Charles II. died on the 6th of February, 1685, and his brother, the Duke of York, Accession of James II. ascended2 his throne, without opposition3, under the title of James II. As is usual with princes, on their accession, he made many promises of ruling by the laws, and of defending the liberties of the nation. And he commenced his administration under good auspices4. The country was at peace, he was not unpopular, and all classes and parties readily acquiesced5 in his government.
He retained all the great officers who had served under his brother that he could trust; and Rochester became prime minister, Sunderland kept possession of the Seals, and Godolphin was made lord chamberlain. He did not dismiss Halifax, Ormond, or Guildford, although he disliked and distrusted them, but abridged7 their powers, and mortified8 them by neglect.
The Commons voted him one million two hundred thousand pounds, and the Scottish parliament added twenty-five thousand pounds more, and the Customs for life. But this sum he did not deem sufficient for his wants, and therefore, like his brother, applied9 for aid to Louis XIV., and consented to become his pensioner10 and vassal11, and for the paltry12 sum of two hundred thousand pounds. James received the money with tears of gratitude13, hoping by this infamous14 pension to rule the nation without a parliament. It was not, of course, known to the nation, or even to his ministers, generally.
He was scarcely crowned before England was invaded by the Duke of Monmouth, natural son of Charles II., and Scotland by the Duke of Argyle, with a view of ejecting James from the throne.
Both these noblemen were exiles in Holland, and both were justly obnoxious15 to the government for their treasonable intentions and acts. Argyle was loath16 to engage in an enterprise so desperate as the conquest of England; but he was an enthusiast17, was at the head of the most powerful of the Scottish clans18, the Campbells, and he hoped for a general rising throughout Scotland, to put down what was regarded as idolatry, and to strike a blow for liberty and the Kirk.
Having concerted his measures with Monmouth, he set sail from Holland, the 2d of May, 1685, in spite of all the efforts of the English minister, and landed at Kirkwall, one of the Orkney Islands. But his objects were well known, and the whole militia19 of the land were put under arms to resist him. He, however, collected a force of two thousand five hundred Highlanders, and marched towards Glasgow; but he was miserably20 betrayed and deserted21. His forces were dispersed22, and he himself was seized while attempting to escape in disguise, brought to Edinburgh, and beheaded. His followers23 were treated with great harshness, but the rebellion was completely suppressed.
Monmouth had agreed to sail in six days from the departure of Argyle; but he lingered at Brussels, loath to part from a beautiful mistress, the Lady Henrietta Wentworth. It was a month before he set sail from the Texel, with about eighty officers and one hundred and fifty followers—a small force to overturn the throne. But he relied on his popularity with the people, and on a false and exaggerated account of the unpopularity of James. Monmouth Lands in England. He landed at Lyme, in Dorsetshire, about the middle of June, and forthwith issued a flaming proclamation, inviting25 all to join his standard, as a deliverer from the cruel despotism of a Catholic prince, whom he accused of every crime—of the burning of London, of the Popish Plot, of the condemnation26 of Russell and Sydney, of poisoning the late king, and of infringements27 on the constitution. In this declaration, falsehood was mingled29 with truth, but well adapted to inflame30 the passions of the people. He was supported by many who firmly believed that his mother, Lucy Walters, was the lawful31 wife of Charles II. He, of course, claimed the English throne, but professed32 to waive33 his rights until they should be settled by a parliament. The adventurer grossly misunderstood the temper of the people, and the extent to which his claims were recognized. He was unprovided with money, with generals, and with troops. He collected a few regiments34 from the common people, and advanced to Somersetshire. At Taunton his reception was flattering. All classes welcomed him as a deliverer from Heaven, and the poor rent the air with acclamations and shouts. His path was strewed36 with flowers, and the windows were crowded with ladies, who waved their handkerchiefs, and even waited upon him with a large deputation. Twenty-six lovely maidens37 presented the handsome son of Charles II. with standards and a Bible, which he kissed, and promised to defend.
But all this enthusiasm was soon to end. The Duke of Albemarle—the son of General Monk38, who restored Charles II.—advanced against him with the militia of the country, and Monmouth was supported only by the vulgar, the weak, and the credulous39. Not a single nobleman joined his standard, and but few of the gentry40. He made innumerable blunders. He lost time by vain attempts to drill the peasants and farmers who followed his fortunes. He slowly advanced to the west of England, where he hoped to be joined by the body of the people. But all men of station and influence stood aloof41. Discouraged and dismayed, he reached Wells, and pushed forward to capture Bristol, then the second city in the kingdom. He was again disappointed. He was forced, from unexpected calamities42, to abandon the enterprise. He then turned his eye to Wilts43; but when he arrived at the borders of the county, he found that none of the bodies on which he had calculated had made their appearance. At Phillips Norton was a slight skirmish, which ended favorably to Monmouth, in which the young Duke of Grafton, natural son of Charles II., distinguished44 himself against his half brother; but Monmouth was discouraged, and fell back to Bridgewater. Meanwhile the royal army approached, and encamped at Battle of Sedgemoor. Sedgemoor. Here was fought a decisive battle, which was fatal to the rebels, "the last deserving the name of battle, that has been fought on English ground." Monmouth, when all was lost, fled from the field, and hastened to the British Channel, hoping to gain the Continent. He was found near the New Forest, hidden in a ditch, exhausted45 by hunger and fatigue46. He was sent, under a strong guard, to Ringwood; and all that was left him was, to prepare to meet the death of a rebel. But he clung to life, so justly forfeited47, with singular tenacity48. He abjectly49 and meanly sued for pardon from that inexorable tyrant50 who never forgot or forgave the slightest resistance from a friend, when even that resistance was lawful, much less rebellion from a man he both hated and despised. He was transferred to London, lodged51 in the Tower, and Death of Monmouth. executed in a bungling52 manner by "Jack53 Ketch"—the name given for several centuries to the public executioner. He was buried under St. Peter's Chapel54, in the Tower, where reposed55 the headless bodies of so many noted56 saints and political martyrs57—the great Somerset, and the still greater Northumberland, the two Earls of Essex, and the fourth Duke of Norfolk, and other great men who figured in the reigns58 of the Plantagenets and the Tudors.
Monmouth's rebellion was completely suppressed, and a most signal vengeance59 was inflicted60 on all who were concerned in it. No mercy was shown, on the part of government, to any party or person.
Of the agents of James in punishing all concerned in the rebellion, there were two, pre?minently, whose names are consigned61 to an infamous immortality62. The records of English history contain no two names so loathsome63 and hateful as Colonel Kirke and Judge Jeffreys.
The former was left, by Feversham, in command of the royal forces at Bridgewater, after the battle of Sedgemoor. He had already gained an unenviable notoriety, as governor of Tangier, where he displayed the worst vices64 of a tyrant and a sensualist; and his regiment35 had imitated him in his disgraceful brutality66. But this leader and these troops were now let loose on the people of Somersetshire. One hundred captives were put to death during the week which succeeded the battle. His irregular butcheries, however, were not according to the taste of the king. A more systematic68 slaughter69, under the sanctions of the law, was devised, and Jeffreys was sent into the Western Circuit, to try the numerous persons who were immured70 in the jails of the western counties.
Sir George Jeffreys, Chief Justice of the Court of the King's Bench, was not deficient71 in talent, but was constitutionally the victim of violent passions. He first attracted notice as an insolent72 barrister at the Old Bailey Court, who had a rare tact73 in cross-examining criminals and browbeating74 witnesses. According to Macaulay, "impudence75 and ferocity sat upon his brow, while all tenderness for the feelings of others, all self-respect, all sense of the becoming, were obliterated76 from his mind. He acquired a boundless77 command of the rhetoric78 in which the vulgar express hatred79 and contempt. The profusion80 of his maledictions could hardly be rivalled in the Fish Market or Bear Garden. His yell of fury sounded, as one who often heard it said, like the thunder of the judgment81 day. He early became common serjeant, and then recorder of London. As soon as he obtained all the city could give, he made haste to sell his forehead of brass82 and his tongue of venom83 to the court." He was just the man whom Charles II. wanted as a tool. He was made chief justice of the highest court of criminal law in the realm, and discharged its duties entirely84 to the satisfaction of a king resolved on the subjection of the English nation. His violence, at all times, was frightful85; but when he was drunk, it was terrific: and he was generally intoxicated86. His first exploit was the judicial87 murder of Algernon Sydney. On the death of Charles, he obtained from James a peerage, and a seat in the Cabinet, a signal mark of royal approbation88. In prospect89 of yet greater honors, he was ready to do whatever James required. James wished the most summary vengeance inflicted on the rebels, and Jeffreys, with his tiger ferocity, was ready to execute his will.
Nothing is more memorable90 than those "bloody91 assizes" which he held in those counties through which Monmouth had passed. Nothing is remembered with more execration92. Nothing ever equalled the Brutality of Jeffreys. brutal67 cruelty of the judge. His fury seemed to be directed with peculiar93 violence upon the Dissenters94. "Show me," said he, "a Presbyterian, and I will show thee a lying knave95. Presbyterianism has all manner of villany in it. There is not one of those lying, snivelling, canting Presbyterians, but, one way or another, has had a hand in the rebellion." He sentenced nearly all who were accused, to be hanged or burned; and the excess of his barbarities called forth24 pity and indignation even from devoted96 loyalists. He boasted that he had hanged more traitors97 than all his predecessors98 together since the Conquest. On a single circuit, he hanged three hundred and fifty; some of these were people of great worth, and many of them were innocent; while many whom he spared from an ignominious99 death, were sentenced to the most cruel punishments—to the lash100 of the pillory101, to imprisonment102 in the foulest103 jails, to mutilation, to banishment104, and to heavy fines.
King James watched the conduct of the inhuman105 Jeffreys with delight, and rewarded him with the Great Seal. The Old Bailey lawyer had now climbed to the greatest height to which a subject could aspire106. He was Lord Chancellor107 of England—the confidential108 friend and agent of the king, and his unscrupulous instrument in imposing109 the yoke110 of bondage111 on an insulted nation.
At this period, the condition of the Puritans was deplorable. At no previous time was Persecution112 of the Dissenters. persecution more inveterate113, not even under the administration of Laud114 and Strafford. The persecution commenced soon after the restoration of Charles II., and increased in malignity115 until the elevation116 of Jeffreys to the chancellorship117. The sufferings of no class of sectaries bore any proportion to theirs. They found it difficult to meet together for prayer or exhortation119 even in the smallest assemblies. Their ministers were introduced in disguise. Their houses were searched. They were fined, imprisoned120, and banished121. Among the ministers who were deprived of their livings, were Gilpin, Bates, Howe, Owen, Baxter, Calamy, Poole, Charnock, and Flavel, who still, after a lapse122 of one hundred and fifty years, enjoy a wide-spread reputation as standard writers on theological subjects. These great lights of the seventeenth century were doomed123 to privation and poverty, with thousands of their brethren, most of whom had been educated at the Universities, and were among the best men in the kingdom. All the Stuart kings hated the Dissenters, but none hated them more than Charles II. and James II. Under their sanction, complying parliaments passed repeated acts of injustice124 and cruelty. The laws which were enacted125 during Queen Elizabeth's reign were re?nacted and enforced. The Act of Uniformity, in one day, ejected two thousand ministers from their parishes, because they refused to conform to the standard of the Established Church. The Conventicle Act ordained126 that if any person, above sixteen years of age, should be present at any religious meeting, in any other manner than allowed by the Church of England, he should suffer three months' imprisonment, or pay a fine of five pounds, that six months imprisonment and ten pounds fine should be inflicted as a penalty for the second offence, and banishment for the third. Married women taken at "conventicles," were sentenced to twelve months' imprisonment. It is calculated that twenty-five thousand Dissenters were immured in gloomy prisons, and that four thousand of the sect118 of the Quakers died during their imprisonment in consequence of the filth127 and malaria128 of the jails, added to cruel treatment.
Among the illustrious men who suffered most unjustly, was Richard Baxter, the glory of the Presbyterian party. He was minister at Kidderminster, where he was content to labor129 in an humble130 sphere, having refused a bishopric. He had written one hundred and forty-five distinct treatises132, in two hundred volumes, which were characterized for learning and talent. But neither his age, nor piety133, nor commanding virtues135 could screen him from the cruelties of Jeffreys; and, in fifteen years, he was five times imprisoned. His sufferings drew tears from Sir Matthew Hale, with whose friendship he had been honored. "But he who had enjoyed the confidence of the best of judges, was cruelly insulted by the worst." When he wished to plead his cause, the drunken chief justice replied, "O Richard, Richard, thou art an old fellow and an old knave. Thou hast written books enough to load a cart, every one of which is as full of sedition136 as an egg is full of meat. I know that thou hast a mighty137 party, and I see a great many of the brotherhood138 in corners, and a doctor of divinity at your elbow; but, by the grace of God, I will crush you all."
Entirely a different man was John Bunyan, not so influential139 or learned, but equally worthy140. He belonged to the sect of the Baptists, and stands at the head of all unlettered men of genius—the most successful writer of allegory that any age has seen. The Pilgrim's Progress is the most popular religious work ever published, full of genius and beauty, and a complete exhibition of the Calvinistic theology, and the experiences of the Christian141 life. This book shows the triumph of genius over learning, and the people's appreciation142 of exalted143 merit. Its author, an illiterate144 tinker, a travelling preacher, who spent the best part of his life between the houses of the poor and the county jails, the object of reproach and ignominy, now, however, takes a proud place, in the world's estimation, with the master minds of all nations—with Dante, Shakspeare, and Milton. He has arisen above the prejudices of the great and fashionable; and the learned and aristocratic Southey has sought to be the biographer of his sorrows and the expounder145 of his visions. The proud bishops146 who disdained147 him, the haughty149 judges who condemned150 him, are now chiefly known as his persecutors, while he continues to be more honored and extolled151 with every succeeding generation.
Another illustrious victim of religious persecution in that age, illustrious in our eyes, but ignoble152 in the eyes of his contemporaries, was George Fox. George Fox, the founder153 of the sect of the Quakers. He, like Bunyan, was of humble birth and imperfect education. Like him, he derived154 his knowledge from communion with his own soul—from inward experiences—from religious contemplations. He was a man of vigorous intellect, and capable of intense intellectual action. His first studies were the mysteries of theology—the great questions respecting duty and destiny; and these agitated155 his earnest mind almost to despair. In his anxiety, he sought consolation156 from the clergy157, but they did not remove the burdens of his soul. Like an old Syriac monk, he sought the fields and unfrequented solitudes158, where he gave loose to his imagination, and where celestial159 beings came to comfort him. He despised alike the reasonings of philosophers, the dogmas of divines, and the disputes of wrangling160 sectarians. He rose above all their prejudices, and sought light and truth from original sources. His peace was based on the conviction that God's Holy Spirit spoke161 directly to his soul; and this was above reason, above authority, a surer guide than any outward or written revelation. While this divine voice was above the Scriptures162, it never conflicted with them, for they were revealed also to inspired men. Hence the Scriptures were not to be disdained, but were to be a guide, and literally163 to be obeyed. He would not swear, or fight, to save his life, nor to save a world, because he was directly commanded to abstain164 from swearing and fighting. He abhorred165 all principles of expediency166, and would do right, or what the inspired voice within him assured him to be right, regardless of all consequences and all tribulations167. He believed in the power of justice to protect itself, and reposed on the moral dignity of virtue134. Love, to his mind, was an omnipotent169 weapon. He disdained force to accomplish important ends, and sought no control over government, except by intelligence. He believed that ideas and truth alone were at the basis of all great and permanent revolutions; these he was ever ready to declare; these were sure to produce, in the end, all needed reforms; these would be revealed to the earnest inquirer. He disliked all forms and pompous170 ceremonials in the worship of God, for they seemed useless and idolatrous. God was a Spirit, and to be worshipped in spirit and in truth. And set singing was to be dispensed171 with, like set forms of prayer, and only edifying172 as prompted by the Spirit. He even objected to splendid places for the worship of God, and dispensed with steeples, and bells, and organs. The sacraments, too, were needless, being mere173 symbols, or shadows of better things, not obligatory174, but to be put on the same footing as those Jewish ceremonies which the Savior abrogated175. The mind of Fox discarded all aids to devotion, all titles of honor, all distinctions which arose in pride and egotism. Hypocrisy176 he abhorred with his whole soul. It was the vice65 of the Pharisees, on whom Christ denounced the severest judgments177. He, too, would denounce it with the most unsparing severity, whenever he fancied he detected it in rulers, or in venerated178 dignitaries of the church, or in the customs of conventional life. He sought simplicity179 and sincerity180 in all their forms. Truth alone should be his polar star, and this would be revealed by the "inner light," the peculiar genius of his whole system, which, if it led to many new views of duty and holiness, yet was the cause of many delusions181, and the parent of conceit182 and spiritual pride—the grand peculiarity183 of fanaticism184 in all ages and countries. What so fruitful a source of error as the notion of special divine illumination?
No Persecution of the Quakers. wonder that Fox and his followers were persecuted185, for they set at nought186 the wisdom of the world and the customs and laws of ages. They shocked all conservative minds; all rulers and dignitaries; all men attached to systems; all syllogistic187 reasoners and dialectical theologians; all fashionable and worldly people; all sects188 and parties attached to creeds189 and forms. Neither their inoffensive lives, nor their doctrine190 of non-resistance, nor their elevated spiritualism could screen them from the wrath191 of judges, bishops, and legislators. They were imprisoned, fined, whipped, and lacerated without mercy. But they endured their afflictions with patience, and never lost their faith in truth, or their trust in God. Generally, they belonged to the humbler classes, although some men illustrious for birth and wealth joined their persecuted ranks, the most influential of whom was William Penn, who lived to be their intercessor and protector, and the glorious founder and legislator of one of the most flourishing and virtuous192 colonies that, in those days of tribulation168, settled in the wilderness193 of North America; a colony of men who were true to their enlightened principles, and who were saved from the murderous tomahawk of the Indian, when all other settlements were scenes of cruelty and vengeance.
James had now suppressed rebellion; he had filled the Dissenters with fear; and he met with no resistance from his parliaments. The judges and the bishops were ready to co?perate with his ministers in imposing a despotic yoke. All officers of the crown were dismissed the moment they dissented194 from his policy, or protested against his acts. Even judges were removed to make way for the most unscrupulous of tools.
His power, to all appearance, was consolidated195; and he now began, without disguise, to advance the two great objects which were dearest to his heart—the restoration of the Catholic religion, and the imposition of a Despotic Power of James. despotic yoke. He wished to be, like Louis XIV., a despotic and absolute prince; and, to secure this end, he was ready to violate the constitution of his country. The three inglorious years of his reign were a succession of encroachments and usurpations.
Indeed, among his first acts was the collection of the revenue without an act of parliament. To cover this stretch of arbitrary power, the court procured196 addresses from public bodies, in which the king was thanked for the royal care he extended to the customs and excise197.
In order to protect the Catholics, who had been persecuted under the last reign, he was obliged to show regard to other persecuted bodies. So he issued a warrant, releasing from confinement198 all who were imprisoned for conscience' sake. Had he simply desired universal toleration, this act would merit our highest praises; but it was soon evident that he wished to elevate the Catholics at the expense of all the rest. James was a sincere but bigoted199 devotee to the Church of Rome, and all things were deemed lawful, if he could but advance the interests of a party, to which nearly the whole nation was bitterly opposed. Roman Catholics were proscribed200 by the laws. The Test Act excluded from civil and military office all who dissented from the Established Church. The laws were unjust, but still they were the laws which James had sworn to obey. Had he scrupulously201 observed them, and kept his faith, there can be no doubt that they would, in good time have been modified.
But James would not wait for constitutional measures. He resolved to Favor Extended to Catholics. elevate Catholics to the highest offices of both the state and the church, and this in defiance202 of the laws and of the wishes of a great majority of the nation. He accordingly gave commissions to Catholics to serve as officers in the army; he made Catholics his confidential advisers203; he introduced Jesuits into London; he received a Papal nuncio, and he offered the livings of the Church of England to needy204 Catholic adventurers. He sought, by threats and artifices205, to secure the repeal206 of the Test Act, by which Catholics were excluded from office. Halifax, the ablest of his ministers, remonstrated207, and he was turned out of his employments. But he formed the soul and the centre of an opposition, which finally drove the king from his throne. He united with Devonshire and other Whig nobles, and their influence was sufficient to defeat many cherished objects of the king. When opposition appeared, however, in parliament, it was prorogued208 or dissolved, and the old courses of the Stuart kings were resorted to.
Among his various acts of infringement28, which gave great scandal, even in those degenerate209 times, was the abuse of the dispensing210 power—a prerogative211 he had inherited, but which had never been strictly212 defined. By means of this, he intended to admit Catholics to all offices in the realm. He began by granting to the whole Roman Catholic body a dispensation from all the statutes213 which imposed penalties and tests. A general indulgence was proclaimed, and the courts of law were compelled to acknowledge that the right of dispensing had not been infringed214. Four of the judges refused to accede215 to what was plainly illegal. They were dismissed; for, at that time, even judges held office during the pleasure of the king, and not, as in these times, for life. They had not the independence which has ever been so requisite217 for the bench. Nor would all his counsellors and ministers accede to his design, and those who were refractory218 were turned out. As soon as a servile bench of judges recognized this outrage220 on the constitution, four Catholic noblemen were admitted as privy221 counsellors, and some clergymen, converted to Romanism, were permitted to hold their livings. James even bestowed223 the deanery of Christ Church, one of the highest dignities in the University of Oxford224, on a notorious Catholic, and threatened to do at Cambridge what had been done at Oxford. The bishopric of Oxford was bestowed upon Parker, who was more Catholic than Protestant, and that of Chester was given to a sycophant225 of no character. James made no secret of his intentions to restore the Catholic religion, and systematically226 labored227 to destroy the Established Church. In order to effect this, he created a tribunal, which not materially differed from the celebrated228 High Commission Court. High Commission Court of Elizabeth, and to break up which was one great object of the revolutionists who brought Charles I. to the block—the most odious229 court ever established by royal despotism in England. The members of this High Commission Court, which James instituted to try all ecclesiastical cases, were, with one or two exceptions, notoriously the most venal230 and tyrannical of all his agents—Jeffreys, the Chancellor; Crewe, Bishop131 of Durham; Sprat, Bishop of Rochester; the Earl of Rochester, Lord Treasurer231; Sunderland, the Lord President; and Herbert, Chief Justice of the King's Bench. This court summoned Compton, the Bishop of London, to its tribunal, because he had not suspended Dr. Sharp, one of the clergy of London, when requested to do so by the king—a man who had committed no crime, but simply discharged his duty with fidelity232. The bishop was suspended from his spiritual functions, and the charge of his diocese was committed to two of his judges. But this court, not content with depriving numerous clergymen of their spiritual functions, because they would not betray their own church, went so far as to sit in judgment on the two greatest corporations in the land,—the Universities of Oxford and Cambridge,—institutions which had ever befriended the Stuart kings in their crimes and misfortunes. James was infatuated enough to quarrel with these great bodies, because they would not approve of his measures to overturn the church with which they were connected, and which it was their duty and interest to uphold. The king had commanded Cambridge to bestow222 the degree of master of arts on a Benedictine monk, which was against the laws of the University and of parliament. The University refused to act against the law, and, in consequence, the vice-chancellor and the senate, which consisted of doctors and masters, were summoned to the Court of High Commission. The vice-chancellor, Pechell, was deprived of his office and emoluments233, which were of the nature of freehold property. But this was not the worst act of the infatuated monarch234. He insisted on imposing a Roman Catholic in the presidential chair of Magdalen College, one of the richest and most venerable of the University of Oxford, against even the friendly remonstrances235 of his best friends, even of his Catholic counsellors, and not only against the advice of his friends, but against all the laws of the land and of the rights of the University; for the proposed president, Farmer, was a Catholic, and was not a fellow of the college, and therefore especially disqualified. He was also a man of depraved morals. The fellows refused to elect Farmer, and chose John Hough instead. They were accordingly cited to the infamous court of which Jeffreys was the presiding and controlling genius. Their election was set aside, but Farmer was not confirmed, being too vile219 even for Jeffreys to sustain.
The king was exceedingly enraged236 at the Quarrel with the Universities. opposition he received from the University. He resolved to visit it. On his arrival, he summoned the fellows of Magdalen College, and commanded them to obey him in the matter of a president. They still held out in opposition, and the king, mortified and enraged, quitted Oxford to resort to bolder measures. A special commission was instituted. Hough was forcibly ejected, and the Bishop of Oxford installed, against the voice of all the fellows but two. But the blinded king was not yet content. The fellows were expelled from the University by a royal edict, and the high commissioner237 pronounced the ejected fellows incapable238 of ever holding any church preferment.
But these severities were blunders, and produced a different effect from what was anticipated. The nation was indignant; the Universities lost all reverence240; the clergy, in a body, were alienated241; and the whole aristocracy were filled with defiance.
But the king, nevertheless, for a time, prevailed against all opposition; and, now that the fellows of Magdalen College. Magdalen College were expelled, he turned it into a Popish seminary, admitted in one day twelve Roman Catholics as fellows, and appointed a Roman Catholic bishop to preside over them. This last insult was felt to the extremities242 of the kingdom; and bitter resentment243 took the place of former loyalty244. James was now regarded, by his old friends even, as a tyrant, and as a man destined245 to destruction. And, indeed, he seemed like one completely infatuated, bent246 on the ruin of that church which even James I. and the other Stuart kings regarded as the surest and firmest pillar of the throne.
The bishops of the English Church had in times past, as well as the Universities, inculcated the doctrine of passive obedience247; and oppression must be very grievous indeed which would induce them to oppose the royal will. But James had completely alienated them, and they, reluctantly, at last, threw themselves into the ranks of opposition. Had they remained true to him, he might still have held his sceptre; but it was impossible that any body of men could longer bear his injustice and tyranny.
From motives248 as impossible to fathom249, as it is difficult to account for the actions of a madman, he ordered that the Declaration of Indulgence, an unconstitutional act, should be read publicly from all the pulpits in the kingdom. The London clergy, the most respectable and influential in the realm, made up their minds to disregard the order, and the bishops sustained them in their refusal. The Prosecution250 of the Seven Bishops. archbishop and six bishops accordingly signed a petition to the king, which embodied251 the views of the London clergy. It was presented to the tyrant, by the prelates in a body, at his palace. He chose to consider it as a treasonable and libellous act—as nothing short of rebellion. The conduct of the prelates was generally and enthusiastically approved by the nation, and especially by the Dissenters, who now united with the members of the Established Church. James had recently courted the Dissenters, not wishing to oppose too many enemies at a time. He had conferred on them many indulgences, and had elevated some of them to high positions, with the hope that they would unite with him in breaking down the Establishment. But while some of the more fanatical were gained over, the great body were not so easily deceived. They knew well enough that, after crushing the Church of England, he would crush them. And they hated Catholicism and tyranny more than they did Episcopacy, in spite of their many persecutions. Some of the more eminent252 of the Dissenters took a noble stand, and their conduct was fully253 appreciated by the Established clergy. For the first time, since the accession of Elizabeth, the Dissenters and the Episcopalians treated each other with that courtesy and forbearance which enlightened charity demands. The fear of a common enemy united them. But time, also, had, at length, removed many of their mutual254 asperities255.
Nothing could exceed the vexation of James when he found that not only the clergy had disobeyed his orders, but that the Seven Bishops were sustained by the nation. When this was discovered, he should have yielded, as Elizabeth would have done. But he was a Stuart. He was a bigoted, and self-willed, and infatuated monarch, marked out most clearly by Providence256 for destruction. He resolved to prosecute257 the bishops for a libel, and their trial and acquittal are among the most interesting events of an inglorious reign. They were tried at the Court of the King's Bench. The most eminent lawyers in the realm were employed as their counsel, and all the arts of tyranny were resorted to by the servile judges who tried them. But the jury rendered a verdict of acquittal, and never, within man's memory, were such shouts and tears of joy manifested by the people. Even the soldiers, whom the king had ordered to Hounslow Heath to overawe London, partook of the enthusiasm and triumph of the people. All classes were united in expressions of joy that the tyrant for once was baffled. The king was indeed signally defeated; but his defeat did not teach him wisdom. It only made him the more resolved to crush the liberties of the Church, and the liberties of the nation. But it also arrayed against him all classes and all parties of Protestants, who now began to form alliances, and devise measures to hurl258 him from his throne. Even the very courts which James had instituted to crush liberty proved refractory. Sprat, the servile Bishop of Rochester, sent him his resignation as one of the Lord Commissioners259. The very meanness of his spirit and laxity of his principles made his defection peculiarly alarming, and the unblushing Jeffreys now began to tremble. The Court of High Commission shrunk from a conflict with the Established Church, especially when its odious character was loudly denounced by all classes in the kingdom—even by some of the agents of tyranny itself. The most unscrupulous slaves of power showed signs of uneasiness.
But James resolved to persevere260. The sanction of a parliament was necessary to his system, but the sanction of a free parliament it was impossible to obtain. Tyranny and Infatuation of James. He resolved to bring together, by corruption261 and intimidation263, by violent exertions264 of prerogative, by fraudulent distortions of law, an assembly which might call itself a parliament, and might be willing to register any edict he proposed. And, accordingly, every placeman, from the highest to the lowest, was made to understand that he must support the throne or lose his office. He set himself vigorously to pack a parliament. A committee of seven privy counsellors sat at Whitehall for the purpose of regulating the municipal corporations. Father Petre was made a privy councillor. Committees, after the model of the one at Whitehall, were established in all parts of the realm. The lord lieutenants265 received written orders to go down to their respective counties, and superintend the work of corruption and fraud. But half of them refused to perform the ignominious work, and were immediately dismissed from their posts, which were posts of great honor and consideration. Among these were the great Earls of Oxford, Shrewsbury, Dorset, Pembroke, Rutland, Bridgewater, Thanet, Northampton, Abingdon, and Gainsborough, whose families were of high antiquity267, wealth, and political influence. Nor could those nobles, who consented to conform to the wishes and orders of the king, make any progress in their counties, on account of the general opposition of the gentry. The county squires268, as a body, stood out in fierce resistance. They refused to send up any men to parliament who would vote away the liberties and interests of the nation. The justices and deputy lieutenants declared that they would sustain, at all hazard, the Protestant religion. And these persons were not odious republicans, but zealous269 royalists, now firmly united and resolved to oppose unlawful acts, though commanded by the king.
James and his ministers next resolved to take away the power of the municipal corporations. The boroughs271 were required to surrender their charters. But a great majority firmly refused to part with their privileges. They were prosecuted272 and intimidated273, but still they held out. Oxford, by a vote of eighty to two, voted to defend its franchises274. Other towns did the same. Meanwhile, all the public departments were subjected to a strict inquisition, and all, who would not support the policy of the king, were turned out of office, and among them were some who had been heretofore the zealous servants of the crown.
It was now full time for the Organized Opposition. organization of a powerful confederacy against the king. It was obvious, to men of all parties, and all ranks, that he meditated275 the complete subversion276 of English liberties. The fundamental laws of the kingdom had been systematically violated. The power of dispensing with acts of parliament had been strained, so that the king had usurped277 nearly all legislative278 authority. The courts of justice had been filled with unscrupulous judges, who were ready to obey all the king's injunctions, whether legal or illegal. Roman Catholics had been elevated to places of dignity in the Established Church. An infamous and tyrannical Court of High Commission had been created; persons, who could not legally set foot in England, had been placed at the head of colleges, and had taken their seat at the royal council-board. Lord lieutenants of counties, and other servants of the crown, had been dismissed for refusing to obey illegal commands; the franchises of almost every borough266 had been invaded; the courts of justice were venal and corrupt262; an army of Irish Catholics, whom the nation abhorred, had been brought over to England; even the sacred right of petition was disregarded, and respectful petitioners279 were treated as criminals; and a free parliament was prevented from assembling.
Under such circumstances, and in view of these unquestioned facts, a great conspiracy280 was set on foot to dethrone the king and overturn the hateful dynasty.
Among the conspirators281 were some of the English nobles, the chief of whom was the Earl of Devonshire, and one of the leaders of the Whig party. Shrewsbury and Danby also joined them, the latter nobleman having been one of the most zealous advocates of the doctrine of passive obedience which many of the High Churchmen and Tories had defended in the reign of Charles II. It was under his administration, as prime minister, that a law had been proposed to parliament to exclude all persons from office who refused to take an oath, declaring that they thought resistance in all cases unlawful. Compton, the Bishop of London, who had been insolently282 treated by the court, joined the conspirators, whose designs were communicated to the Prince of Orange by Edward Russell and Henry Sydney, brothers of those two great political martyrs who had been executed in the last reign. The Prince of Orange, who had married a daughter of James II., agreed to invade England with a well-appointed army.
William of William, Prince of Orange. Orange was doubtless the greatest statesman and warrior283 of his age, and one of the ablest men who ever wore a crown. He was at the head of the great Protestant party in Europe, and was the inveterate foe284 of Louis XIV. When a youth, his country had been invaded by Louis, and desolated285 and abandoned to pillage286 and cruelty. It was amid unexampled calamities, when the population were every where flying before triumphant287 armies, and the dikes of Holland had been opened for the ravages288 of the sea in order to avoid the more cruel ravages of war, that William was called to be at the head of affairs. He had scarcely emerged from boyhood; but his boyhood was passed in scenes of danger and trial, and his extraordinary talents were most precociously289 developed. His tastes were warlike; but he was a warrior who fought, not for the love of fighting, not for military glory, but to rescue his country from a degrading yoke, and to secure the liberties of Europe from the encroachments of a most ambitious monarch. Zeal270 for those liberties was the animating290 principle of his existence; and this led him to oppose so perseveringly291 the policy and enterprises of the French king, even to the disadvantage of his native country and the country which adopted him.
William was ambitious, and did not disdain148 the overtures292 which the discontented nobles of England made to him. Besides, his wife, the Princess Mary, was presumptive heir to the crown before the birth of the Prince of Wales. The eyes of the English nation had long been fixed293 upon him as their deliverer from the tyranny of James. He was a sincere Protestant, a bold and enterprising genius, and a consummate294 statesman. But he delayed taking any decisive measures until affairs were ripe for his projects—until the misgovernment and encroachments of James drove the nation to the borders of frenzy295. He then obtained the consent of the States General for the meditated invasion of England, and made immense preparations, which, however, were carefully concealed296 from the spies and agents of James. They did not escape, however, the scrutinizing297 and jealous eye of Louis XIV., who remonstrated with James on his blindness and self-confidence, and offered to lend him assistance. But the infatuated monarch would not believe his danger, and rejected the proffered298 aid of Louis with a spirit which ill accorded with his former servility and dependence216. Nor was he aroused to a sense of his danger until the Declaration of William appeared, setting forth the tyrannical acts of James, and supposed to be written by Bishop Burnet, the intimate friend of the Prince of Orange. Then he made haste to fit out a fleet; and thirty ships of the line were put under the command of Lord Dartmouth. An army of forty thousand men—the largest that any king of England had ever commanded—was also sent to the seaboard; a force more than sufficient to repel299 a Dutch invasion.
At the same time, the king made great concessions300. He abolished the Court of High Commission. He restored the charter of the city of London. He permitted the Bishop of Winchester, as visitor of Magdalen College, to make any reforms he pleased. He would not, however, part with an iota301 of his dispensing power, and still hoped to rout302 William, and change the religion of his country. Critical Condition of James. But all his concessions were too late. Whigs and Tories, Dissenters and Churchmen, were ready to welcome their Dutch deliverer. Nor had James any friends on whom he could rely. His prime minister, Sunderland, was in treaty with the conspirators, and waiting to betray him. Churchill, who held one of the highest commissions in the army, and who was under great obligations to the king, was ready to join the standard of William. Jeffreys, the lord chancellor, was indeed true in his allegiance, but his crimes were past all forgiveness by the nation; and even had he rebelled,—and he was base enough to do so,—his services would have been spurned303 by William and all his adherents304.
On the 29th of October, 1688, the armament of William put to sea; but the ships had scarcely gained half the distance to England when they were dispersed and driven back to Holland by a violent tempest. The hopes of James revived; but they were soon dissipated. The fleet of William, on the 1st of November, again put to sea. It was composed of more than six hundred vessels305, five hundred of which were men of war, and they were favored by auspicious306 gales307. The same winds which favored the Dutch ships retarded308 the fleet of Dartmouth. On the 5th of November, Invasion of England by William. the troops of William disembarked at Brixham, near Torbay in Devonshire, without opposition. On the 6th, he advanced to Newton Abbot, and, on the 9th, reached Exeter. He was cordially received, and magnificently entertained. He and his lieutenant-general, Marshal Schomberg, one of the greatest commanders in Europe, entered Exeter together in the grand military procession, which was like a Roman triumph. Near him also was Bentinck, his intimate friend and counsellor, the founder of a great ducal family. The procession marched to the splendid Cathedral, the Te Deum was sung, and Burnet preached a sermon.
Thus far all things had been favorable, and William was fairly established on English ground. Still his affairs were precarious310, and James's condition not utterly311 hopeless or desperate. In spite of the unpopularity of the king, his numerous encroachments, and his disaffected312 army, the enterprise of William was hazardous313. He was an invader314, and the slightest repulse315 would have been dangerous to his interests. James was yet a king, and had the control of the army, the navy, and the treasury316. He was a legitimate317 king, whose claims were undisputed. And he was the father of a son, and that son, notwithstanding the efforts of the Protestants to represent him as a false heir, was indeed the Prince of Wales. William had no claim to the throne so long as that prince was living. Nor had the nobles and gentry flocked to his standard as he had anticipated. It was nearly a week before a single person of rank or consequence joined him. Devonshire was in Derbyshire, and Churchill had still the confidence of his sovereign. The forces of the king were greatly superior to his own. And James had it in his power to make concessions which would have satisfied a great part of the nation.
But William had not miscalculated. He had profoundly studied the character of James, and the temper of the English. He knew that a fatal blindness and obstinacy318 had been sent upon him, and that he never would relinquish319 his darling scheme of changing the religion of the nation; and he knew that the nation would never acquiesce6 in that change; that Popery was hateful in their sight. He also trusted to his own good sword, and to fortunate circumstances.
And he was not long doomed to suspense320, which is generally so difficult to bear. In a few days, Lord Cornbury, colonel of a regiment, and son of the Earl of Clarendon, and therefore a relative of James himself, deserted. Soon several disaffected nobles joined him in Exeter. Churchill soon followed, the first general officer that ever in England abandoned his colors. The Earl of Bath, who commanded at Plymouth, placed himself, in a few days, at the prince's disposal, with the fortress321 which he was intrusted to guard. His army swelled322 in numbers and importance. Devonshire raised the standard of rebellion at Chatsworth. London was in a ferment239. James was with his army at Salisbury, but gave the order to retreat, not daring to face the greatest captain in Europe. Flight of the King. Soon after, he sent away the queen and the Prince of Wales to France, and made preparations for his own ignominious flight—the very thing his enemies desired, for his life was in no danger, and his affairs even then might have been compromised, in spite of the rapid defection of his friends, and the advance of William, with daily augmenting323 forces, upon London. On the 11th of December, the king fled from London, with the intention of embarking324 at Sheerness, and was detained by the fishermen of the coast; but, by an order from the Lords, was set at liberty, and returned to the capital. William, nearly at the same time, reached London, and took up his quarters at St. James's Palace. It is needless to add, that the population of the city were friendly to his cause, and that he was now virtually the king of England. It is a satisfaction also to add, that the most infamous instrument of royal tyranny was seized in the act of flight, at Wapping, in the mean disguise of a sailor. He was discovered by the horrible fierceness of his countenance325. Jeffreys was committed to the Tower; and the Tower screened him from a worse calamity326, for the mob would have torn him in pieces. Catholic priests were also arrested, and their chapels327 and houses destroyed.
Meanwhile parliament assembled and deliberated on the state of affairs. Many propositions were made and rejected. The king fled a second time, and the throne was declared vacant. But the crown was not immediately offered to the Prince of Orange, although addresses were made to him as a national benefactor328. Many were in favor of a regency. Another party was for placing the Princess Mary on the throne, and giving to William, during her life, the title of king, and such a share of the administration as she chose to give him.
But William had risked every thing for a throne, and nothing less than the crown of England would now content him. He gave the convention to understand that, much as he esteemed329 his wife, he would never accept a subordinate and precarious place in her government; "that he would not submit to be tied to the apron-strings of the best of wives;" that, unless he were offered the crown for life, he should return to Holland.
It was accordingly settled by parliament that he should hold the regal dignity conjointly with his wife, but that the whole power of the government should be placed in his hands. And the Princess Mary willingly acceded330, being devoted to her husband, and unambitious for herself.
Thus was consummated331 the Consummation of the Revolution. English Revolution of 1688, bloodless, but glorious. A tyrant was ejected from an absolute throne, and a noble and magnanimous prince reigned332 in his stead, after having taken an oath to observe the laws of the realm—an oath which he never violated. Of all revolutions, this proved the most beneficent. It closed the long struggle of one hundred and fifty years. Royal prerogative bowed before the will of the people, and true religious and civil liberty commenced its reign. The Prince of Orange was called to the throne by the voice of the nation, as set forth in an instrument known as the Declaration of Rights. Declaration of Rights. This celebrated act of settlement recapitulated333 the crimes and errors of James, and merely asserted the ancient rights and liberties of England—that the dispensing power had no legal existence; that no money could be raised without grant of parliament; and that no army could be kept up in time of peace without its consent; and it also asserted the right of petition, the right of electors to choose their representatives freely, the right of parliament to freedom of debate, and the right of the nation to a pure and merciful administration of justice. No new rights were put forth, but simply the old ones were re?stablished. William accepted the crown on the conditions proposed, and swore to rule by the laws. "Not a single flower of the crown," says Macaulay, "was touched. Not a single new right was given to the people. The Declaration of Rights, although it made nothing law which was not law before, contained the germ of the law which gave religious freedom to the Dissenters; of the law which secured the independence of judges; of the law which limited the duration of parliaments; of the law which placed the liberty of the press under the protection of juries; of the law which abolished the sacramental test; of the law which relieved the Roman Catholics from civil disabilities; of the law which reformed the representative system; of every good law which has been passed during one hundred and sixty years; of every good law which may hereafter, in the course of ages, be found necessary to promote the public weal, and satisfy the demands of public opinion."
References.—Macaulay's, Hume's, Hallam's, and Lingard's Histories of England. Mackintosh's Causes of the Revolution of 1688. Fox's History of the Reign of James—a beautiful fragment. Burnet's History of his Own Times. Neal's History of the Puritans. Life and Times of Richard Baxter. Southey's Life of Bunyan. Memoir334 of George Fox, by Marsh309. Life of William Penn. Chapters on religion, science, and the condition of the people, in the Pictorial335 History of England. Russell's Modern Europe. Woolrych's Life of Judge Jeffreys.
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reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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ascended
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| v.上升，攀登( ascend的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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auspices
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| n.资助，赞助 | |
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acquiesced
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| v.默认，默许( acquiesce的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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acquiesce
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| vi.默许，顺从，同意 | |
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abridged
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| 削减的，删节的 | |
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mortified
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| v.使受辱( mortify的过去式和过去分词 )；伤害（人的感情）；克制；抑制（肉体、情感等） | |
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applied
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| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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pensioner
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| n.领养老金的人 | |
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vassal
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| n.附庸的；属下；adj.奴仆的 | |
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paltry
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| adj.无价值的，微不足道的 | |
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gratitude
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| adj.感激，感谢 | |
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infamous
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| adj.声名狼藉的，臭名昭著的，邪恶的 | |
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obnoxious
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| adj.极恼人的，讨人厌的，可憎的 | |
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loath
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| adj.不愿意的；勉强的 | |
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enthusiast
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| n.热心人，热衷者 | |
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clans
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| 宗族( clan的名词复数 )； 氏族； 庞大的家族； 宗派 | |
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militia
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| n.民兵，民兵组织 | |
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miserably
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| adv.痛苦地；悲惨地；糟糕地；极度地 | |
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deserted
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| adj.荒芜的，荒废的，无人的，被遗弃的 | |
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dispersed
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| adj. 被驱散的, 被分散的, 散布的 | |
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followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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inviting
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| adj.诱人的，引人注目的 | |
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condemnation
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| n.谴责; 定罪 | |
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infringements
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| n.违反( infringement的名词复数 )；侵犯，伤害 | |
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infringement
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| n.违反；侵权 | |
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mingled
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| 混合，混入( mingle的过去式和过去分词 )； 混进，与…交往[联系] | |
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inflame
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| v.使燃烧；使极度激动；使发炎 | |
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lawful
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| adj.法律许可的，守法的，合法的 | |
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professed
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| 公开声称的，伪称的，已立誓信教的 | |
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waive
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| vt.放弃，不坚持(规定、要求、权力等) | |
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regiments
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| （军队的）团( regiment的名词复数 )； 大量的人或物 | |
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regiment
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| n.团，多数，管理；v.组织，编成团，统制 | |
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strewed
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| v.撒在…上( strew的过去式和过去分词 )；散落于；点缀；撒满 | |
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maidens
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| 处女( maiden的名词复数 )； 少女； 未婚女子； （板球运动）未得分的一轮投球 | |
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monk
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| n.和尚，僧侣，修道士 | |
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credulous
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| adj.轻信的，易信的 | |
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gentry
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| n.绅士阶级，上层阶级 | |
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aloof
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| adj.远离的；冷淡的，漠不关心的 | |
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calamities
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| n.灾祸，灾难( calamity的名词复数 )；不幸之事 | |
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wilts
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| （使）凋谢，枯萎( wilt的第三人称单数 ) | |
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distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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exhausted
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| adj.极其疲惫的，精疲力尽的 | |
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fatigue
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| n.疲劳，劳累 | |
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forfeited
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| （因违反协议、犯规、受罚等）丧失，失去( forfeit的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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tenacity
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| n.坚韧 | |
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abjectly
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| 凄惨地； 绝望地； 糟透地； 悲惨地 | |
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tyrant
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| n.暴君，专制的君主，残暴的人 | |
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lodged
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| v.存放( lodge的过去式和过去分词 )；暂住；埋入；（权利、权威等）归属 | |
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bungling
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| adj.笨拙的，粗劣的v.搞糟，完不成( bungle的现在分词 )；笨手笨脚地做；失败；完不成 | |
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jack
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| n.插座，千斤顶，男人；v.抬起，提醒，扛举；n.（Jake）杰克 | |
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54
chapel
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| n.小教堂，殡仪馆 | |
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55
reposed
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| v.将（手臂等）靠在某人（某物）上( repose的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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56
noted
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| adj.著名的，知名的 | |
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57
martyrs
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| n.martyr的复数形式；烈士( martyr的名词复数 )；殉道者；殉教者；乞怜者（向人诉苦以博取同情） | |
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58
reigns
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| n.君主的统治( reign的名词复数 )；君主统治时期；任期；当政期 | |
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59
vengeance
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| n.报复，报仇，复仇 | |
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60
inflicted
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| 把…强加给，使承受，遭受( inflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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61
consigned
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| v.把…置于（令人不快的境地）( consign的过去式和过去分词 )；把…托付给；把…托人代售；丟弃 | |
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62
immortality
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| n.不死，不朽 | |
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63
loathsome
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| adj.讨厌的，令人厌恶的 | |
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64
vices
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| 缺陷( vice的名词复数 )； 恶习； 不道德行为； 台钳 | |
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65
vice
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| n.坏事；恶习；[pl.]台钳，老虎钳；adj.副的 | |
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66
brutality
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| n.野蛮的行为，残忍，野蛮 | |
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67
brutal
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| adj.残忍的，野蛮的，不讲理的 | |
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68
systematic
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| adj.有系统的，有计划的，有方法的 | |
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69
slaughter
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| n.屠杀，屠宰；vt.屠杀，宰杀 | |
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70
immured
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| v.禁闭，监禁( immure的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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71
deficient
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| adj.不足的，不充份的，有缺陷的 | |
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72
insolent
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| adj.傲慢的，无理的 | |
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73
tact
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| n.机敏，圆滑，得体 | |
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74
browbeating
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| v.（以言辞或表情）威逼，恫吓( browbeat的现在分词 ) | |
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75
impudence
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| n.厚颜无耻；冒失；无礼 | |
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76
obliterated
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| v.除去( obliterate的过去式和过去分词 )；涂去；擦掉；彻底破坏或毁灭 | |
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77
boundless
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| adj.无限的；无边无际的；巨大的 | |
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78
rhetoric
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| n.修辞学，浮夸之言语 | |
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79
hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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80
profusion
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| n.挥霍；丰富 | |
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81
judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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82
brass
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| n.黄铜；黄铜器，铜管乐器 | |
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83
venom
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| n.毒液，恶毒，痛恨 | |
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84
entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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85
frightful
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| adj.可怕的；讨厌的 | |
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86
intoxicated
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| 喝醉的，极其兴奋的 | |
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87
judicial
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| adj.司法的，法庭的，审判的，明断的，公正的 | |
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88
approbation
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| n.称赞；认可 | |
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89
prospect
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| n.前景，前途；景色，视野 | |
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90
memorable
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| adj.值得回忆的，难忘的，特别的，显著的 | |
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91
bloody
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| adj.非常的的；流血的；残忍的；adv.很；vt.血染 | |
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92
execration
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| n.诅咒，念咒，憎恶 | |
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93
peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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94
dissenters
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| n.持异议者，持不同意见者( dissenter的名词复数 ) | |
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95
knave
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| n.流氓；（纸牌中的）杰克 | |
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96
devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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97
traitors
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| 卖国贼( traitor的名词复数 )； 叛徒； 背叛者； 背信弃义的人 | |
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98
predecessors
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| n.前任( predecessor的名词复数 )；前辈；（被取代的）原有事物；前身 | |
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99
ignominious
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| adj.可鄙的，不光彩的，耻辱的 | |
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100
lash
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| v.系牢；鞭打；猛烈抨击；n.鞭打；眼睫毛 | |
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101
pillory
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| n.嘲弄；v.使受公众嘲笑；将…示众 | |
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102
imprisonment
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| n.关押，监禁，坐牢 | |
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103
foulest
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| adj.恶劣的( foul的最高级 )；邪恶的；难闻的；下流的 | |
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104
banishment
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| n.放逐，驱逐 | |
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105
inhuman
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| adj.残忍的，不人道的，无人性的 | |
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106
aspire
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| vi.(to，after)渴望，追求，有志于 | |
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107
chancellor
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| n.(英)大臣；法官；(德、奥)总理；大学校长 | |
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108
confidential
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| adj.秘（机）密的，表示信任的，担任机密工作的 | |
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109
imposing
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| adj.使人难忘的，壮丽的，堂皇的，雄伟的 | |
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110
yoke
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| n.轭；支配；v.给...上轭，连接，使成配偶 | |
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111
bondage
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| n.奴役，束缚 | |
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112
persecution
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| n. 迫害,烦扰 | |
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113
inveterate
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| adj.积习已深的，根深蒂固的 | |
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114
laud
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| n.颂歌；v.赞美 | |
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115
malignity
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| n.极度的恶意，恶毒；（病的）恶性 | |
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116
elevation
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| n.高度；海拔；高地；上升；提高 | |
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117
chancellorship
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| 长官的职位或任期 | |
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118
sect
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| n.派别，宗教，学派，派系 | |
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119
exhortation
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| n.劝告，规劝 | |
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120
imprisoned
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| 下狱，监禁( imprison的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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121
banished
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| v.放逐，驱逐( banish的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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122
lapse
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| n.过失，流逝，失效，抛弃信仰，间隔；vi.堕落，停止，失效，流逝；vt.使失效 | |
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123
doomed
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| 命定的 | |
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124
injustice
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| n.非正义，不公正，不公平，侵犯（别人的）权利 | |
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125
enacted
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| 制定（法律），通过（法案）( enact的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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126
ordained
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| v.任命（某人）为牧师( ordain的过去式和过去分词 )；授予（某人）圣职；（上帝、法律等）命令；判定 | |
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127
filth
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| n.肮脏，污物，污秽；淫猥 | |
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128
malaria
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| n.疟疾 | |
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129
labor
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| n.劳动，努力，工作，劳工；分娩；vi.劳动，努力，苦干；vt.详细分析；麻烦 | |
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130
humble
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| adj.谦卑的，恭顺的；地位低下的；v.降低，贬低 | |
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131
bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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132
treatises
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| n.专题著作，专题论文，专著( treatise的名词复数 ) | |
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133
piety
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| n.虔诚，虔敬 | |
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134
virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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135
virtues
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| 美德( virtue的名词复数 )； 德行； 优点； 长处 | |
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136
sedition
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| n.煽动叛乱 | |
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137
mighty
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| adj.强有力的；巨大的 | |
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138
brotherhood
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| n.兄弟般的关系，手中情谊 | |
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139
influential
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| adj.有影响的，有权势的 | |
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140
worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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141
Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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142
appreciation
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| n.评价；欣赏；感谢；领会，理解；价格上涨 | |
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143
exalted
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| adj.(地位等)高的，崇高的；尊贵的，高尚的 | |
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144
illiterate
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| adj.文盲的；无知的；n.文盲 | |
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145
expounder
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| 陈述者，说明者 | |
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146
bishops
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| （基督教某些教派管辖大教区的）主教( bishop的名词复数 )； （国际象棋的）象 | |
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147
disdained
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| 鄙视( disdain的过去式和过去分词 )； 不屑于做，不愿意做 | |
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148
disdain
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| n.鄙视，轻视；v.轻视，鄙视，不屑 | |
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149
haughty
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| adj.傲慢的，高傲的 | |
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150
condemned
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| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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151
extolled
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| v.赞颂，赞扬，赞美( extol的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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152
ignoble
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| adj.不光彩的，卑鄙的；可耻的 | |
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153
Founder
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| n.创始者，缔造者 | |
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154
derived
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| vi.起源；由来；衍生；导出v.得到( derive的过去式和过去分词 )；（从…中）得到获得；源于；（从…中）提取 | |
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155
agitated
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| adj.被鼓动的，不安的 | |
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156
consolation
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| n.安慰，慰问 | |
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157
clergy
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| n.[总称]牧师，神职人员 | |
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158
solitudes
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| n.独居( solitude的名词复数 )；孤独；荒僻的地方；人迹罕至的地方 | |
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159
celestial
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| adj.天体的；天上的 | |
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160
wrangling
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| v.争吵，争论，口角( wrangle的现在分词 ) | |
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161
spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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162
scriptures
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| 经文，圣典( scripture的名词复数 )； 经典 | |
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163
literally
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| adv.照字面意义，逐字地；确实 | |
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164
abstain
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| v.自制，戒绝，弃权，避免 | |
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165
abhorred
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| v.憎恶( abhor的过去式和过去分词 )；（厌恶地）回避；拒绝；淘汰 | |
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166
expediency
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| n.适宜；方便；合算；利己 | |
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167
tribulations
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| n.苦难( tribulation的名词复数 )；艰难；苦难的缘由；痛苦 | |
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168
tribulation
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| n.苦难，灾难 | |
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169
omnipotent
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| adj.全能的，万能的 | |
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170
pompous
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| adj.傲慢的，自大的；夸大的；豪华的 | |
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171
dispensed
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| v.分配( dispense的过去式和过去分词 )；施与；配（药） | |
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172
edifying
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| adj.有教训意味的，教训性的，有益的v.开导，启发( edify的现在分词 ) | |
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173
mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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174
obligatory
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| adj.强制性的，义务的，必须的 | |
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175
abrogated
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| 废除（法律等）( abrogate的过去式和过去分词 )； 取消； 去掉； 抛开 | |
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176
hypocrisy
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| n.伪善，虚伪 | |
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177
judgments
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| 判断( judgment的名词复数 )； 鉴定； 评价； 审判 | |
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178
venerated
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| 敬重（某人或某事物），崇敬( venerate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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179
simplicity
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| n.简单，简易；朴素；直率，单纯 | |
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180
sincerity
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| n.真诚，诚意；真实 | |
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181
delusions
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| n.欺骗( delusion的名词复数 )；谬见；错觉；妄想 | |
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182
conceit
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| n.自负，自高自大 | |
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183
peculiarity
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| n.独特性，特色；特殊的东西；怪癖 | |
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184
fanaticism
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| n.狂热，盲信 | |
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185
persecuted
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| （尤指宗教或政治信仰的）迫害(~sb. for sth.)( persecute的过去式和过去分词 )； 烦扰，困扰或骚扰某人 | |
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186
nought
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| n.／adj.无，零 | |
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187
syllogistic
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| adj.三段论法的，演绎的，演绎性的 | |
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188
sects
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| n.宗派，教派( sect的名词复数 ) | |
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189
creeds
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| （尤指宗教）信条，教条( creed的名词复数 ) | |
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190
doctrine
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| n.教义；主义；学说 | |
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191
wrath
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| n.愤怒，愤慨，暴怒 | |
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192
virtuous
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| adj.有品德的，善良的，贞洁的，有效力的 | |
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193
wilderness
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| n.杳无人烟的一片陆地、水等，荒漠 | |
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194
dissented
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| 不同意，持异议( dissent的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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195
consolidated
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| a.联合的 | |
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196
procured
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| v.（努力）取得， （设法）获得( procure的过去式和过去分词 )；拉皮条 | |
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197
excise
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| n.(国产)货物税；vt.切除，删去 | |
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198
confinement
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| n.幽禁，拘留，监禁；分娩；限制，局限 | |
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199
bigoted
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| adj.固执己见的，心胸狭窄的 | |
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200
proscribed
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| v.正式宣布（某事物）有危险或被禁止( proscribe的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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201
scrupulously
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| adv.一丝不苟地；小心翼翼地，多顾虑地 | |
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202
defiance
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| n.挑战，挑衅，蔑视，违抗 | |
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203
advisers
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| 顾问，劝告者( adviser的名词复数 )； （指导大学新生学科问题等的）指导教授 | |
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204
needy
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| adj.贫穷的，贫困的，生活艰苦的 | |
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205
artifices
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| n.灵巧( artifice的名词复数 )；诡计；巧妙办法；虚伪行为 | |
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206
repeal
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| n.废止，撤消；v.废止，撤消 | |
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207
remonstrated
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| v.抗议( remonstrate的过去式和过去分词 )；告诫 | |
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208
prorogued
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| v.使（议会）休会( prorogue的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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209
degenerate
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| v.退步，堕落；adj.退步的，堕落的；n.堕落者 | |
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210
dispensing
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| v.分配( dispense的现在分词 )；施与；配（药） | |
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211
prerogative
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| n.特权 | |
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212
strictly
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| adv.严厉地，严格地；严密地 | |
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213
statutes
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| 成文法( statute的名词复数 )； 法令； 法规； 章程 | |
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214
infringed
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| v.违反（规章等）( infringe的过去式和过去分词 )；侵犯（某人的权利）；侵害（某人的自由、权益等） | |
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215
accede
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| v.应允，同意 | |
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216
dependence
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| n.依靠，依赖；信任，信赖；隶属 | |
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217
requisite
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| adj.需要的，必不可少的；n.必需品 | |
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218
refractory
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| adj.倔强的，难驾驭的 | |
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219
vile
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| adj.卑鄙的，可耻的，邪恶的；坏透的 | |
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220
outrage
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| n.暴行，侮辱，愤怒；vt.凌辱，激怒 | |
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221
privy
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| adj.私用的；隐密的 | |
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222
bestow
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| v.把…赠与，把…授予；花费 | |
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223
bestowed
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| 赠给，授予( bestow的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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224
Oxford
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| n.牛津（英国城市） | |
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225
sycophant
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| n.马屁精 | |
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226
systematically
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| adv.有系统地 | |
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227
labored
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| adj.吃力的，谨慎的v.努力争取(for)( labor的过去式和过去分词 )；苦干；详细分析；（指引擎）缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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228
celebrated
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| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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229
odious
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| adj.可憎的，讨厌的 | |
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230
venal
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| adj.唯利是图的，贪脏枉法的 | |
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231
treasurer
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| n.司库，财务主管 | |
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232
fidelity
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| n.忠诚，忠实；精确 | |
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233
emoluments
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| n.报酬，薪水( emolument的名词复数 ) | |
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234
monarch
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| n.帝王，君主，最高统治者 | |
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235
remonstrances
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| n.抱怨，抗议( remonstrance的名词复数 ) | |
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236
enraged
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| 使暴怒( enrage的过去式和过去分词 )； 歜； 激愤 | |
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237
commissioner
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| n.（政府厅、局、处等部门）专员，长官，委员 | |
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238
incapable
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| adj.无能力的，不能做某事的 | |
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239
ferment
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| vt.使发酵；n./vt.（使）激动，（使）动乱 | |
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240
reverence
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| n.敬畏，尊敬，尊严；Reverence:对某些基督教神职人员的尊称；v.尊敬，敬畏，崇敬 | |
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241
alienated
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|
| adj.感到孤独的，不合群的v.使疏远( alienate的过去式和过去分词 )；使不友好；转让；让渡（财产等） | |
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242
extremities
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|
| n.端点( extremity的名词复数 )；尽头；手和足；极窘迫的境地 | |
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243
resentment
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| n.怨愤，忿恨 | |
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244
loyalty
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| n.忠诚，忠心 | |
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245
destined
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|
| adj.命中注定的；(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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246
bent
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| n.爱好，癖好；adj.弯的；决心的，一心的 | |
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247
obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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248
motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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249
fathom
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| v.领悟，彻底了解 | |
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250
prosecution
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| n.起诉，告发，检举，执行，经营 | |
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251
embodied
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| v.表现( embody的过去式和过去分词 )；象征；包括；包含 | |
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252
eminent
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| adj.显赫的，杰出的，有名的，优良的 | |
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253
fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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254
mutual
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| adj.相互的，彼此的；共同的，共有的 | |
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255
asperities
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| n.粗暴( asperity的名词复数 )；（表面的）粗糙；（环境的）艰苦；严寒的天气 | |
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256
providence
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| n.深谋远虑，天道，天意；远见；节约；上帝 | |
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257
prosecute
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| vt.告发；进行；vi.告发，起诉，作检察官 | |
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258
hurl
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| vt.猛投，力掷，声叫骂 | |
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259
commissioners
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| n.专员( commissioner的名词复数 )；长官；委员；政府部门的长官 | |
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260
persevere
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| v.坚持，坚忍，不屈不挠 | |
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261
corruption
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| n.腐败，堕落，贪污 | |
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262
corrupt
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| v.贿赂，收买；adj.腐败的，贪污的 | |
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263
intimidation
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| n.恐吓，威胁 | |
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264
exertions
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| n.努力( exertion的名词复数 )；费力；（能力、权力等的）运用；行使 | |
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265
lieutenants
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| n.陆军中尉( lieutenant的名词复数 )；副职官员；空军；仅低于…官阶的官员 | |
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266
borough
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| n.享有自治权的市镇；(英)自治市镇 | |
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267
antiquity
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| n.古老；高龄；古物，古迹 | |
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268
squires
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| n.地主，乡绅( squire的名词复数 ) | |
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269
zealous
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| adj.狂热的，热心的 | |
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270
zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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271
boroughs
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| （尤指大伦敦的）行政区( borough的名词复数 )； 议会中有代表的市镇 | |
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272
prosecuted
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| a.被起诉的 | |
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273
intimidated
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| v.恐吓；威胁adj.害怕的；受到威胁的 | |
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274
franchises
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| n.（尤指选举议员的）选举权( franchise的名词复数 )；参政权；获特许权的商业机构（或服务）；（公司授予的）特许经销权v.给…以特许权，出售特许权( franchise的第三人称单数 ) | |
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275
meditated
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| 深思，沉思，冥想( meditate的过去式和过去分词 )； 内心策划，考虑 | |
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276
subversion
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| n.颠覆，破坏 | |
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277
usurped
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| 篡夺，霸占( usurp的过去式和过去分词 )； 盗用； 篡夺，篡权 | |
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278
legislative
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| n.立法机构，立法权；adj.立法的，有立法权的 | |
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279
petitioners
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| n.请求人，请愿人( petitioner的名词复数 )；离婚案原告 | |
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280
conspiracy
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| n.阴谋，密谋，共谋 | |
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281
conspirators
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| n.共谋者，阴谋家( conspirator的名词复数 ) | |
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282
insolently
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| adv.自豪地，自傲地 | |
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283
warrior
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| n.勇士，武士，斗士 | |
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284
foe
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| n.敌人，仇敌 | |
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285
desolated
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| adj.荒凉的，荒废的 | |
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286
pillage
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| v.抢劫；掠夺；n.抢劫，掠夺；掠夺物 | |
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287
triumphant
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| adj.胜利的，成功的；狂欢的，喜悦的 | |
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288
ravages
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| 劫掠后的残迹，破坏的结果，毁坏后的残迹 | |
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289
precociously
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| Precociously | |
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290
animating
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| v.使有生气( animate的现在分词 )；驱动；使栩栩如生地动作；赋予…以生命 | |
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291
perseveringly
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| 坚定地 | |
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292
overtures
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| n.主动的表示，提议；（向某人做出的）友好表示、姿态或提议( overture的名词复数 )；（歌剧、芭蕾舞、音乐剧等的）序曲，前奏曲 | |
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293
fixed
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| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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294
consummate
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| adj.完美的；v.成婚；使完美 [反]baffle | |
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295
frenzy
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| n.疯狂，狂热，极度的激动 | |
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296
concealed
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| a.隐藏的，隐蔽的 | |
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297
scrutinizing
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| v.仔细检查，详审( scrutinize的现在分词 ) | |
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298
proffered
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| v.提供，贡献，提出( proffer的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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299
repel
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| v.击退，抵制，拒绝，排斥 | |
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300
concessions
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| n.（尤指由政府或雇主给予的）特许权( concession的名词复数 )；承认；减价；（在某地的）特许经营权 | |
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301
iota
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| n.些微，一点儿 | |
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302
rout
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| n.溃退，溃败；v.击溃，打垮 | |
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303
spurned
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| v.一脚踢开，拒绝接受( spurn的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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304
adherents
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| n.支持者，拥护者( adherent的名词复数 )；党羽；徒子徒孙 | |
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305
vessels
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| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
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306
auspicious
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| adj.吉利的；幸运的，吉兆的 | |
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307
gales
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| 龙猫 | |
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retarded
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| a.智力迟钝的，智力发育迟缓的 | |
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marsh
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| n.沼泽，湿地 | |
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precarious
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| adj.不安定的，靠不住的；根据不足的 | |
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311
utterly
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| adv.完全地，绝对地 | |
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disaffected
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| adj.（政治上）不满的，叛离的 | |
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hazardous
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| adj.(有)危险的，冒险的；碰运气的 | |
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invader
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| n.侵略者，侵犯者，入侵者 | |
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repulse
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| n.击退，拒绝；vt.逐退，击退，拒绝 | |
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316
treasury
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| n.宝库；国库，金库；文库 | |
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317
legitimate
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| adj.合法的，合理的，合乎逻辑的；v.使合法 | |
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obstinacy
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| n.顽固；（病痛等）难治 | |
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319
relinquish
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| v.放弃，撤回，让与，放手 | |
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320
suspense
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| n.（对可能发生的事）紧张感，担心，挂虑 | |
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321
fortress
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| n.堡垒，防御工事 | |
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swelled
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| 增强( swell的过去式和过去分词 )； 肿胀； （使）凸出； 充满（激情） | |
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323
augmenting
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| 使扩张 | |
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324
embarking
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| 乘船( embark的现在分词 )； 装载； 从事 | |
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325
countenance
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| n.脸色，面容；面部表情；vt.支持，赞同 | |
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326
calamity
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| n.灾害，祸患，不幸事件 | |
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327
chapels
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| n.小教堂， （医院、监狱等的）附属礼拜堂( chapel的名词复数 )；（在小教堂和附属礼拜堂举行的）礼拜仪式 | |
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328
benefactor
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| n. 恩人，行善的人，捐助人 | |
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esteemed
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| adj.受人尊敬的v.尊敬( esteem的过去式和过去分词 )；敬重；认为；以为 | |
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330
acceded
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| v.（正式）加入( accede的过去式和过去分词 )；答应；（通过财产的添附而）增加；开始任职 | |
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331
consummated
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| v.使结束( consummate的过去式和过去分词 )；使完美；完婚；（婚礼后的）圆房 | |
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332
reigned
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| vi.当政，统治（reign的过去式形式） | |
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333
recapitulated
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| v.总结，扼要重述( recapitulate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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334
memoir
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| n.[pl.]回忆录，自传；记事录 | |
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pictorial
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| adj.绘画的；图片的；n．画报 | |
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