Extreme Puritans. So general was the disgust of Puritanism, so eager were all to indulge in the pleasures that had been forbidden under the reign of Cromwell, so sick were they of the very name of republicanism, that Failure of the Puritan Experiment. Puritanism may be said to have proved, in England, a signal failure.
Such were some of the reasons of popular acclamation on the restoration of Charles II., and which we cannot consider entirely85 without force. A state of mind existed in England as favorable to the encroachments of royalty87, as, twenty years before, it had been unfavorable.
Charles was not a high-minded, or honest, or patriotic88 king; and therefore we might naturally expect the growth of absolutism during his reign. The progress of absolutism is, indeed, one of its features. This, for a time, demands our notice.
On the restoration of Charles II., his subjects made no particular stipulations respecting their liberties, which were incautiously intrusted to his hands. But, at first, he did not seem inclined to grasp at greater powers than what the constitution allowed him. He had the right to appoint the great officers of state, the privilege of veto on legislative89 enactments90, the control of the army and navy, the regulation of all foreign intercourse91, and the right of making peace and war. But the constitution did not allow him to rule without a parliament, or to raise taxes without its consent. The parliament might grant or withhold92 supplies at pleasure, and all money bills originated and were discussed in the House of Commons alone. These were the great principles of the English constitution, which Charles swore to maintain.
The first form in which the encroaching temper of the king was manifested was, in causing the Repeal93 of the Triennial Bill. Triennial Bill to be repealed94. This was indeed done by the parliament, but through the royal influence. This bill was not that a parliament should be assembled every three years, but that the interval95 between one session and another should not exceed that period. But this wise law, which had passed by acclamation during the reign of Charles I., and for which even Clarendon had voted, was regarded by Charles II. as subversive96 of the liberty of his crown; and a supple97, degenerate98 and sycophantic99 parliament gratified his wishes.
About the same time was passed the Corporation Act, which enjoined100 all magistrates101, and persons of trust in corporations, to swear that they believed it unlawful, under any pretence102 whatever to take arms against the king. The Presbyterians refused to take this oath; and they were therefore excluded from offices of dignity and trust. The act bore hard upon all bodies of Dissenters103 and Roman Catholics, the former of whom were most cruelly persecuted104 in this reign.
The next most noticeable effort of Charles to extend his power independently of the law, was his Secret Alliance with Louis XIV. secret alliance with Louis XIV. This was not known to the nation, and even but to few of his ministers, and was the most disgraceful act of his reign. For the miserable105 stipend106 of two hundred thousand pounds a year, he was ready to compromise the interests of the kingdom, and make himself the slave of the most ambitious sovereign in Europe. He became a pensioner107 of France, and yet did not feel his disgrace. Clarendon, attached as he was to monarchy108, and to the house of Stuart, could not join him in his base intrigues109; and therefore lost, as was to be expected, the royal favor. He had been the companion and counsellor of Charles in the days of his exile; he had attempted to enkindle in his mind the desire of great deeds and virtues; he had faithfully served him as chancellor111 and prime minister; he was impartial112 and incorruptible; he was as much attached to Episcopacy, as he was to monarchy; he had even advised Charles to rule without a parliament; and yet he was disgraced because he would not comply with all the wishes of his unscrupulous master. But Clarendon was, nevertheless, unpopular with the nation. He had advised Charles to sell Dunkirk, the proudest trophy113 of the Revolution, and had built for himself a splendid palace, on the site of the present Clarendon Hotel, in Albemarle Street, which the people called Dunkirk House. He was proud, ostentatious, and dictatorial114, and was bitterly hostile to all democratic influences. He was too good for one party, and not good enough for the other, and therefore fell to the ground; but he retired115, if not with dignity, at least with safety. He retreated to the Continent, and there wrote his celebrated116 history of the Great Rebellion, a partial and bitter history, yet a valuable record of the great events of the age of revolution which he had witnessed and detested117.
Charles received the bribe118 of two hundred thousand pounds from the French king, with the hope of being made independent of his parliament, and with the condition of assisting Louis XIV. in his aggressive wars on the liberties of Europe, especially those of Holland. He was, at heart an absolutist, and rejoiced in the victories of the "Grand Monarch." But this supply was scarcely sufficient even for his pleasures, much less to support the ordinary pomp of a monarchy, and the civil and military powers of the state. So he had to resort to other means.
It happened, fortunately for his encroachments, but unfortunately for the nation, that the English parliament, at that period, was more Venality119 and Sycophancy of Parliament. corrupt60, venal120, base, and sycophantic than at any period under the Tudor kings, or at any subsequent period under the Hanoverian princes. The House of Commons made no indignant resistance; it sent up but few spirited remonstrances121; but tamely acquiesced122 in the measures of Charles and his ministers. Its members were bought and sold with unblushing facility, and even were corrupted123 by the agents of the French king. One member received six thousand pounds for his vote. Twenty-nine of the members received from five hundred to twelve hundred pounds a year. Charles I. attempted to rule by opposition124 to the parliament; Charles II. by corrupting125 it. Hence it was nearly silent in view of his arbitrary spirit, his repeated encroachments, and his worthless public character.
Among his worst acts was his shutting up the Exchequer126, where the bankers and merchants had been in the habit of depositing money on the security of the funds, receiving a large interest of from eight to ten per cent. By closing the Exchequer, the bankers, unable to draw out their money, stopped payment; and a universal panic was the consequence, during which many great failures happened. By this base violation127 of the public faith, Charles obtained one million three hundred thousand pounds. But it undermined his popularity more than any of his acts, since he touched the pockets of the people. The odium, however, fell chiefly on his ministers, especially those who received the name of the Cabal128, from the fact that the initials of their names spelt that odious term of reproach, not unmerited in their case.
These five ministers were Clifford, Arlington, Buckingham, Ashley, and Lauderdale, and they were the great instruments of his tyranny. None of them had the talents or audacity130 of Strafford, or the narrowness and bigotry131 of Laud129; but their counsels were injurious to the nation.
Clifford and Arlington were tolerably respectable but indifferent to the glory and shame of their country; while Buckingham, Ashley, and Lauderdale were profligate132, unprincipled, and dishonest to a great degree. They aided Charles to corrupt the parliament and deceive the nation. They removed all restraints on his will, and pandered133 to his depraved tastes. It was by their suggestion that the king shut up the Exchequer. They also favored Restrictions134 on the Press. restrictions on the press.
These restrictions were another abomination in the reign of Charles, but one ever peculiar to a despotic government. No book could be printed out of London, York, or the Universities. But these were not made wholly with a view of shackling135 the mind, but to prevent those libels and lampoons136 which made the government ridiculous in the eyes of the people.
Nothing caused more popular indignation, during this reign, than the Forfeiture137 of the Corporation of the City of London. The power of the democracy resided, at this time, with the corporations, and as long as they were actuated by the spirit of liberty, there was no prospect138 of obtaining a parliament entirely subservient139 to the king. It was determined140 to take away their charters; and the infamous141 Judge Jeffreys was found a most subservient tool of royalty in undermining the liberties of the country. The corporation of London, however, received back its charter, after having yielded to the king the right of conferring the appointments of mayor, recorder, and sheriffs.
Among other infringements142 on the constitution was the fining of jurors when they refused to act according to the direction of the judges. Juries were constantly intimidated144, and their privileges were abridged145. A new parliament, moreover, was not convoked146 after three years had elapsed from the dissolution of the old one, which infringement143 was the more reprehensible147, since the king had nothing to fear from the new House of Commons, the members of which vied with each other in a base compliancy with the royal will.
But their sycophancy was nothing compared with what the bishops148 and clergy149 of the Established Church generally evinced. Absolute non-resistance was inculcated from the pulpits, and the doctrine150 ridiculed that power emanated151 from the people. The divine rights of kings, and the divine ordination152 of absolute power were the themes of divines, while Oxford153 proclaimed doctrines154 worthy155 of Mariana and the Jesuits.
Thus various influences contributed to make Charles II. absolute in England—the Courts of Justice, the Parliaments, the Universities, and the Church of England. Had he been as ambitious as he was fond of pleasure, as capable of ruling as he was capable of telling stories at the dinner table, he would, like Louis XIV., have reared an absolute throne in England. But he was too easy, too careless, too fond of pleasure to concentrate his thoughts on devising means to enslave his subjects.
It must not, however, be supposed that all his subjects were indifferent to his encroachments, in spite of the great reaction which had succeeded to liberal sentiments. Before he died, the spirit of resistance was beginning to be seen, and some checks to royal power were imposed by parliament itself. The Habeas Corpus Act. Habeas Corpus Act, the most important since the declaration of Magna Charta, was passed, and through the influence of one of his former ministers, Ashley, now become Earl of Shaftesbury, who took the popular side, after having served all sides, but always with a view of advancing his own interests, a man of great versatility156 of genius, of great sagacity, and of varied157 learning. Had Charles continued much longer on the throne, it cannot be doubted that the nation would have been finally aroused to resist his spirit of encroachment86, for the principles of liberty had not been proclaimed in vain.
Charles II. was a tyrant158, and one of the worst kings that ever sat on the English throne. His leading defect was want of earnestness of character, which made him indifferent to the welfare of his country. England, during his reign, was reduced to comparative insignificance159 in the eyes of foreigners, and was neither feared nor respected. Her king was neither a powerful friend nor an implacable enemy, and left the Continental160 Powers to pursue their own ends unmolested and unrebuked. Most of the administrations of the English kings are interlinked with the whole system of European politics. But the reign of Charles is chiefly interesting in relation to the domestic history of England. This history is chiefly the cabals161 of ministers, the intrigues of the court, the pleasures and follies162 of the king, the attacks he made on the constitution without any direct warfare163 with his parliament and the system of religious persecution, which was most intolerant.
The king was at heart a Catholic; and yet the persecution of the Catholics is one of the most signal events of the times. We can scarcely conceive, in this age, of the spirit of distrust and fear which pervaded164 the national mind in reference to the Catholics. Every calumny165 was believed. Every trifling166 offence was exaggerated, and by nearly all classes in the community, by the Episcopalians, as well as by the Presbyterians and the Independents.
The most memorable167 of all the delusions168 and slanders170 of the times was produced by the perjuries171 of an unprincipled wretch172 called Titus Oates. Titus Oates, who took advantage of the general infatuation to advance his individual interests. Like an artful politician, he had only to appeal to a dominant173 passion or prejudice, and he was sure of making his fortune. Like a cunning, popular orator174, he had only to inflame175 the passions of the people, and he would pass as a genius and a prophet. Few are so abstractedly and coldly intellectual as not to be mainly governed by their tastes or passions. Even men of strong intellect have frequently strong prejudices, and one has only to make himself master of these, in order to lead those who are infinitely176 their superiors. There is no proof that all who persecuted the Catholics in Charles's time were either weak or ignorant. But there is evidence of unbounded animosity, a traditional hatred177, not much diminished since the Gunpowder178 Plot of Guy Fawkes. The whole nation was ready to believe any thing against the Catholics, and especially against their church, which was supposed to be persecuting179 and diabolical180 in all its principles and in all its practice. In this state of the popular mind, Oates made his hideous181 revelations.
He was a broken-down clergyman of the Established Church, and had lost caste for disgraceful irregularities. But he professed182 to hate the Catholics, and such a virtue secured him friends. Among these was the Rev41. Dr. Tonge, a man very weak, very credulous183, and full of fears respecting the intrigues of the Catholics but honest in his fears. Oates went to this clergyman, and a plan was concerted between them, by which Oates should get a knowledge of the supposed intrigues of the Church of Rome. He professed himself a Catholic, went to the Continent, and entered a Catholic seminary, but was soon discharged for his scandalous irregularities. But he had been a Catholic long enough for his purposes. He returned to London, and revealed his Oates's Revelations. pretended discoveries, among which he declared that the Jesuits had undertaken to restore the Catholic religion in England by force; that they were resolved to take the king's life, and had actually offered a bribe of fifteen thousand pounds to the queen's physician; that they had planned to burn London, and to set fire to all the shipping184 in the Thames; that they were plotting to make a general massacre185 of the Protestants; that a French army was about to invade England; and that all the horrors of St. Bartholomew were to be again acted over! Ridiculous as were these assertions, they were believed, and without a particle of evidence; so great was the national infatuation. The king and the Duke of York both pronounced the whole matter a forgery186, and laughed at the credulity of the people, but had not sufficient generosity187 to prevent the triumph of the libellers. But Oates's testimony188 was not enough to convict any one, the law requiring two witnesses. But, in such a corrupt age, false witnesses could easily be procured189. An infamous wretch, by the name of Bedloe, was bribed190, a man who had been imprisoned191 in Newgate for swindling. Others equally unscrupulous were soon added to the list of informers, and no calumnies192, however gross and absurd, prevented the people from believing them.
It happened that a man, by the name of Coleman, was suspected of intrigues. His papers were searched, and some passages in them, unfortunately, seemed to confirm the statements of Oates. To impartial eyes, these papers simply indicated a desire and a hope that the Catholic religion would be re?stablished, in view of the predilections193 of Charles and James, and the general posture194 of affairs, just as some enthusiastic Jesuit missionary195 in the valley of the Mississippi may be supposed to write to his superior that America is on the eve of conversion196 to Catholicism.
But the general ferment197 was still more increased by the disappearance198 of an eminent199 justice of the peace, who had taken the depositions200 of Oates against Coleman. Sir Edmondsbury Godfrey was found dead, and with every mark of violence, in a field near London, and was probably murdered by some fanatical persons in the communion of the Church of Rome. But if so, the murder was a great blunder. It was worse than a crime. The whole community were mad with rage and fear. Penal201 Laws against Catholics. The old penal laws were strictly202 enforced against the Catholics. The jails were filled with victims. London wore the appearance of a besieged203 city. The houses of the Catholics were every where searched, and two thousand of them imprisoned. Posts were planted in the street, that chains might be thrown across them on the first alarm. The military, the train bands, and the volunteers were called out. Forty thousand men were kept under guard during the night. Numerous patrols paraded the streets. The gates of the Palace were closed, and the guards of the city were doubled. Oates was pronounced to be the savior of his country, lodged204 at Whitehall and pensioned with twelve hundred pounds a year.
Then flowed more innocent blood than had been shed for a long period. Catholics who were noble, and Catholics who were obscure, were alike judicially205 murdered; and the courts of justice, instead of being places of refuge, were disgraced by the foulest206 abominations. Every day new witnesses were produced of crimes which never happened, and new victims were offered up to appease207 the wrath208 of a prejudiced people. Among these victims of popular frenzy209 was the Earl of Stafford, a venerable and venerated210 nobleman of sixty-nine years of age, against whom sufficient evidence was not found to convict him; and whose only crime was in being at the head of the Catholic party. Yet he was found guilty by the House of Peers, fifty-five out of eighty-six having voted for his execution. He died on the scaffold, but with the greatest serenity211, forgiving his persecutors, and compassionating213 their delusions. A future generation, during the reign of George IV., however, reversed his attainder, and did justice to his memory, and restored his descendants to their rank and fortune.
If no other illustrious victims suffered, persecution was nevertheless directed into other channels. Parliament passed an act that no person should sit in either House, unless he had previously taken the oath of Persecution of Dissenters. allegiance and supremacy214, and subscribed215 to the declaration that the worship of the Church of Rome was idolatrous. Catholics were disabled from prosecuting217 a suit in any court of law, from receiving any legacy218, and from acting219 as executors or administrators220 of estates. This horrid221 bill, which outlawed222 the whole Catholic population, had repeatedly miscarried, but, under influence of the panic which Oates and his confederates created, was now triumphantly223 passed. Charles himself gave his royal assent224 because he was afraid to stem the torrent225 of popular infatuation. And the English nation permitted one hundred and thirty years to elapse before the civil disabilities of the Catholics were removed, and then only by the most strenuous226 exertions227 of such a statesman as Sir Robert Peel.
It is some satisfaction to know that justice at last overtook the chief authors of this diabolical infatuation. During the reign of James II., Oates and others were punished as they deserved. Oates's credit gradually passed away. He was fined, imprisoned, and whipped at the pillory228 until life itself had nearly fled. He died unlamented and detested, leaving behind him, to all posterity229 an infamous notoriety.
But the sufferings of the Catholics, during this reign, were more than exceeded by the sufferings of Dissenters, who were cruelly persecuted. All the various sects230 of the Protestants were odious and ridiculous in the eyes of the king. They were regarded as hostile in their sympathies, and treasonable in their designs. They were fined, imprisoned, mutilated, and whipped. An Act of Uniformity was passed, which restored the old penal laws of Elizabeth, and which subjected all to their penalty who did not use the Book of Common Prayer, and adhere strictly to the ritual of the Church of England. The oligarchical231 power of the bishops was restored, and two thousand ministers were driven from their livings, and compelled to seek a precarious232 support. Many other acts of flagrant injustice233 were passed by a subservient parliament, and cruelly carried into execution by unfeeling judges. But the religious persecution of dissenters was not consummated234 until the reign of James under whose favor or direction the inhuman235 Jeffreys inflicted236 the most atrocious crimes which have ever been committed under the sanction of the law. But these will be more appropriately noticed under the reign of James II. Charles was not so cruel in his temper, or bigoted237 in his sentiments, as his brother James. He was rather a Gallio than a persecutor212. He would permit any thing rather than suffer himself to be interrupted in his pleasures. He was governed by his favorites and his women. He had not sufficient moral elevation to be earnest in any thing, even to be a bigot in religion. He vacillated between the infidelity of Hobbes and the superstitions238 of Rome. He lived a scoffer239, and died a Catholic. His temper was easy, but so easy as not to prevent the persecution and ruin of his best supporters, when they had become odious to the nation. If he was incapable240 of enmity, he was also incapable of friendship. If he hated no one with long-continued malignity241, it was only because it was too much trouble to hate perseveringly242. But he loved with no more constancy than he hated. He had no patriotism243, and no appreciation244 of moral excellence. He would rather see half of the merchants of London ruined, and half of the Dissenters immured245 in gloomy prisons, than lose two hours of inglorious dalliance with one of his numerous concubines. A more contemptible246 prince never sat on the English throne, or one whose whole reign was disgraced by a more constant succession of political blunders and social crimes. And yet he never fully110 lost his popularity, nor was his reign felt to be as burdensome as was that of the protector, Cromwell, thus showing how little the moral excellence of rulers is ordinarily appreciated or valued by a wilful248 or blinded generation. We love not the rebukers of our sins, or the opposers of our pleasures. We love those who prophesy249 smooth things, and "cry peace, when there is no peace." Such is man in his weakness and his degeneracy; and only an omnipotent250 power can change this ordinary temper of the devotees to pleasure and inglorious gains.
Among the saddest events during the reign of Charles, were the Execution of Russell and Sydney. executions of Lord Russell and Algernon Sydney. They were concerned, with a few other great men, in a conspiracy251, which had for its object the restoration of greater liberty. They contemplated252 an insurrection, known by the name of the Rye House Plot; but it was discovered, and Russell and Sydney became martyrs253. The former was the son of the Earl of Bedford, and the latter was the brother of the Earl of Leicester. Russell was a devoted254 Churchman, of pure morals, and greatly beloved by the people. Sydney was a strenuous republican, and was opposed to any particular form of church government. He thought that religion should be like a divine philosophy in the mind, and had great veneration for the doctrines of Plato. Nothing could save these illustrious men. The Duke of York and Jeffreys declared that, if they were not executed, there would be no safety for themselves. They both suffered with great intrepidity255, and the friends of liberty have ever since cherished their memory with peculiar fondness.
Mr. Macaulay, in his recent History, has presented the Manners and Customs of England. manners and customs of England during the disgraceful reign of Charles II. It is impossible, in this brief survey, to allude256 to all those customs; but we direct particularly the attention of readers to them, as described in his third chapter, from which it would appear, that a most manifest and most glorious progress has been made since that period in all the arts of civilization, both useful and ornamental257. In those times, travelling was difficult and slow, from the badness of the roads and the imperfections of the carriages. Highwaymen were secreted258 along the thoroughfares, and, in mounted troops, defied the law, and distressed259 the whole travelling community. The transmission of letters by post was tardy261 and unfrequent, and the scandal of coffee-houses supplied the greatest want and the greatest luxury of modern times, the newspaper. There was great scarcity262 of books in the country places, and the only press in England north of the Trent seems to have been at York. Literature was but feebly cultivated by country squires263 or country parsons, and female education was disgracefully neglected. Few rich men had libraries as large or valuable as are now common to shopkeepers and mechanics; while the literary stores of a lady of the manor264 were confined chiefly to the prayer-book and the receipt-book. And those works which were produced or read were disgraced by licentious265 ribaldry, which had succeeded religious austerity. The drama was the only department of literature which compensated266 authors, and this was scandalous in the extreme. We cannot turn over the pages of one of the popular dramatists of the age without being shocked by the most culpable267 indecency. Milton — Dryden. Even Dryden was no exception to the rule; and his poetry, some of which is the most beautiful in the language, can hardly be put into the hands of the young without danger of corrupting them. Poets and all literary men lived by the bounty268 of the rich and great, and prospered269 only as they pandered to depraved passions. Many, of great intellectual excellence, died from want and mortification270; so that the poverty and distress260 of literary men became proverbial, and all worldly-wise people shunned271 contact with them as expensive and degrading. They were hunted from cocklofts to cellars by the minions272 of the law, and the foulest jails were often their only resting-place. The restoration of Charles proved unfortunate to one great and immortal273 genius, whom no temptations could assail274, and no rewards could bribe. He "possessed275 his soul in patience," and "soared above the Aonian mount," amid general levity276 and profligacy277. Had he written for a pure, classic, and learned age, he could not have written with greater moral beauty. But he lived when no moral excellence was appreciated, and his claims on the gratitude278 of the world are beyond all estimation, when we remember that he wrote with the full consciousness, like the great Bacon, that his works would only be valued or read by future generations. Milton was, indeed, unmolested; but he was sadly neglected in his blindness and in his greatness. But, like all the great teachers of the world, he was sustained by something higher than earthly applause, and labored280, like an immortal artist, from the love which his labor279 excited,—labored to realize the work of art which his imagination had conceived, as well as to propagate ideas and sentiments which should tend to elevate mankind. Dryden was his contemporary, but obtained a greater homage281, not because he was more worthy, but because he adapted his genius to the taste of a frivolous282 and corrupt people. He afterwards wrote more unexceptionably, composed lyrics283 instead of farces284, and satires285 instead of plays. In his latter days, he could afford to write in a purer style; and, as he became independent, he reared the superstructure of his glorious fame. But Dryden spent the best parts of his life as a panderer to the vices of the town, and was an idol216 chiefly, in Wills's Coffee House, of lampooners, and idlers, and scandal-mongers. Nor were there many people, in the church or in the state, sufficiently influential286 and noble to stem the torrent. The city clergy were the most respectable, and the pulpits of London were occupied with twelve men who afterwards became bishops, and who are among the great ornaments287 of the sacred literature of their country. Sherlock, Tillotson, Wake, Collier, Burnet, Stillingfleet, Patrick, Fowler, Sharp, Tennison, and Beveridge made the Established Church respected in the town; but the country clergy, as a whole, were ignorant and depressed288. Not one living in fifty enabled the incumbent289 to bring up a family comfortably or respectably. The clergyman was disdained290 even by the county attorney, was hardly tolerated at the table of his patron, and could scarcely marry beyond the rank of a cook or housekeeper291. And his poverty and bondage292 continued so long that, in the times of Swift, the parson was a byword and a jest among the various servants in the households of the great. Still there were eminent clergymen amid the general depression of their order, both in and out of the Established Church. Besides the London preachers were many connected with the Universities and Cathedrals; and there were some distinguished293 Dissenters, among whom Baxter, Howe, and Alleine if there were no others, would alone have made the name of Puritan respectable.
The saddest fact, in connection with the internal history of England, at this time, was the Condition of the People. condition of the people. They had small wages, and many privations. They had no social rank, and were disgraced by many vices. They were ignorant and brutal294. The wages of laborers295 only averaged four shillings a week, while those of mechanics were not equal to what some ordinarily earn, in this country and in these times, in a single day. Both peasants, and artisans were not only ill paid, but ill used, and they died, miserably296 and prematurely297, from famine and disease. Nor did sympathy exist for the misfortunes of the poor. There were no institutions of public philanthropy. Jails were unvisited by the ministers of mercy, and the abodes298 of poverty were left by a careless generation to be dens247 of infamy299 and crime. Such was England two hundred years ago; and there is no delusion169 more unwarranted by sober facts than that which supposes that those former times were better than our own, in any thing which abridges300 the labors301 or alleviates302 the miseries303 of mankind. "It is now the fashion to place the golden age of England in times when noblemen were destitute304 of comforts the want of which would be intolerable to a modern footman; when farmers and shopkeepers breakfasted on loaves the very sight of which would raise a riot in a modern workhouse, when men died faster in the purest country air than they now die in the most pestilential lanes of our towns; and when men died faster in the lanes of our towns than they now die on the coast of Guinea. But we too shall, in our turn, be outstripped305, and, in our turn, envied. There is constant improvement, as there also is constant discontent; and future generations may talk of the reign of Queen Victoria as a time when England was truly merry England, when all classes were bound together by brotherly sympathy, when the rich did not grind the faces of the poor, and when the poor did not envy the splendor306 of the rich."
References.—Of all the works which have yet appeared, respecting this interesting epoch307, the new History of Macaulay is the most brilliant and instructive. Indeed, the student scarcely needs any other history, in spite of Macaulay's Whig doctrines. He may sacrifice something to effect; and he may give us pictures, instead of philosophy; but, nevertheless, his book has transcendent merit, and will be read, by all classes, so long as English history is prized. Mackintosh's fragment, on the same period, is more philosophical308, and possesses very great merits. Lingard's History is very valuable on this reign, and should be consulted. Hume, also, will never cease to please. Burnet is a prejudiced historian, but his work is an authority. The lives of Milton, Dryden, and Clarendon should also be read in this connection. Hallam has but treated the constitutional history of these times. See also Temple's Works; the Life of William Lord Russell; Rapin's History. Pepys, Dalrymple, Rymeri F?dera, the Commons' Journal, and the Howell State Trials are not easily accessible, and not necessary, except to the historian.
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1
reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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maturity
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| n.成熟；完成；(支票、债券等)到期 | |
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manly
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| adj.有男子气概的；adv.男子般地，果断地 | |
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conspired
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| 密谋( conspire的过去式和过去分词 )； 搞阴谋； （事件等）巧合； 共同导致 | |
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monarchs
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| 君主，帝王( monarch的名词复数 ) | |
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monarch
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| n.帝王，君主，最高统治者 | |
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fanaticism
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| n.狂热，盲信 | |
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apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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amiable
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| adj.和蔼可亲的，友善的，亲切的 | |
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cant
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| n.斜穿，黑话，猛扔 | |
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hypocrisy
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| n.伪善，虚伪 | |
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virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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virtues
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| 美德( virtue的名词复数 )； 德行； 优点； 长处 | |
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vice
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| n.坏事；恶习；[pl.]台钳，老虎钳；adj.副的 | |
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vices
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| 缺陷( vice的名词复数 )； 恶习； 不道德行为； 台钳 | |
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blessings
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| n.（上帝的）祝福( blessing的名词复数 )；好事；福分；因祸得福 | |
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forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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peal
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| n.钟声；v.鸣响 | |
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tapestries
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| n.挂毯( tapestry的名词复数 )；绣帷，织锦v.用挂毯（或绣帷）装饰( tapestry的第三人称单数 ) | |
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exulting
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| vi. 欢欣鼓舞，狂喜 | |
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jubilee
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| n.周年纪念；欢乐 | |
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loyalty
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| n.忠诚，忠心 | |
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dread
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| vt.担忧，忧虑；惧怕，不敢；n.担忧，畏惧 | |
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veneration
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| n.尊敬，崇拜 | |
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longings
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| 渴望，盼望( longing的名词复数 ) | |
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susceptible
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| adj.过敏的，敏感的；易动感情的，易受感动的 | |
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peals
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| n.（声音大而持续或重复的）洪亮的响声( peal的名词复数 )；隆隆声；洪亮的钟声；钟乐v.（使）（钟等）鸣响，（雷等）发出隆隆声( peal的第三人称单数 ) | |
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ordnance
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| n.大炮，军械 | |
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majesty
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| n.雄伟，壮丽，庄严，威严；最高权威，王权 | |
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potent
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| adj.强有力的，有权势的；有效力的 | |
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mighty
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| adj.强有力的；巨大的 | |
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adulatory
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| adj. 谄媚的, 奉承的, 阿谀的 | |
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noted
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| adj.著名的，知名的 | |
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frivolity
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| n.轻松的乐事，兴高采烈；轻浮的举止 | |
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sycophancy
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| n.拍马屁，奉承，谄媚；吮痈舐痔 | |
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covenant
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| n.盟约，契约；v.订盟约 | |
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elevation
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| n.高度；海拔；高地；上升；提高 | |
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alas
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| int.唉(表示悲伤、忧愁、恐惧等) | |
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usurpation
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| n.篡位；霸占 | |
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rev
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| v.发动机旋转，加快速度 | |
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simultaneously
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| adv.同时发生地，同时进行地 | |
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subverted
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| v.颠覆，破坏（政治制度、宗教信仰等）( subvert的过去式和过去分词 )；使（某人）道德败坏或不忠 | |
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44
humiliated
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| 感到羞愧的 | |
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demonstration
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| n.表明，示范，论证，示威 | |
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repentance
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| n.懊悔 | |
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47
curtail
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| vt.截短，缩短；削减 | |
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antipathy
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| n.憎恶；反感，引起反感的人或事物 | |
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ardently
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| adv.热心地，热烈地 | |
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standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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vigor
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| n.活力，精力，元气 | |
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52
ordinances
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| n.条例，法令( ordinance的名词复数 ) | |
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folly
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| n.愚笨，愚蠢，蠢事，蠢行，傻话 | |
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odious
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| adj.可憎的，讨厌的 | |
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excellence
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| n.优秀，杰出，(pl.)优点，美德 | |
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excellences
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| n.卓越( excellence的名词复数 )；（只用于所修饰的名词后）杰出的；卓越的；出类拔萃的 | |
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taxation
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| n.征税，税收，税金 | |
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imperatively
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| adv.命令式地 | |
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expended
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| v.花费( expend的过去式和过去分词 )；使用（钱等）做某事；用光；耗尽 | |
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corrupt
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| v.贿赂，收买；adj.腐败的，贪污的 | |
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corruptions
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| n.堕落( corruption的名词复数 )；腐化；腐败；贿赂 | |
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sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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antipathies
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| 反感( antipathy的名词复数 )； 引起反感的事物； 憎恶的对象； （在本性、倾向等方面的）不相容 | |
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jealousies
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| n.妒忌( jealousy的名词复数 )；妒羡 | |
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infringe
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| v.违反，触犯，侵害 | |
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grandeur
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| n.伟大，崇高，宏伟，庄严，豪华 | |
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persecution
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| n. 迫害,烦扰 | |
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onerous
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| adj.繁重的 | |
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subversion
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| n.颠覆，破坏 | |
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adverse
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| adj.不利的；有害的；敌对的，不友好的 | |
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transpired
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| （事实，秘密等）被人知道( transpire的过去式和过去分词 )； 泄露； 显露； 发生 | |
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fervor
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| n.热诚；热心；炽热 | |
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lamented
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| adj.被哀悼的，令人遗憾的v.（为…）哀悼，痛哭，悲伤( lament的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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enthusiasts
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| n.热心人，热衷者( enthusiast的名词复数 ) | |
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lurked
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| vi.潜伏，埋伏（lurk的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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bosom
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| n.胸，胸部；胸怀；内心；adj.亲密的 | |
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ardor
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| n.热情，狂热 | |
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previously
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| adv.以前，先前（地） | |
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proscribed
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| v.正式宣布（某事物）有危险或被禁止( proscribe的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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romping
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| adj.嬉戏喧闹的，乱蹦乱闹的v.嬉笑玩闹( romp的现在分词 )；（尤指在赛跑或竞选等中）轻易获胜 | |
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ridiculed
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| v.嘲笑，嘲弄，奚落( ridicule的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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pertaining
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| 与…有关系的，附属…的，为…固有的(to) | |
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primly
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| adv.循规蹈矩地，整洁地 | |
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peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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encroachment
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| n.侵入，蚕食 | |
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royalty
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| n.皇家，皇族 | |
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patriotic
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| adj.爱国的，有爱国心的 | |
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legislative
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| n.立法机构，立法权；adj.立法的，有立法权的 | |
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enactments
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| n.演出( enactment的名词复数 )；展现；规定；通过 | |
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intercourse
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| n.性交；交流，交往，交际 | |
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withhold
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| v.拒绝，不给；使停止，阻挡 | |
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repeal
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| n.废止，撤消；v.废止，撤消 | |
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94
repealed
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| 撤销，废除( repeal的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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95
interval
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| n.间隔，间距；幕间休息，中场休息 | |
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96
subversive
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| adj.颠覆性的，破坏性的；n.破坏份子，危险份子 | |
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97
supple
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| adj.柔软的，易弯的，逢迎的，顺从的，灵活的；vt.使柔软，使柔顺，使顺从；vi.变柔软，变柔顺 | |
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98
degenerate
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| v.退步，堕落；adj.退步的，堕落的；n.堕落者 | |
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99
sycophantic
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| adj.阿谀奉承的 | |
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100
enjoined
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| v.命令( enjoin的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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101
magistrates
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| 地方法官，治安官( magistrate的名词复数 ) | |
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102
pretence
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| n.假装，作假；借口，口实；虚伪；虚饰 | |
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103
dissenters
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| n.持异议者，持不同意见者( dissenter的名词复数 ) | |
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104
persecuted
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| （尤指宗教或政治信仰的）迫害(~sb. for sth.)( persecute的过去式和过去分词 )； 烦扰，困扰或骚扰某人 | |
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105
miserable
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| adj.悲惨的，痛苦的；可怜的，糟糕的 | |
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106
stipend
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| n.薪贴；奖学金；养老金 | |
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107
pensioner
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| n.领养老金的人 | |
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108
monarchy
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| n.君主，最高统治者；君主政体，君主国 | |
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109
intrigues
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| n.密谋策划( intrigue的名词复数 )；神秘气氛；引人入胜的复杂情节v.搞阴谋诡计( intrigue的第三人称单数 )；激起…的好奇心 | |
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110
fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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111
chancellor
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| n.(英)大臣；法官；(德、奥)总理；大学校长 | |
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112
impartial
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| adj.(in,to)公正的，无偏见的 | |
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113
trophy
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| n.优胜旗，奖品，奖杯，战胜品，纪念品 | |
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114
dictatorial
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| adj. 独裁的，专断的 | |
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115
retired
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| adj.隐退的，退休的，退役的 | |
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116
celebrated
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| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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117
detested
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| v.憎恶，嫌恶，痛恨( detest的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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118
bribe
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| n.贿赂；v.向…行贿，买通 | |
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119
venality
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| n.贪赃枉法，腐败 | |
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120
venal
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| adj.唯利是图的，贪脏枉法的 | |
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121
remonstrances
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| n.抱怨，抗议( remonstrance的名词复数 ) | |
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122
acquiesced
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| v.默认，默许( acquiesce的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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123
corrupted
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| （使）败坏( corrupt的过去式和过去分词 )； （使）腐化； 引起（计算机文件等的）错误； 破坏 | |
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124
opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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125
corrupting
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| （使）败坏( corrupt的现在分词 )； （使）腐化； 引起（计算机文件等的）错误； 破坏 | |
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126
exchequer
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| n.财政部；国库 | |
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127
violation
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| n.违反(行为)，违背(行为)，侵犯 | |
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128
cabal
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| n.政治阴谋小集团 | |
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129
laud
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| n.颂歌；v.赞美 | |
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130
audacity
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| n.大胆，卤莽，无礼 | |
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131
bigotry
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| n.偏见，偏执，持偏见的行为[态度]等 | |
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132
profligate
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| adj.行为不检的；n.放荡的人，浪子，肆意挥霍者 | |
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133
pandered
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| v.迎合（他人的低级趣味或淫欲）( pander的过去式和过去分词 )；纵容某人；迁就某事物 | |
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134
restrictions
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| 约束( restriction的名词复数 )； 管制； 制约因素； 带限制性的条件（或规则） | |
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135
shackling
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| 给（某人）带上手铐或脚镣( shackle的现在分词 ) | |
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136
lampoons
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| n.讽刺文章或言辞( lampoon的名词复数 )v.冷嘲热讽，奚落( lampoon的第三人称单数 ) | |
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137
forfeiture
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| n.（名誉等）丧失 | |
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138
prospect
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| n.前景，前途；景色，视野 | |
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139
subservient
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| adj.卑屈的，阿谀的 | |
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140
determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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141
infamous
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| adj.声名狼藉的，臭名昭著的，邪恶的 | |
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142
infringements
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| n.违反( infringement的名词复数 )；侵犯，伤害 | |
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143
infringement
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| n.违反；侵权 | |
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144
intimidated
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| v.恐吓；威胁adj.害怕的；受到威胁的 | |
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145
abridged
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| 削减的，删节的 | |
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146
convoked
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| v.召集，召开（会议）( convoke的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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147
reprehensible
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| adj.该受责备的 | |
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148
bishops
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| （基督教某些教派管辖大教区的）主教( bishop的名词复数 )； （国际象棋的）象 | |
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149
clergy
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| n.[总称]牧师，神职人员 | |
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150
doctrine
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| n.教义；主义；学说 | |
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151
emanated
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| v.从…处传出，传出( emanate的过去式和过去分词 )；产生，表现，显示 | |
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152
ordination
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| n.授任圣职 | |
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153
Oxford
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| n.牛津（英国城市） | |
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154
doctrines
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| n.教条( doctrine的名词复数 )；教义；学说；（政府政策的）正式声明 | |
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155
worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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156
versatility
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| n.多才多艺，多样性，多功能 | |
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157
varied
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| adj.多样的，多变化的 | |
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158
tyrant
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| n.暴君，专制的君主，残暴的人 | |
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159
insignificance
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| n.不重要；无价值；无意义 | |
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160
continental
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| adj.大陆的，大陆性的，欧洲大陆的 | |
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161
cabals
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| n.（政治）阴谋小集团，（尤指政治上的）阴谋( cabal的名词复数 ) | |
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162
follies
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| 罪恶，时事讽刺剧； 愚蠢，蠢笨，愚蠢的行为、思想或做法( folly的名词复数 ) | |
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163
warfare
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| n.战争(状态)；斗争；冲突 | |
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164
pervaded
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| v.遍及，弥漫( pervade的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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165
calumny
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| n.诽谤，污蔑，中伤 | |
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166
trifling
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| adj.微不足道的；没什么价值的 | |
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167
memorable
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| adj.值得回忆的，难忘的，特别的，显著的 | |
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168
delusions
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| n.欺骗( delusion的名词复数 )；谬见；错觉；妄想 | |
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169
delusion
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| n.谬见，欺骗，幻觉，迷惑 | |
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170
slanders
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| 诽谤，诋毁( slander的名词复数 ) | |
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171
perjuries
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| n.假誓，伪证，伪证罪( perjury的名词复数 ) | |
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172
wretch
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| n.可怜的人，不幸的人；卑鄙的人 | |
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173
dominant
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| adj.支配的，统治的；占优势的；显性的；n.主因，要素，主要的人(或物)；显性基因 | |
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174
orator
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| n.演说者，演讲者，雄辩家 | |
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175
inflame
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| v.使燃烧；使极度激动；使发炎 | |
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176
infinitely
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| adv.无限地，无穷地 | |
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177
hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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178
gunpowder
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| n.火药 | |
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179
persecuting
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|
| （尤指宗教或政治信仰的）迫害(~sb. for sth.)( persecute的现在分词 )； 烦扰，困扰或骚扰某人 | |
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180
diabolical
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|
| adj.恶魔似的，凶暴的 | |
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181
hideous
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| adj.丑陋的，可憎的，可怕的，恐怖的 | |
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182
professed
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| 公开声称的，伪称的，已立誓信教的 | |
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183
credulous
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| adj.轻信的，易信的 | |
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184
shipping
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| n.船运（发货，运输，乘船） | |
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185
massacre
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| n.残杀，大屠杀；v.残杀，集体屠杀 | |
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186
forgery
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| n.伪造的文件等，赝品，伪造（行为） | |
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187
generosity
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| n.大度，慷慨，慷慨的行为 | |
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188
testimony
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| n.证词；见证，证明 | |
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189
procured
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| v.（努力）取得， （设法）获得( procure的过去式和过去分词 )；拉皮条 | |
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190
bribed
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| v.贿赂( bribe的过去式和过去分词 )；向（某人）行贿，贿赂 | |
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191
imprisoned
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| 下狱，监禁( imprison的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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192
calumnies
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| n.诬蔑，诽谤，中伤（的话）( calumny的名词复数 ) | |
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193
predilections
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| n.偏爱，偏好，嗜好( predilection的名词复数 ) | |
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194
posture
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| n.姿势，姿态，心态，态度；v.作出某种姿势 | |
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195
missionary
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| adj.教会的，传教(士)的；n.传教士 | |
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196
conversion
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| n.转化，转换，转变 | |
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197
ferment
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| vt.使发酵；n./vt.（使）激动，（使）动乱 | |
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198
disappearance
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| n.消失，消散，失踪 | |
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199
eminent
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| adj.显赫的，杰出的，有名的，优良的 | |
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200
depositions
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| 沉积（物）( deposition的名词复数 )； （在法庭上的）宣誓作证； 处置； 罢免 | |
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201
penal
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| adj.刑罚的；刑法上的 | |
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202
strictly
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| adv.严厉地，严格地；严密地 | |
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203
besieged
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| 包围，围困，围攻( besiege的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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204
lodged
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| v.存放( lodge的过去式和过去分词 )；暂住；埋入；（权利、权威等）归属 | |
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205
judicially
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| 依法判决地，公平地 | |
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206
foulest
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| adj.恶劣的( foul的最高级 )；邪恶的；难闻的；下流的 | |
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207
appease
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| v.安抚，缓和，平息，满足 | |
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208
wrath
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| n.愤怒，愤慨，暴怒 | |
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209
frenzy
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| n.疯狂，狂热，极度的激动 | |
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210
venerated
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| 敬重（某人或某事物），崇敬( venerate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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211
serenity
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| n.宁静，沉着，晴朗 | |
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212
persecutor
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| n. 迫害者 | |
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213
compassionating
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| v.同情（compassionate的现在分词形式） | |
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214
supremacy
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| n.至上；至高权力 | |
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215
subscribed
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| v.捐助( subscribe的过去式和过去分词 )；签署，题词；订阅；同意 | |
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216
idol
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| n.偶像，红人，宠儿 | |
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217
prosecuting
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| 检举、告发某人( prosecute的现在分词 )； 对某人提起公诉； 继续从事（某事物）； 担任控方律师 | |
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218
legacy
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| n.遗产，遗赠；先人(或过去)留下的东西 | |
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219
acting
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| n.演戏，行为，假装；adj.代理的，临时的，演出用的 | |
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220
administrators
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| n.管理者( administrator的名词复数 )；有管理（或行政）才能的人；（由遗嘱检验法庭指定的）遗产管理人；奉派暂管主教教区的牧师 | |
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221
horrid
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| adj.可怕的；令人惊恐的；恐怖的；极讨厌的 | |
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222
outlawed
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| 宣布…为不合法（outlaw的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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223
triumphantly
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| ad.得意洋洋地；得胜地；成功地 | |
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224
assent
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| v.批准，认可；n.批准，认可 | |
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225
torrent
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| n.激流，洪流；爆发，(话语等的)连发 | |
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226
strenuous
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| adj.奋发的，使劲的；紧张的；热烈的，狂热的 | |
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227
exertions
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| n.努力( exertion的名词复数 )；费力；（能力、权力等的）运用；行使 | |
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228
pillory
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| n.嘲弄；v.使受公众嘲笑；将…示众 | |
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229
posterity
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| n.后裔，子孙，后代 | |
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230
sects
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| n.宗派，教派( sect的名词复数 ) | |
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231
oligarchical
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| adj.寡头政治的，主张寡头政治的 | |
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232
precarious
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| adj.不安定的，靠不住的；根据不足的 | |
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233
injustice
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| n.非正义，不公正，不公平，侵犯（别人的）权利 | |
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234
consummated
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| v.使结束( consummate的过去式和过去分词 )；使完美；完婚；（婚礼后的）圆房 | |
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235
inhuman
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| adj.残忍的，不人道的，无人性的 | |
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236
inflicted
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| 把…强加给，使承受，遭受( inflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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237
bigoted
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| adj.固执己见的，心胸狭窄的 | |
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238
superstitions
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| 迷信，迷信行为( superstition的名词复数 ) | |
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239
scoffer
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| 嘲笑者 | |
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240
incapable
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| adj.无能力的，不能做某事的 | |
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241
malignity
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| n.极度的恶意，恶毒；（病的）恶性 | |
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242
perseveringly
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| 坚定地 | |
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243
patriotism
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| n.爱国精神，爱国心，爱国主义 | |
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244
appreciation
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| n.评价；欣赏；感谢；领会，理解；价格上涨 | |
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245
immured
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| v.禁闭，监禁( immure的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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246
contemptible
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| adj.可鄙的，可轻视的，卑劣的 | |
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247
dens
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| n.牙齿，齿状部分；兽窝( den的名词复数 )；窝点；休息室；书斋 | |
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248
wilful
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| adj.任性的，故意的 | |
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249
prophesy
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| v.预言；预示 | |
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250
omnipotent
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| adj.全能的，万能的 | |
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251
conspiracy
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| n.阴谋，密谋，共谋 | |
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252
contemplated
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| adj. 预期的 动词contemplate的过去分词形式 | |
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253
martyrs
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| n.martyr的复数形式；烈士( martyr的名词复数 )；殉道者；殉教者；乞怜者（向人诉苦以博取同情） | |
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254
devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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255
intrepidity
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| n.大胆，刚勇；大胆的行为 | |
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256
allude
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| v.提及，暗指 | |
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257
ornamental
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| adj.装饰的；作装饰用的；n.装饰品；观赏植物 | |
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258
secreted
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| v.（尤指动物或植物器官）分泌( secrete的过去式和过去分词 )；隐匿，隐藏 | |
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259
distressed
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| 痛苦的 | |
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260
distress
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| n.苦恼，痛苦，不舒适；不幸；vt.使悲痛 | |
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261
tardy
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| adj.缓慢的，迟缓的 | |
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262
scarcity
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| n.缺乏，不足，萧条 | |
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263
squires
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| n.地主，乡绅( squire的名词复数 ) | |
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264
manor
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| n.庄园，领地 | |
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265
licentious
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| adj.放纵的，淫乱的 | |
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266
compensated
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| 补偿，报酬( compensate的过去式和过去分词 )； 给（某人）赔偿（或赔款） | |
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267
culpable
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| adj.有罪的，该受谴责的 | |
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268
bounty
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| n.慷慨的赠予物，奖金；慷慨，大方；施与 | |
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269
prospered
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| 成功，兴旺( prosper的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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270
mortification
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| n.耻辱，屈辱 | |
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271
shunned
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| v.避开，回避，避免( shun的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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272
minions
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| n.奴颜婢膝的仆从( minion的名词复数 )；走狗；宠儿；受人崇拜者 | |
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273
immortal
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| adj.不朽的；永生的，不死的；神的 | |
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274
assail
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| v.猛烈攻击，抨击，痛斥 | |
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275
possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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276
levity
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| n.轻率，轻浮，不稳定，多变 | |
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277
profligacy
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| n.放荡，不检点，肆意挥霍 | |
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278
gratitude
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| adj.感激，感谢 | |
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279
labor
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| n.劳动，努力，工作，劳工；分娩；vi.劳动，努力，苦干；vt.详细分析；麻烦 | |
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280
labored
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| adj.吃力的，谨慎的v.努力争取(for)( labor的过去式和过去分词 )；苦干；详细分析；（指引擎）缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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281
homage
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| n.尊敬，敬意，崇敬 | |
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282
frivolous
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| adj.轻薄的；轻率的 | |
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283
lyrics
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| n.歌词 | |
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284
farces
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| n.笑剧( farce的名词复数 )；闹剧；笑剧剧目；作假的可笑场面 | |
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285
satires
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| 讽刺，讥讽( satire的名词复数 )； 讽刺作品 | |
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286
influential
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| adj.有影响的，有权势的 | |
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287
ornaments
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| n.装饰( ornament的名词复数 )；点缀；装饰品；首饰v.装饰，点缀，美化( ornament的第三人称单数 ) | |
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288
depressed
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| adj.沮丧的，抑郁的，不景气的，萧条的 | |
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289
incumbent
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| adj.成为责任的，有义务的；现任的，在职的 | |
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290
disdained
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| 鄙视( disdain的过去式和过去分词 )； 不屑于做，不愿意做 | |
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291
housekeeper
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| n.管理家务的主妇，女管家 | |
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292
bondage
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| n.奴役，束缚 | |
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293
distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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294
brutal
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| adj.残忍的，野蛮的，不讲理的 | |
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295
laborers
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| n.体力劳动者，工人( laborer的名词复数 )；（熟练工人的）辅助工 | |
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296
miserably
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| adv.痛苦地；悲惨地；糟糕地；极度地 | |
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297
prematurely
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| adv.过早地，贸然地 | |
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298
abodes
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| 住所( abode的名词复数 )； 公寓； （在某地的）暂住； 逗留 | |
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299
infamy
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| n.声名狼藉，出丑，恶行 | |
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300
abridges
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| 节略( abridge的第三人称单数 )； 减少； 缩短； 剥夺（某人的）权利（或特权等） | |
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301
labors
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| v.努力争取(for)( labor的第三人称单数 )；苦干；详细分析；（指引擎）缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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302
alleviates
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| 减轻，缓解，缓和( alleviate的名词复数 ) | |
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303
miseries
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| n.痛苦( misery的名词复数 )；痛苦的事；穷困；常发牢骚的人 | |
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304
destitute
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| adj.缺乏的；穷困的 | |
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305
outstripped
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| v.做得比…更好，（在赛跑等中）超过( outstrip的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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306
splendor
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| n.光彩；壮丽，华丽；显赫，辉煌 | |
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307
epoch
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| n.(新)时代；历元 | |
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308
philosophical
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| adj.哲学家的，哲学上的，达观的 | |
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