From Louis XIV. we turn to consider the reign1 of his illustrious rival, William and Mary. William III., King of England, who enjoyed the throne conjointly with Mary, daughter of James II.
The early life and struggles of this heroic prince have been already alluded2 to, in the two previous chapters, and will not be further discussed. On the 12th day of February, 1689, he arrived at Whitehall, the favorite palace of the Stuart kings, and, on the 11th of April, he and Mary were crowned in Westminster Abbey.
Their reign is chiefly memorable3 for the war with Louis XIV., the rebellion in Ireland, fomented4 by the intrigues5 of James II., and for the discussion of several great questions pertaining7 to the liberties and the prosperity of the English nation, questions in relation to the civil list, the Place Bill, the Triennial Bill, the liberty of the press, a standing8 army, the responsibility of ministers, the veto of the crown, the administration of Ireland, the East India Company, the Bank of England, and the funded debt. These topics make the domestic history of the country, especially in a constitutional point of view, extremely important.
The great struggle with Louis XIV. has already received all the notice which the limits of this work will allow, in which it was made to appear that, if Louis XIV. was the greater king, William III. was the greater man; and, although his military enterprises were, in one sense, unsuccessful, since he did not triumph in splendid victories, still he opposed successfully what would have been, without his heroism9, an overwhelming torrent10 of invasion and conquest, in consequence of vastly superior forces. The French king was eventually humbled11, and the liberties of continental12 Europe were preserved.
Under the wise, tolerant, and liberal administration of William, the British empire was preserved from disunion, and invaluable13 liberties and privileges were guaranteed.
Scarcely was he seated on the throne, which his wife inherited from the proud descendants of the Norman Conqueror14, when a Irish Rebellion. rebellion in Ireland broke out, and demanded his presence in that distracted and unfortunate country.
The Irish people, being Roman Catholics, had sympathized with James II. in all his troubles, and were resolved to defend his cause against a Calvinistic king. In a short time after his establishment at St. Germain's, through the bounty15 of the French king, he began to intrigue6 with the disaffected16 Irish chieftains. The most noted17 of these was Tyrconnel, who contrived18 to deprive the Protestants of Lord Mountjoy, their most trusted and able leader, by sending him on a mission to James II., by whose influence he was confined, on his arrival at Paris, in the Bastile. Tyrconnel then proceeded to disarm19 the Protestants, and recruit the Catholic army, which was raised in two months to a force of forty thousand men, burning to revenge their past injuries, and recover their ancient possessions and privileges. James II. was invited by the army to take possession of his throne. He accepted the invitation, and, early in 1689, made his triumphal entry into Dublin, and was received with a pomp and homage20 equal to his dignity. But James did not go to Ireland merely to enjoy the homage and plaudits of the Irish people, but to defend the last foothold which he retained as King of England, trusting that success in Ireland would eventually restore to him the throne of his ancestors. And he was cordially, but not powerfully, supported by the French king, who was at war with England, and who justly regarded Ireland as the most assailable21 part of the British empire.
The Irish parliament, in the interest of James, passed an act of attainder against all Protestants who had assisted William, among whom were two archbishops, one duke, seventeen earls, eighteen barons23, and eighty-three clergymen. By another act, Ireland was made independent of England. The Protestants were every where despoiled24 and insulted.
But James was unequal to the task he had assumed, incapable25 either of preserving Ireland or retaking England. He was irresolute26 and undecided. He could not manage an Irish House of Commons any better than he could an English one. He debased the coin, and resorted to irritating measures to raise money.
At last he concluded to subdue27 the Protestants in Ulster, and advanced to lay siege to Londonderry, upon which depended the fate of the north of Ireland. It was bravely defended by the inhabitants, and finally relieved by the troops sent over from England under the command of Kirke—the same who inflicted28 the cruelties in the west of England under James II. But William wanted able officers, and he took them indiscriminately from all parties. Nine thousand people miserably29 perished by famine and disease in the town, before the siege was raised, one of the most memorable in the annals of war.
Ulster was now safe, and the discomfiture30 of James was rapidly effected. Old Marshal Schomberg was sent into Ireland with sixteen thousand veteran troops, and, shortly after, William himself (June 14, 1690) landed at Carrickfergus, near Belfast, with additional men, who swelled31 the Protestant army to forty thousand.
The contending forces advanced to the conflict, and on the 1st of July was fought the battle of the Boyne, in which Schomberg was killed, but which resulted in the King James in Ireland. defeat of the troops of James II. The discomfited32 king fled to Dublin, but quitted it as soon as he had entered it, and embarked33 hastily at Waterford for France, leaving the Earl of Tyrconnel to contend with vastly superior forces, and to make the best terms in his power.
The country was speedily subdued34, and all the important cities and fortresses35, one after the other, surrendered to the king. Limerick held out the longest, and made an obstinate36 resistance, but finally yielded to the conqueror; and with its surrender terminated the final efforts of the old Irish inhabitants to regain37 the freedom which they had lost. Four thousand persons were outlawed38, and their possessions confiscated39. Indeed, at different times, the whole country has been confiscated, with the exception of the possessions of a few families of English blood. In the reign of James I., the whole province of Ulster, containing three millions of acres, was divided among the new inhabitants. At the restoration, eight millions of acres, and, after the surrender of Limerick, one million more of acres, were confiscated. During the reign of William and Mary, the Catholic Irish were treated with extreme rigor40, and Ireland became a field for place-hunters. All important or lucrative41 offices in the church, the state, and the army, were filled with the needy42 dependants43 of the great Whig families. Injustice44 to the nation was constantly exercised, and penal45 laws were imposed by the English parliament, and in reference to matters which before came under the jurisdiction46 of the Irish parliament. But, with all these rigorous measures, Ireland was still ruled with more mildness than at any previous period in its history, and no great disturbance47 again occurred until the reign of George III.
But the reign of William III., however beneficial to the liberties of England and of Europe, was far from peaceful. Apart from his great struggle with the French king, his comfort and his composure of mind were continually disturbed by domestic embarrassments48, arising from the jealousies49 between the Whigs and Tories, the intrigues of statesmen with the exiled family, and discussions in parliament in reference to those great questions which attended the settlement of the constitution. A bill was passed, called the Place Bill, excluding all officers of the crown from the House of Commons, which showed the jealousy50 of the people respecting royal encroachments. A law also was passed, called the Triennial Bill, which limited the duration of parliament to three years, but which, in a subsequent reign, was repealed52, and one substituted which extended the duration of a parliament to seven years. An important bill was also passed which regulated trials in case of treason, in which the prisoner was furnished with a copy of the indictment53, with the names and residences of jurors, with the privilege of peremptory54 challenge, and with full defence of counsel. This bill guaranteed new privileges and rights to prisoners.
The great question pertaining to the Freedom of the Press. Liberty of the Press was discussed at this time—one of the most vital questions which affect the stability of government on the one side, and the liberties of the people on the other. So desirable have all governments deemed the control of the press by themselves, that parliament, when it abolished the Star Chamber55, in the reign of Charles I., still assumed its powers respecting the licensing56 of books. Various modifications57 were, from time to time, made in the laws pertaining to licensing books, until, in the reign of William, the liberty of the press was established nearly upon its present basis.
William, in general, was in favor of those movements which proved beneficial in after times, or which the wisdom of a subsequent age saw fit to adopt. Among these was the union of England and Scotland, which he recommended. Under his auspices58, the affairs of the East India Company were considered and new charters granted; the Bank of England was erected59; benevolent60 action for the suppression of vice61 and for the amelioration of the condition of the poor took place; the coinage was adjusted and financial experiments were made.
The crown, on the whole, lost power during this reign, which was transferred to the House of Commons. The Commons acquired the complete control of the purse, which is considered paramount62 to all other authority. Prior to the Revolution, the supply for the public service was placed at the disposal of the sovereign, but the definite sum of seven hundred thousand pounds, yearly, was placed at the disposal of William, to defray the expense of the civil list and his other expenses, while the other contingent63 expenses of government, including those for the support of the army and navy, were annually64 appropriated by the Commons.
The most important legislative65 act of this reign was the Act of Settlement — Death of William III. Act of Settlement, March 12, 1701, which provided that England should be freed from the obligation of engaging in any war for the defence of the foreign dominions66 of the king; that all succeeding kings must be of the communion of the Church of England; that no succeeding king should go out of the British dominions without consent of parliament; that no person in office, or pensioner67, should be a member of the Commons; that the religious liberties of the people should be further secured; that the judges should hold office during good behavior, and have their salaries ascertained68; and that the succession to the throne should be confined to Protestant princes.
King William reigned69 in England thirteen years, with much ability, and sagacity, and prudence70, and never attempted to subvert71 the constitution, for which his memory is dear to the English people. But most of his time, as king, was occupied in directing warlike operations on the Continent, and in which he showed a great jealousy of the genius of Marlborough, whose merits he nevertheless finally admitted. He died March 8, 1702, and was buried in the sepulchre of the kings of England.
Notwithstanding the animosity of different parties against William III., public opinion now generally awards to him, considering the difficulties with which he had to contend, the first place among the English kings. He had many enemies and many defects. The Jacobites hated him because "he upset their theory of the divine rights of kings; the High Churchmen because he was indifferent to the forms of church government; the Tories because he favored the Whigs; and the Republicans because he did not again try the hopeless experiment of a republic." Character of William. He was not a popular idol72, in spite of his great services and great qualities, because he was cold, reserved, and unyielding; because he disdained73 to flatter, and loved his native better than his adopted country. But his faults were chiefly offences against good manners, and against the prejudices of the nation. He distrusted human nature, and disdained human sympathy. He was ambitious, and his ambition was allied74 with selfishness. He permitted the slaughter75 of the De Witts, and never gave Marlborough a command worthy76 of his talents. He had no taste for literature, wit, or the fine arts. His favorite tastes were hunting, gardening and upholstery. That he was, however, capable of friendship, is attested77 by his long and devoted78 attachment79 to Bentinck, whom he created Earl of Portland, and splendidly rewarded with rich and extensive manors80 in every part of the land. His reserve and coldness may in part be traced to his profound knowledge of mankind, whom he feared to trust. But if he was not beloved by the nation, he secured their eternal respect by being the first to solve the problem of constitutional monarchy82, and by successfully ruling, at a very critical period, the Dutch, the English, the Scotch83, and the Irish, who had all separate interests and jealousies; by yielding, when in possession of great power, to restraints he did not like; and by undermining the intrigues and power of so mighty84 an enemy of European liberties as Louis XIV. His heroism shone brilliantly in defeat and disaster, and his courage and exertion85 never flagged when all Europe desponded, and when he himself labored86 under all the pains and lassitude of protracted87 disease. He died serenely88, but hiding from his attendants, as he did all his days, the profoundest impressions which agitated89 his earnest and heroic soul.
Among the great men whom he encouraged and rewarded, may be mentioned the historian Burnet, whom he made Bishop22 of Salisbury, and Tillotson and Tennison, whom he elevated to archiepiscopal thrones. Dr. South and Dr. Bentley also adorned90 this age of eminent91 divines. The great poets of the period were Prior, Dryden, Swift, and Pope, who, however, are numbered more frequently among the wits of the reign of Anne. Robert Boyle distinguished92 himself for experiments in natural science, and zeal93 for Christian94 knowledge; and Christopher Wren95 for his genius in architectural art. But the two great lights of this reign were, doubtless, Sir Isaac Newton and John Locke. Sir Isaac Newton and John Locke, to whom the realm of natural and intellectual philosophy is more indebted than to any other men of genius from the time of Bacon. The discoveries of Newton are scarcely without a parallel, and he is generally regarded as the greatest mathematical intellect that England has produced. To him the world is indebted for the binomial theorem, discovered at the age of twenty-two; for the invention of fluxions; for the demonstration96 of the law of gravitation; and for the discovery of the different refrangibility of rays of light. His treatise97 on Optics and his Principia, in which he brought to light the new theory of the universe, place him at the head of modern philosophers—on a high vantage ground, to which none have been elevated, of his age, with the exception of Leibnitz and Galileo. But his greatest glory was his modesty98, and the splendid tribute he rendered to the truths of Christianity, whose importance and sublime99 beauty he was ever most proud to acknowledge in an age of levity100 and indifference101.
John Locke is a name which almost exclusively belongs to the reign of William III., and he will also ever be honorably mentioned in the constellation102 of the very great geniuses and Christians103 of the world. His treatises104 on Religious Toleration are the most masterly ever written, while his Essay on the Human Understanding is a great system of truth, as complete, original, and logical, in the department of mental science, as was the system of Calvin in the realm of theology. Locke's Essay has had its enemies and detractors, and, while many eminent men have dissented105 from it, it nevertheless remains107, one of the most enduring and proudest monuments of the immortal108 and ever-expanding intellect of man.
On the death of William III., (1702,) the Princess Anne. Anne, daughter of James II., peaceably ascended109 the throne. She was thirty-seven years of age, a woman of great weaknesses, and possessing but few interesting qualities. Nevertheless, her reign is radiant with the glory of military successes, and adorned with every grace of fancy, wit, and style in literature. The personal talent and exclusive ambition of William suppressed the national genius; but the incapacity of Anne gave scope for the commanding abilities of Marlborough in the field, and Godolphin in the cabinet.
The memorable events connected with her reign of twelve years, were, the war of the Spanish succession, in which Marlborough humbled the pride of Louis XIV.; the struggles of the Whigs and Tories; the union of Scotland with England; the discussion and settlement of great questions pertaining to the constitution, and the security of the Protestant religion; and the impulse which literature received from the constellation of learned men who were patronized by the government, and who filled an unusual place in public estimation.
In a political point of view, this reign is but the continuation of the reign of William, since the same objects were pursued, the same policy was adopted, and the same great characters were intrusted with power. The animating110 object of William's life was the suppression of the power of Louis XIV.; and this object was never lost sight of by the English government under the reign of Anne.
Hence the great political event of the reign was the war of the Spanish succession, which, however, pertains111 to the reign of Louis as well as to that of Anne. It was during this war that the great battles of Blenheim, Ramillies, and Malplaquet attested the genius of the greatest military commander that England had ever sent into the field. It was this war which exhausted112 the energies and resources of all the contending states of Europe, and created a necessity for many years of slumbering113 repose114. It was this war which completed the humiliation115 of a monarch81 who aspired116 to the sovereignty of Europe, which preserved the balance of power, and secured the liberties of Europe. Yet it was a war which laid the foundation of the national debt, inflamed117 the English mind with a mad passion for military glory, which demoralized the nation, and fostered those international jealousies and enmities which are still a subject of reproach to the two most powerful states of Europe. This war made England a more prominent actor on the arena118 of European strife119, and perhaps contributed to her political aggrandizement120. The greatness of the British empire begins to date from this period, although this greatness is more to be traced to colonial possessions, manufactures, and commercial wealth, than to the victories of Marlborough.
It will ever remain an open question whether or not it was wise in the English nation to continue so long the struggle with Louis XIV. In a financial and material point of view, the war proved disastrous121. But it is difficult to measure the real greatness of a country, and solid and enduring blessings122, by pounds, shillings, and pence. All such calculations, however statistically123 startling, are erroneous and deceptive124. The real strength of nations consists in loyalty125, patriotism126, and public spirit; and no sacrifices can be too great to secure these unbought blessings—"this cheap defence." If the victories of Marlborough secured these, gave dignity to the British name, and an honorable and lofty self-respect to the English people, they were not dearly purchased. But the settlement of these questions cannot be easily made.
As to the remarkable127 genius of the great man who infused courage into the English mind, there can be no question. The Duke of Marlborough. Marlborough, in spite of his many faults, his selfishness and parsimony128, his ambition and duplicity, will ever enjoy an enviable fame. He was not so great a moral hero as William, nor did he contend against such superior forces as the royal hero. But he was a great hero, nevertheless. His glory was reached by no sudden indulgence of fortune, by no fortunate movements, by no accidental circumstances. His fame was progressive. He never made a great mistake; he never lost the soundness of his judgment129. No success unduly130 elated him, and no reverses discouraged him. He never forgot the interests of the nation in his own personal annoyances131 or enmities. He was magnanimously indulgent to those Dutch deputies who thwarted132 his measures, criticized his plans, and lectured him on the art of war. The glory of his country was the prevailing133 desire of his soul. He was as great in diplomacy134 and statesmanship as on the field of Blenheim. He ever sacrificed his feelings as a victorious135 general to his duty as a subject. His sagacity was only equalled by his prudence and patience, and these contributed, as well as his personal bravery, to his splendid successes, which secured for him magnificent rewards—palaces and parks, peerages, and a nation's gratitude136 and praise.
But there is a limit to all human glory. Marlborough was undermined by his political enemies, and he himself lost the confidence of the queen whom he had served, partly by his own imperious conduct, and partly from the overbearing insolence137 of his wife. From the height of popular favor, he descended138 to the depth of popular hatred139. He was held up, by the sarcasm140 of the writers whom he despised, to derision and obloquy141; was accused of insolence, cruelty, ambition, extortion, and avarice142, discharged from his high offices, and obliged to seek safety by exile. He never regained143 the confidence of the nation, although, when he died, parliament decreed him a splendid funeral, and a grave in Westminster Abbey.
In Character of Marlborough. private life, he was amiable144 and kind; was patient under contradiction, and placid145 in manners; had great self-possession, and extraordinary dignity. His person was beautiful, and his address commanding. He was feared as a general, but loved as a man. He never lost his affections for his home, and loved to idolatry his imperious wife, his equal, if not superior, in the knowledge of human nature. These qualities as a man, a general, and a statesman, in spite of his defects, have immortalized his name, and he will, for a long time to come, be called, and called with justice, the great Duke of Marlborough.
Scarcely less than he, was Lord Godolphin, the able prime minister of Anne, with whom Marlborough was united by family ties, by friendship, by official relations, and by interest. He was a Tory by profession, but a Whig in his policy. He rose with Marlborough, and fell with him, being an unflinching advocate for the prosecution146 of the war to the utmost limits, for which his government was distasteful to the Tories. His life was not stainless147; but, in an age of corruption148, he ably administered the treasury149 department, and had control of unbounded wealth, without becoming rich—the highest praise which can ever be awarded to a minister of finance. It was only through the co?peration of this sagacious and far-sighted statesman that Marlborough himself was enabled to prosecute150 his brilliant military career.
It was during his administration that party animosity was at its height—the great struggle which has been going on, in England, for nearly two hundred years, between the Whigs and Tories. Whigs and Tories. These names originated in the reign of Charles II., and were terms of reproach. The court party reproached their antagonists151 with their affinity152 to the fanatical conventiclers in Scotland, who were known by the name of the Whigs; and the country party pretended to find a resemblance between the courtiers and the Popish banditti of Ireland, to whom the appellation153 of Tory was affixed154. The High Church party and the advocates of absolutism belonged to the Tories; the more liberal party and the advocates of constitutional reform, to the Whigs. The former were conservative, the latter professed155 a sympathy with improvements. But the leaders of both parties were among the greatest nobles in the realm, and probably cared less for any great innovation than they did for themselves. These two great parties, in the progress of society, have changed their views, and the opinions once held by the Whigs were afterwards adopted by the Tories. On the whole, the Whigs were in advance in liberality of mind, and in enlightened plans of government. But both parties, in England, have ever been aristocratic, and both have felt nearly an equal disgust of popular influences. Charles and James sympathized with the Tories more than with the Whigs; but William III. was supported by the Whigs, who had the ascendency in his reign. Queen Anne was a Tory, as was to be expected from a princess of the house of Stuart; but, in the early part of her reign, was obliged to yield to the supremacy156 of the Whigs. The advocates for war were Whigs, and those who desired peace were Tories. The Whigs looked to the future glory of the country; the Tories, to the expenses which war created. The Tories at last got the ascendency, and expelled Godolphin, Marlborough, and Sunderland from power.
Of the Tory leaders, Harley, (Earl of Oxford157,) St. John, (Lord Bolingbroke,) the Duke of Buckingham, and the Duke of Ormond, the Earl of Rochester, and Lord Dartmouth, were the most prominent, but this Tory party was itself divided, in consequence of jealousies between the chiefs, the intrigues of Harley, and the measureless ambition of Bolingbroke. Under the ascendency of the Tories the treaty of Utrecht was made, now generally condemned158 by historians of both Whig and Tory politics. It was disproportioned to the success of the war, although it secured the ends of the grand alliance.
One of the causes which led to the overthrow159 of the Whigs was the impeachment160 and trial of Dr. Henry Sacheverell. Dr. Henry Sacheverell, an event which excited intense interest at the time, and, though insignificant161 in itself, touched some vital principles of the constitution.
This divine was a man of mean capacity, and of little reputation for learning or virtue162. He had been, during the reign of William, an outrageous163 Whig; but, finding his services disregarded, he became a violent Tory. By a sort of plausible164 effrontery165 and scurrilous166 rhetoric167, he obtained the applause of the people, and the valuable living of St. Saviour168, Southwark. The audacity169 of his railings against the late king and the revolution at last attracted the notice of government; and for two sermons which he printed, and in which he inculcated, without measure, the doctrine170 of passive obedience171, consigned172 Dissenters173 to eternal damnation, and abused the great principle of religious toleration, he was formally impeached174. All England was excited by the trial. The queen herself privately175 attended, to encourage a man who was persecuted176 for his loyalty, and persecuted for defending his church. The finest orators178 and lawyers of the day put forth179 all their energies. Bishop Atterbury wrote for Sacheverell his defence, which was endorsed180 by a conclave181 of High Church divines. The result of the trial was the condemnation182 of the doctor, and with it the fall of his adversaries183. He was suspended for three years, but his defeat was a triumph. He was received, in college halls and private mansions184, with the pomp of a sovereign and the reverence185 of a saint. His sentence made his enemies unpopular. The great body of the English nation, wedded186 to High Church principles, took sides in his favor. But the arguments of his accusers developed some great principles—led to the assertion of the doctrines187 of toleration; for, if passive obedience to the rulers of the state and church were obligatory188, then all Dissenters might be curbed189 and suppressed. The Whig managers of the trial, by opposing the bigoted190 Churchmen, aided the cause of dissent106, justified191 the revolution, and upheld the conquest by William III. And their speeches are upon record, that they asserted the great principles of civil and religious liberty, in the face of all the authority, dignity, and wisdom of the realm. It is true they lost as a party, on account of the bigotry192 of the times; but they furnished another pillar to uphold the constitution, and adduced new and powerful arguments in support of constitutional liberty. The country gained, if they, as a party, lost; and though Sacheverell was lauded193 by his church, his conviction was a triumph to the friends of freedom. Good resulted in many other ways. Political leaders learned moral wisdom; they saw the folly194 of persecuting195 men for libels, when such men had the sympathy of the people; that such persecutions were undignified, and that, while they gained their end, they lost more by victory than by defeat. The trial of Sacheverell, while it brought to view more clearly some great constitutional truths, also more effectually advanced the liberty of the press; for, surely, restriction196 on the press is a worse evil, than the violence and vituperation of occasional libels.
The great domestic event of this reign was doubtless the union of Scotland and England. union of Scotland and England; a consummation of lasting197 peace between the two countries, which William III. had proposed. Nothing could be more beneficent for both the countries; and the only wonder is, that it was not done before, when James II. ascended the English throne; and nothing then, perhaps, prevented it, but the bitter jealousy which had so long existed between these countries; a jealousy, dislike, and prejudice which have hardly yet passed away.
Scotland, until the reign of James II., was theoretically and practically independent of England, but was not so fortunately placed, as the latter country, for the development of energies. The country was smaller, more barren, and less cultivated. The people were less civilized198; and had less influence on the political welfare of the state. The aristocracy were more powerful, and were more jealous of royal authority. There were constant feuds199 and jealousies between dominant200 classes, which checked the growth in political importance, wealth, and civilization. But the people were more generally imbued201 with the ultra principles of the Reformation, were more religious, and cherished a peculiar202 attachment to the Presbyterian form of church government, and a peculiar hatred of every thing which resembled Roman Catholicism. They were, moreover, distinguished for patriotism, and had great jealousy of English influences.
James II. was the legitimate203 King of Scotland, as well as of England; but he soon acquired a greater love for England, than he retained for his native country; and England being the greater country, the interests of Scotland were frequently sacrificed to those of England.
Queen Anne, as the daughter of James II., was also the legitimate sovereign of Scotland; and, on her decease, the Scotch were not bound to acknowledge the Elector of Hanover as their legitimate king.
Many ardent204 and patriotic205 Scotchmen, including the Duke of Hamilton. Duke of Hamilton and Fletcher of Saltoun, deemed it a favorable time to assert, on the death of Queen Anne, their national independence, since the English government was neither just nor generous to the lesser207 country.
Under these circumstances, there were many obstacles to a permanent union, and it was more bitterly opposed in Scotland than in England. The more patriotic desired complete independence. Many were jealous of the superior prosperity of England. The people in the Highlands and the north of Scotland were Jacobinical in their principles, and were attached to the Stuart dynasty. The Presbyterians feared the influence of English Episcopacy, and Scottish peers deprecated a servile dependence206 on the parliament of England.
But the English government, on the whole, much as it hated Scotch Presbyterianism and Scotch influence, desired a union, in order to secure the peaceful succession of the house of Hanover, for the north of Scotland was favorable to the Stuarts, and without a union, English liberties would be endangered by Jacobinical intrigues. English statesmen felt this, and used every measure to secure this end.
The Scotch were overreached. Force, bribery208, and corruption were resorted to. The Duke of Hamilton proved a traitor209, and the union was effected—a union exceedingly important to the peace of both countries, but especially desirable to England. Important concessions210 were made by the English, to which they were driven only by fear. They might have ruled Scotland as they did Ireland, but for the intrepidity211 and firmness of the Scotch, who while negotiations212 were pending213, passed the famous Act of Security, by which the Scottish parliament decreed the succession in Scotland, on the death of the queen, open and elective; the independence and power of parliaments; freedom in trade and commerce; and the liberty of Scotland to engage or not in the English continental wars. The English parliament retaliated214, indeed, by an act restricting the trade of Scotland, and declaring Scotchmen aliens throughout the English dominions. But the conflicts between the Whigs and Tories induced government to repeal51 the act; and the commissioners215 for the union secured their end.
It was agreed, in the famous treaty they at last effected, that the two kingdoms of England and Scotland be united into one, by the name of Great Britain.
That the succession to the United Kingdom shall remain to the Princess Sophia, Duchess Dowager of Hanover, and the heirs of her body, being Protestants; and that all Papists, and persons marrying Papists, shall be excluded from, and be forever incapable of inheriting, the crown of Great Britain;
That the whole people of Great Britain shall be represented by one parliament, in which sixteen peers and forty-five commoners, chosen for Scotland, should sit and vote;
That the subjects of the United Kingdom shall enjoy an entire freedom and intercourse216 of trade and navigation, and reciprocal communication of all other rights, privileges, and advantages belonging to the subjects of either kingdom;
That the laws, in regard to public rights and civil government, shall be the same in both countries, but that no alteration217 shall be made in the laws respecting private rights, unless for the evident utility of the subjects residing in Scotland;
That the Court of Session, and all other courts of judicature in Scotland, remain as before the union, subject, however, to such regulations as may be made by the parliament of Great Britain.
Beside these permanent regulations, a sum of three hundred and ninety-eight thousand pounds was granted to Scotland, as an equivalent to the augmentation of the customs and excise218.
By this treaty, the Scotch became identified with the English in interest. They lost their independence; but they gained security and peace; and rose in wealth and consequence. The nation moreover, was burdened by the growth of the national debt. The advantage was mutual219, but England gained the greater advantage by shifting a portion of her burdens on Scotland, by securing the hardy220 people of that noble country to fight her battles, and by converting a nation of enemies into a nation of friends.
We come now to glance at those illustrious men who adorned the literature of England in this brilliant age, celebrated221 for political as well as literary writings.
Of these, Addison, Swift, Bolingbroke, Bentley, Warburton, Arbuthnot, Gay, Pope, Tickell, Halifax, Parnell, Rowe, Prior, Congreve, Steele, and Berkeley, were the most distinguished. Dryden belonged to the preceding age; to the period of license222 and gayety—the greatest but most immoral223 of all the great poets of England, from the time of Milton to that of Pope.
The Wits of Queen Anne's Reign. wits of Queen Anne's reign were political writers as well as poets, and their services were sought for and paid by the great statesmen of the times, chiefly of the Tory party. Marlborough neglected the poets, and they contributed to undermine his power.
Of these wits the most distinguished and respectable was Addison, born 1672. He was well educated, and distinguished himself at Oxford, and was a fellow of Magdalen College. His early verses, which would now be pronounced very inferior, however attracted the notice of Dryden, then the great autocrat224 of letters, and the oracle225 of the literary clubs. At the age of twenty-seven, Addison was provided with a pension from the Whig government, and set out on his travels. He was afterwards made secretary to Lord Halifax, and elected a member of the House of Commons, but was never able to make a speech. He, however, made up for his failure as an orator177 by his power as a writer, being a perfect master of elegant satire226. He was also charming in private conversation, and his society was much sought by eminent statesmen, scholars, and noblemen. In 1708, he became secretary for Ireland, and, while he resided at Dublin, wrote those delightful227 papers on which his fame chiefly rests. Not as the author of Rosamond, nor of Latin verses, nor of the treatise on Medals, nor of Letters from Italy, nor of the tragedy of Cato, would he now be known to us. His glory is derived228 from the Tatler and Spectator—an entirely229 new species of writing in his age, original, simple, and beautiful, but chiefly marked for polished and elegant satire against the follies230 and bad taste of his age. Moreover, his numbers of the Spectator are distinguished for elevation231 of sentiment, and moral purity, without harshness, and without misanthropy. He wrote three sevenths of that immortal production, and on every variety of subject, without any attempt to be eloquent232 or intense, without pedantry233 and without affectation. The success of the work was immense, and every one who could afford it, had it served on the breakfast table with the tea and toast. It was the general subject of conversation in all polite circles, and did much to improve the taste and reform the morals of the age. There was nothing which he so severely234 ridiculed235 as the show of learning without the reality, coxcombry237 in conversation, extravagance in dress, female flirts238 and butterflies, gay and fashionable women, and all false modesty and affectation. But he blamed without bitterness, and reformed without exhortation239, while he exalted240 what was simple, and painted in most beautiful colors the virtues241 of contentment, simplicity242, sincerity243, and cheerfulness.
His latter days were imbittered by party animosity, and the malignant244 stings of literary rivals. Nor was he happy in his domestic life, having married a proud countess, who did not appreciate his genius. He also became addicted245 to intemperate246 habits. Still he was ever honored and respected, and, when he died, was buried in Westminster Abbey.
Next to Addison in fame, and superior in genius, was Swift. Swift, born in Ireland, in 1677, educated at Dublin, and patronized by Sir William Temple. He was rewarded, finally, with the deanery of St. Patrick's. He was very useful to his party by his political writings; but his fame rests chiefly on his poetry, and his Gulliver's Travels, marked and disgraced by his savage247 sarcasm on woman, and his vilification248 of human nature. He was a great master of venomous satire. He spared neither friends nor enemies. He was ambitious, misanthropic249 and selfish. His treatment of woman was disgraceful and heartless in the extreme. But he was witty250, learned, and natural. He was never known to laugh, while he convulsed the circles into which he was thrown. He was rough to his servants, insolent251 to inferiors, and sycophantic252 to men of rank. His distinguishing power was his unsparing and unscrupulous sarcasm and his invective253 was as dreadful as the personal ridicule236 of Voltaire. As a poet he was respectable, and as a writer he was original. He was indifferent to literary fame, and never attempted any higher style of composition than that in which he could excel. His last days were miserable254, and he lingered a long while in hopeless and melancholy255 idiocy256.
Pope Pope — Bolingbroke — Gay — Prior. properly belongs to a succeeding age, though his first writings attracted considerable attention during the life of Addison, who first raised him from obscurity. He is the greatest, after Dryden, of all the second class poets of his country. His Rape257 of the Lock, the most original of his poems, established his fame. But his greatest works were the translations of the Iliad and Odyssey258, the Dunciad, and his Essay on Man. He was well paid for his labors259, and lived in a beautiful villa260 at Twickenham, the friend of Bolingbroke, and the greatest literary star of his age. But he was bitter and satirical, irritable261, parsimonious262, and vain. As a versifier, he has never been equalled. He died in 1744, in the Romish faith, beloved but by few, and disliked by the world generally.
Bolingbroke Writers of the Age of Queen Anne. was not a poet, but a man of vast genius, a great statesman, and a great writer on history and political philosophy, a man of most fascinating manners and conversation, brilliant, witty, and learned, but unprincipled and intriguing263, the great leader of the Tory party. Gay, as a poet, was respectable, but poor, unfortunate, a hanger264 on of great people, and miserably paid for his sycophancy265. His fame rests on his Fables266 and his Beggar's Opera. Prior first made himself distinguished by his satire called A City Mouse and a Country Mouse, aimed against Dryden. He was well rewarded by government, and was sent as minister to Paris. Like most of the wits of his time, he was convivial267, and not always particular in the choice of his associates. Humor was the natural turn of his mind. Steele was editor of the Spectator and wrote some excellent papers, although vastly inferior to Addison's. He is the father of the periodical essay, was a man of fashion and pleasure, and had great experience in the follies and vanities of the world. It is doubtful whether the writings of the great men who adorned the age of Anne will ever regain the ascendency they once enjoyed, since they have all been surpassed in succeeding times. They had not the fire, enthusiasm, or genius which satisfies the wants of the present generation. As poets, they had no greatness of fancy; and as philosophers, they were cold and superficial. Nor did they write for the people, but for the great, with whom they sought to associate, by whose praises they were consoled, and by whose bread they were sustained. They wrote for a class, and that class alone, that chiefly seeks to avoid ridicule and abstain268 from absurdity269, that never attempts the sublime, and never sinks to the ridiculous; a class keen of observation, fond of the satirical, and indifferent to all institutions and enterprises which have for their object the elevation of the masses, or the triumph of the abstract principles of truth and justice.
References.—Lord Mahon's History of England, which commences with the peace of Utrecht, is one of the most useful and interesting works which have lately appeared. Smollett's continuation of Hume should be consulted, although the author was greater as a novelist than as an historian. Burnet's history on this period is a standard. Hallam should be read in reference to all constitutional questions. Coxe's Life of Marlborough throws great light on the period, and is very valuable. Macaulay's work will, of course, be read. See, also, Bolingbroke's Letters, and the Duke of Berwick's Memoirs270. A chapter in the Pictorial271 History is very good as to literary history and the progress of the arts and sciences. See, also, Johnson's Lives of the Poets; Nichols's Life of Addison; Scott's Life of Swift; Macaulay's Essay on Addison; and the Spectator and Tatler.
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reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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alluded
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| 提及，暗指( allude的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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memorable
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| adj.值得回忆的，难忘的，特别的，显著的 | |
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fomented
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| v.激起，煽动（麻烦等）( foment的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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intrigues
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| n.密谋策划( intrigue的名词复数 )；神秘气氛；引人入胜的复杂情节v.搞阴谋诡计( intrigue的第三人称单数 )；激起…的好奇心 | |
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intrigue
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| vt.激起兴趣，迷住；vi.耍阴谋；n.阴谋，密谋 | |
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pertaining
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| 与…有关系的，附属…的，为…固有的(to) | |
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standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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heroism
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| n.大无畏精神，英勇 | |
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torrent
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| n.激流，洪流；爆发，(话语等的)连发 | |
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humbled
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| adj. 卑下的，谦逊的，粗陋的 vt. 使 ... 卑下，贬低 | |
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continental
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| adj.大陆的，大陆性的，欧洲大陆的 | |
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invaluable
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| adj.无价的，非常宝贵的，极为贵重的 | |
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conqueror
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| n.征服者，胜利者 | |
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bounty
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| n.慷慨的赠予物，奖金；慷慨，大方；施与 | |
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disaffected
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| adj.（政治上）不满的，叛离的 | |
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noted
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| adj.著名的，知名的 | |
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contrived
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| adj.不自然的，做作的；虚构的 | |
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disarm
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| v.解除武装，回复平常的编制，缓和 | |
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homage
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| n.尊敬，敬意，崇敬 | |
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assailable
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| adj.可攻击的，易攻击的 | |
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bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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barons
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| 男爵( baron的名词复数 )； 巨头； 大王； 大亨 | |
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despoiled
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| v.掠夺，抢劫( despoil的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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incapable
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| adj.无能力的，不能做某事的 | |
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irresolute
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| adj.无决断的，优柔寡断的，踌躇不定的 | |
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subdue
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| vt.制服，使顺从，征服；抑制，克制 | |
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inflicted
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| 把…强加给，使承受，遭受( inflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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miserably
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| adv.痛苦地；悲惨地；糟糕地；极度地 | |
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discomfiture
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| n.崩溃；大败；挫败；困惑 | |
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swelled
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| 增强( swell的过去式和过去分词 )； 肿胀； （使）凸出； 充满（激情） | |
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discomfited
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| v.使为难( discomfit的过去式和过去分词)；使狼狈；使挫折；挫败 | |
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embarked
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| 乘船( embark的过去式和过去分词 )； 装载； 从事 | |
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subdued
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| adj. 屈服的，柔和的，减弱的 动词subdue的过去式和过去分词 | |
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fortresses
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| 堡垒，要塞( fortress的名词复数 ) | |
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obstinate
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| adj.顽固的，倔强的，不易屈服的，较难治愈的 | |
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regain
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| vt.重新获得，收复，恢复 | |
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outlawed
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| 宣布…为不合法（outlaw的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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confiscated
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| 没收，充公( confiscate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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rigor
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| n.严酷，严格，严厉 | |
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lucrative
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| adj.赚钱的，可获利的 | |
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needy
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| adj.贫穷的，贫困的，生活艰苦的 | |
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dependants
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| 受赡养者，受扶养的家属( dependant的名词复数 ) | |
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injustice
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| n.非正义，不公正，不公平，侵犯（别人的）权利 | |
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penal
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| adj.刑罚的；刑法上的 | |
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jurisdiction
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| n.司法权，审判权，管辖权，控制权 | |
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disturbance
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| n.动乱，骚动；打扰，干扰；(身心)失调 | |
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48
embarrassments
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| n.尴尬( embarrassment的名词复数 )；难堪；局促不安；令人难堪或耻辱的事 | |
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49
jealousies
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| n.妒忌( jealousy的名词复数 )；妒羡 | |
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50
jealousy
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| n.妒忌，嫉妒，猜忌 | |
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51
repeal
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| n.废止，撤消；v.废止，撤消 | |
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repealed
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| 撤销，废除( repeal的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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indictment
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| n.起诉；诉状 | |
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peremptory
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| adj.紧急的，专横的，断然的 | |
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chamber
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| n.房间，寝室；会议厅；议院；会所 | |
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licensing
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| v.批准，许可，颁发执照( license的现在分词 ) | |
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modifications
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| n.缓和( modification的名词复数 )；限制；更改；改变 | |
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auspices
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| n.资助，赞助 | |
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ERECTED
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| adj. 直立的，竖立的，笔直的 vt. 使 ... 直立，建立 | |
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benevolent
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| adj.仁慈的，乐善好施的 | |
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vice
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| n.坏事；恶习；[pl.]台钳，老虎钳；adj.副的 | |
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paramount
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| a.最重要的，最高权力的 | |
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contingent
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| adj.视条件而定的；n.一组，代表团，分遣队 | |
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annually
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| adv.一年一次，每年 | |
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legislative
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| n.立法机构，立法权；adj.立法的，有立法权的 | |
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dominions
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| 统治权( dominion的名词复数 )； 领土； 疆土； 版图 | |
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pensioner
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| n.领养老金的人 | |
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ascertained
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| v.弄清，确定，查明( ascertain的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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reigned
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| vi.当政，统治（reign的过去式形式） | |
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prudence
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| n.谨慎，精明，节俭 | |
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subvert
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| v.推翻；暗中破坏；搅乱 | |
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idol
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| n.偶像，红人，宠儿 | |
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disdained
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| 鄙视( disdain的过去式和过去分词 )； 不屑于做，不愿意做 | |
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allied
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| adj.协约国的；同盟国的 | |
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slaughter
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| n.屠杀，屠宰；vt.屠杀，宰杀 | |
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worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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attested
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| adj.经检验证明无病的，经检验证明无菌的v.证明( attest的过去式和过去分词 )；证实；声称…属实；使宣誓 | |
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devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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attachment
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| n.附属物，附件；依恋；依附 | |
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manors
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| n.庄园（manor的复数形式） | |
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monarch
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| n.帝王，君主，最高统治者 | |
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monarchy
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| n.君主，最高统治者；君主政体，君主国 | |
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scotch
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| n.伤口，刻痕；苏格兰威士忌酒；v.粉碎，消灭，阻止；adj.苏格兰(人)的 | |
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mighty
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| adj.强有力的；巨大的 | |
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exertion
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| n.尽力，努力 | |
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labored
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| adj.吃力的，谨慎的v.努力争取(for)( labor的过去式和过去分词 )；苦干；详细分析；（指引擎）缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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protracted
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| adj.拖延的；延长的v.拖延“protract”的过去式和过去分词 | |
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serenely
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| adv.安详地，宁静地，平静地 | |
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agitated
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| adj.被鼓动的，不安的 | |
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adorned
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| [计]被修饰的 | |
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eminent
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| adj.显赫的，杰出的，有名的，优良的 | |
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distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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wren
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| n.鹪鹩；英国皇家海军女子服务队成员 | |
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demonstration
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| n.表明，示范，论证，示威 | |
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treatise
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| n.专著；(专题)论文 | |
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98
modesty
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| n.谦逊，虚心，端庄，稳重，羞怯，朴素 | |
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99
sublime
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| adj.崇高的，伟大的；极度的，不顾后果的 | |
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100
levity
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| n.轻率，轻浮，不稳定，多变 | |
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101
indifference
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| n.不感兴趣，不关心，冷淡，不在乎 | |
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102
constellation
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| n.星座n.灿烂的一群 | |
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103
Christians
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| n.基督教徒( Christian的名词复数 ) | |
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104
treatises
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| n.专题著作，专题论文，专著( treatise的名词复数 ) | |
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105
dissented
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| 不同意，持异议( dissent的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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106
dissent
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| n./v.不同意，持异议 | |
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107
remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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108
immortal
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| adj.不朽的；永生的，不死的；神的 | |
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109
ascended
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| v.上升，攀登( ascend的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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110
animating
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| v.使有生气( animate的现在分词 )；驱动；使栩栩如生地动作；赋予…以生命 | |
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111
pertains
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| 关于( pertain的第三人称单数 )； 有关； 存在； 适用 | |
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112
exhausted
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| adj.极其疲惫的，精疲力尽的 | |
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113
slumbering
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| 微睡，睡眠（slumber的现在分词形式） | |
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114
repose
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| v.(使)休息；n.安息 | |
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115
humiliation
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| n.羞辱 | |
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116
aspired
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| v.渴望，追求( aspire的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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117
inflamed
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| adj.发炎的，红肿的v.（使）变红，发怒，过热( inflame的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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118
arena
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| n.竞技场，运动场所；竞争场所，舞台 | |
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119
strife
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| n.争吵，冲突，倾轧，竞争 | |
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120
aggrandizement
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| n.增大，强化，扩大 | |
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121
disastrous
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| adj.灾难性的，造成灾害的；极坏的，很糟的 | |
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122
blessings
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| n.（上帝的）祝福( blessing的名词复数 )；好事；福分；因祸得福 | |
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123
statistically
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| ad.根据统计数据来看，从统计学的观点来看 | |
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124
deceptive
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| adj.骗人的，造成假象的，靠不住的 | |
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125
loyalty
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| n.忠诚，忠心 | |
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126
patriotism
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| n.爱国精神，爱国心，爱国主义 | |
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127
remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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128
parsimony
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| n.过度节俭，吝啬 | |
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129
judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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130
unduly
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| adv.过度地，不适当地 | |
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131
annoyances
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| n.恼怒( annoyance的名词复数 )；烦恼；打扰；使人烦恼的事 | |
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132
thwarted
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| 阻挠( thwart的过去式和过去分词 )； 使受挫折； 挫败； 横过 | |
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133
prevailing
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| adj.盛行的；占优势的；主要的 | |
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134
diplomacy
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| n.外交；外交手腕，交际手腕 | |
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135
victorious
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| adj.胜利的，得胜的 | |
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136
gratitude
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| adj.感激，感谢 | |
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137
insolence
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| n.傲慢；无礼；厚颜；傲慢的态度 | |
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138
descended
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| a.为...后裔的，出身于...的 | |
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139
hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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140
sarcasm
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| n.讥讽，讽刺，嘲弄，反话 （adj.sarcastic） | |
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141
obloquy
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| n.斥责，大骂 | |
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142
avarice
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| n.贪婪；贪心 | |
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143
regained
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| 复得( regain的过去式和过去分词 )； 赢回； 重回； 复至某地 | |
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144
amiable
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| adj.和蔼可亲的，友善的，亲切的 | |
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145
placid
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| adj.安静的，平和的 | |
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146
prosecution
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| n.起诉，告发，检举，执行，经营 | |
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147
stainless
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| adj.无瑕疵的，不锈的 | |
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148
corruption
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| n.腐败，堕落，贪污 | |
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149
treasury
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| n.宝库；国库，金库；文库 | |
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150
prosecute
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| vt.告发；进行；vi.告发，起诉，作检察官 | |
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151
antagonists
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| 对立[对抗] 者，对手，敌手( antagonist的名词复数 )； 对抗肌； 对抗药 | |
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152
affinity
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| n.亲和力，密切关系 | |
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153
appellation
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| n.名称，称呼 | |
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154
affixed
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| adj.[医]附着的，附着的v.附加( affix的过去式和过去分词 )；粘贴；加以；盖（印章） | |
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155
professed
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| 公开声称的，伪称的，已立誓信教的 | |
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156
supremacy
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| n.至上；至高权力 | |
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157
Oxford
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| n.牛津（英国城市） | |
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158
condemned
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| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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159
overthrow
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| v.推翻，打倒，颠覆；n.推翻，瓦解，颠覆 | |
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160
impeachment
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| n.弹劾；控告；怀疑 | |
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161
insignificant
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| adj.无关紧要的，可忽略的，无意义的 | |
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162
virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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163
outrageous
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| adj.无理的，令人不能容忍的 | |
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164
plausible
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| adj.似真实的，似乎有理的，似乎可信的 | |
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165
effrontery
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| n.厚颜无耻 | |
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166
scurrilous
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| adj.下流的，恶意诽谤的 | |
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167
rhetoric
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| n.修辞学，浮夸之言语 | |
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168
saviour
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| n.拯救者，救星 | |
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169
audacity
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| n.大胆，卤莽，无礼 | |
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170
doctrine
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| n.教义；主义；学说 | |
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171
obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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172
consigned
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| v.把…置于（令人不快的境地）( consign的过去式和过去分词 )；把…托付给；把…托人代售；丟弃 | |
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173
dissenters
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| n.持异议者，持不同意见者( dissenter的名词复数 ) | |
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174
impeached
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| v.控告（某人）犯罪( impeach的过去式和过去分词 )；弹劾；对（某事物）怀疑；提出异议 | |
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175
privately
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| adv.以私人的身份，悄悄地，私下地 | |
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176
persecuted
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| （尤指宗教或政治信仰的）迫害(~sb. for sth.)( persecute的过去式和过去分词 )； 烦扰，困扰或骚扰某人 | |
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177
orator
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| n.演说者，演讲者，雄辩家 | |
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178
orators
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| n.演说者，演讲家( orator的名词复数 ) | |
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179
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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180
endorsed
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| vt.& vi.endorse的过去式或过去分词形式v.赞同( endorse的过去式和过去分词 )；在（尤指支票的）背面签字；在（文件的）背面写评论；在广告上说本人使用并赞同某产品 | |
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181
conclave
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| n.秘密会议，红衣主教团 | |
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182
condemnation
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| n.谴责; 定罪 | |
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183
adversaries
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| n.对手，敌手( adversary的名词复数 ) | |
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184
mansions
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| n.宅第，公馆，大厦( mansion的名词复数 ) | |
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185
reverence
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| n.敬畏，尊敬，尊严；Reverence:对某些基督教神职人员的尊称；v.尊敬，敬畏，崇敬 | |
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186
wedded
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| adj.正式结婚的；渴望…的，执著于…的v.嫁，娶，（与…）结婚( wed的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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187
doctrines
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| n.教条( doctrine的名词复数 )；教义；学说；（政府政策的）正式声明 | |
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188
obligatory
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| adj.强制性的，义务的，必须的 | |
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189
curbed
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| v.限制，克制，抑制( curb的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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190
bigoted
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| adj.固执己见的，心胸狭窄的 | |
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191
justified
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| a.正当的，有理的 | |
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192
bigotry
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| n.偏见，偏执，持偏见的行为[态度]等 | |
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193
lauded
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| v.称赞，赞美( laud的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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194
folly
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| n.愚笨，愚蠢，蠢事，蠢行，傻话 | |
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195
persecuting
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| （尤指宗教或政治信仰的）迫害(~sb. for sth.)( persecute的现在分词 )； 烦扰，困扰或骚扰某人 | |
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196
restriction
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| n.限制，约束 | |
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197
lasting
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| adj.永久的，永恒的；vbl.持续，维持 | |
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198
civilized
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| a.有教养的，文雅的 | |
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199
feuds
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| n.长期不和，世仇( feud的名词复数 ) | |
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200
dominant
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| adj.支配的，统治的；占优势的；显性的；n.主因，要素，主要的人(或物)；显性基因 | |
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201
imbued
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| v.使（某人/某事）充满或激起（感情等）( imbue的过去式和过去分词 )；使充满；灌输；激发（强烈感情或品质等） | |
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202
peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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203
legitimate
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| adj.合法的，合理的，合乎逻辑的；v.使合法 | |
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204
ardent
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| adj.热情的，热烈的，强烈的，烈性的 | |
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205
patriotic
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| adj.爱国的，有爱国心的 | |
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206
dependence
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| n.依靠，依赖；信任，信赖；隶属 | |
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207
lesser
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| adj.次要的，较小的；adv.较小地，较少地 | |
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208
bribery
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| n.贿络行为，行贿，受贿 | |
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209
traitor
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| n.叛徒，卖国贼 | |
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210
concessions
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| n.（尤指由政府或雇主给予的）特许权( concession的名词复数 )；承认；减价；（在某地的）特许经营权 | |
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211
intrepidity
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| n.大胆，刚勇；大胆的行为 | |
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212
negotiations
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| 协商( negotiation的名词复数 )； 谈判； 完成（难事）； 通过 | |
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213
pending
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| prep.直到，等待…期间；adj.待定的；迫近的 | |
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214
retaliated
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| v.报复，反击( retaliate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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215
commissioners
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| n.专员( commissioner的名词复数 )；长官；委员；政府部门的长官 | |
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216
intercourse
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| n.性交；交流，交往，交际 | |
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217
alteration
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| n.变更，改变；蚀变 | |
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218
excise
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| n.(国产)货物税；vt.切除，删去 | |
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219
mutual
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| adj.相互的，彼此的；共同的，共有的 | |
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220
hardy
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| adj.勇敢的，果断的，吃苦的；耐寒的 | |
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221
celebrated
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| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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222
license
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| n.执照，许可证，特许；v.许可，特许 | |
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223
immoral
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| adj.不道德的，淫荡的，荒淫的，有伤风化的 | |
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224
autocrat
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| n.独裁者；专横的人 | |
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225
oracle
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| n.神谕，神谕处，预言 | |
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226
satire
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| n.讽刺，讽刺文学，讽刺作品 | |
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227
delightful
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| adj.令人高兴的，使人快乐的 | |
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228
derived
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| vi.起源；由来；衍生；导出v.得到( derive的过去式和过去分词 )；（从…中）得到获得；源于；（从…中）提取 | |
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229
entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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230
follies
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| 罪恶，时事讽刺剧； 愚蠢，蠢笨，愚蠢的行为、思想或做法( folly的名词复数 ) | |
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231
elevation
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| n.高度；海拔；高地；上升；提高 | |
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eloquent
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| adj.雄辩的，口才流利的；明白显示出的 | |
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233
pedantry
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| n.迂腐，卖弄学问 | |
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234
severely
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| adv.严格地；严厉地；非常恶劣地 | |
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235
ridiculed
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| v.嘲笑，嘲弄，奚落( ridicule的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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236
ridicule
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| v.讥讽，挖苦；n.嘲弄 | |
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237
coxcombry
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| n.（男子的）虚浮，浮夸，爱打扮 | |
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238
flirts
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| v.调情，打情骂俏( flirt的第三人称单数 ) | |
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239
exhortation
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| n.劝告，规劝 | |
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240
exalted
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| adj.(地位等)高的，崇高的；尊贵的，高尚的 | |
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virtues
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| 美德( virtue的名词复数 )； 德行； 优点； 长处 | |
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242
simplicity
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| n.简单，简易；朴素；直率，单纯 | |
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243
sincerity
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| n.真诚，诚意；真实 | |
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244
malignant
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| adj.恶性的，致命的；恶意的，恶毒的 | |
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245
addicted
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| adj.沉溺于....的，对...上瘾的 | |
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246
intemperate
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| adj.无节制的，放纵的 | |
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247
savage
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| adj.野蛮的；凶恶的，残暴的；n.未开化的人 | |
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248
vilification
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| n.污蔑，中伤，诽谤 | |
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249
misanthropic
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| adj.厌恶人类的，憎恶（或蔑视）世人的；愤世嫉俗 | |
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witty
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| adj.机智的，风趣的 | |
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251
insolent
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| adj.傲慢的，无理的 | |
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252
sycophantic
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| adj.阿谀奉承的 | |
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253
invective
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| n.痛骂，恶意抨击 | |
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254
miserable
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| adj.悲惨的，痛苦的；可怜的，糟糕的 | |
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melancholy
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| n.忧郁，愁思；adj.令人感伤（沮丧）的，忧郁的 | |
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idiocy
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| n.愚蠢 | |
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257
rape
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| n.抢夺，掠夺，强奸；vt.掠夺，抢夺，强奸 | |
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258
odyssey
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| n.长途冒险旅行；一连串的冒险 | |
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labors
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| v.努力争取(for)( labor的第三人称单数 )；苦干；详细分析；（指引擎）缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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260
villa
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| n.别墅，城郊小屋 | |
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261
irritable
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| adj.急躁的；过敏的；易怒的 | |
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parsimonious
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| adj.吝啬的，质量低劣的 | |
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263
intriguing
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| adj.有趣的；迷人的v.搞阴谋诡计(intrigue的现在分词)；激起…的好奇心 | |
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264
hanger
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| n.吊架，吊轴承；挂钩 | |
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265
sycophancy
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| n.拍马屁，奉承，谄媚；吮痈舐痔 | |
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266
fables
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| n.寓言( fable的名词复数 )；神话，传说 | |
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267
convivial
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| adj.狂欢的，欢乐的 | |
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268
abstain
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| v.自制，戒绝，弃权，避免 | |
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269
absurdity
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| n.荒谬，愚蠢；谬论 | |
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270
memoirs
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| n.回忆录；回忆录传( mem,自oir的名词复数) | |
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271
pictorial
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| adj.绘画的；图片的；n．画报 | |
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