Great subjects were discussed in England, and great events happened in America, during the latter years of the reigns2 of Frederic II., Catharine II., and Maria Theresa. These now demand attention.
George III. ascended3 the throne of Great Britain at a period of unparalleled prosperity, when the English arms were Military Successes in America. victorious4 in all parts of the world, and when commerce and the arts had greatly enriched his country and strengthened its political importance. By the peace of Paris, (1763,) the dominions5 of George III. were enlarged, and the country over which he reigned6 was the most powerful in Europe.
Mr. George Grenville succeeded the Earl of Bute as the prime minister of the king, and he was chiefly assisted by the Earls of Egremont and Halifax. His administration was signalized by the prosecution7 of Wilkes, and by schemes for the taxation8 of the American colonies.
Mr. Wilkes was a member of parliament, but a man of ruined fortunes and profligate9 morals. As his circumstances were desperate, he applied10 to the ministry11 for some post of emolument12; but his application was rejected. Failure enraged13 him, and he swore revenge, and resolved to libel the ministers, under the pretext14 of exercising the liberty of the press. He was editor of the North Briton, a periodical publication of some talent, but more bitterness. In the forty-fifth number, he assailed15 the king, charging him with a direct falsehood. The charge should have been dismissed with contempt; for it was against the dignity of the government to refute an infamous16 slander17. But, in an evil hour, it was thought expedient18 to vindicate19 the honor of the sovereign; and a warrant was therefore issued against the editor, publisher, and printer of the publication. The officers of the law entered Wilkes's house late one evening, seized his papers, and committed him to the Tower. He sued out a writ20 of habeas corpus, in consequence of which he was brought up to Westminster Hall. Being a member of parliament, and a man of considerable abilities and influence, his case attracted attention. The judges decided21 that his arrest was illegal, since a member of parliament could not be imprisoned22 except for treason, felony, or breach23 of the peace. He had not committed any of these crimes, for a libel had only a tendency to disturb the peace. Still, had he been a private person, his imprisonment24 would have been legal; but being unconstitutional, he was discharged. Lord Chief Justice Pratt gained great popularity by his charge in favor of the liberation of Wilkes, and ever nobly defended constitutional liberty. He is better known as Lord Camden, the able lord chancellor25 and statesman during a succeeding administration, and one of the greatest lawyers England has produced, ranking with Lord Hardwicke, Lord Ellenborough, and Lord Eldon.
After the discharge of Wilkes, the attorney-general was then ordered to commence a state Prosecution of Wilkes. prosecution, and he was arraigned26 at the bar of the House of Commons. It was voted, by a great majority, that the forty-fifth number of the North Briton was a scandalous and seditious libel, and tending to excite traitorous27 insurrections. It was further voted that the paper should be burned by the common hangman. Wilkes then complained to the House of a breach of privilege, which complaint, being regular, was considered. But the Commons decided that the privilege of parliament does not extend to a libel, which resolution was against the decision of the Court of Common Pleas, and the precedents28 upon record in their own journals. However scandalous and vulgar the vituperation of Wilkes, and especially disgraceful in a member of parliament, still his prosecution was an attack on the constitution. Wilkes was arrested on what is called a general warrant, which, if often resorted to, would be fatal to the liberties of the people. Many, who strongly disliked the libeller, still defended him in this instance, among whom were Pitt, Beckford, Legge, Yorke, and Sir George Saville. But party spirit and detestation of Wilkes triumphed over the constitution, and the liberties of members of parliament were abridged30 even by themselves. But Wilkes was not discouraged, and immediately brought an action, in Westminster Hall, against the Earl of Halifax, the secretary of state, for seizing his papers, and, after a hearing of fifteen hours, before Lord Chief Justice Pratt and a special jury, obtained a verdict in his favor of one thousand pounds damages and costs.
While the Commons were prosecuting31 Wilkes for a libel, the Lords also continued the prosecution. Wilkes, in conjunction with Potter, a dissipated son of Archbishop Potter, during some of their bacchanalian32 revels33, had written a blasphemous34 and obscene poem, after the model of Pope's Essay on Man, called An Essay on Woman. The satire35 was not published, but a few copies of it were printed privately36 for the authors. Lord Sandwich had contrived37 to secure a copy of it, and read it before the House; and the Lords, indignant and disgusted, voted an address to the king to institute a prosecution against the author. The Lords, by so doing, departed from the dignity of their order, and their ordinary functions, and their persecution38 served to strengthen, instead of weaken, the cause of Wilkes.
Associated with him, in his writings and his revels, was the poet Churchill. Churchill, a clergyman of the Establishment, but as open a contemner39 of decency40 as Wilkes himself. For some years, his poetry had proved as bad as his sermons, his time being spent in low dissipation. An ill-natured criticism on his writings called forth41 his energies, and he started, all at once, a giant in numbers, with all the fire of Dryden and all the harmony of Pope. Imagination, wit, strength, and sense, were crowded into his compositions; but he was careless of both matter and manner, and wrote just what came in his way. "This bacchanalian priest," says Horace Walpole, "now mouthing patriotism43, and now venting44 libertinism45, the scourge46 of bad men, and scarce better than the worst, debauching wives, and protecting his gown by the weight of his fist, engaged with Wilkes in his war on the Scots, and set himself up as the Hercules that was to cleanse47 the state and punish its oppressors. And true it is, the storm that saved us was raised in taverns48 and night-cellars; so much more effectual were the orgies of Churchill and Wilkes than the dagger49 of Cato and Brutus. Earl Temple joined them in mischief50 and dissipation, and whispered where they might find torches, though he took care never to be seen to light one himself. This triumvirate has even made me reflect that nations are most commonly saved by the worst men in them. The virtuous51 are too scrupulous52 to go the lengths which are necessary to rouse the people against their tyrants53."
The ferment54 created by the prosecution of Wilkes led to the resignation of Mr. Grenville, in 1765, and the Marquis of Rockingham succeeded him as head of the administration. He continued, however, the prosecution. He retained his place but a few months, and was succeeded by the Grafton's Administration. Duke of Grafton, the object of such virulent55 invective56 in the Letters of Junius, a work without elevation57 of sentiment, without any appeal to generous principle, without recognition of the eternal laws of justice, and without truthfulness58, and yet a work which produced a great sensation, and is to this day regarded as a masterpiece of savage59 and unscrupulous sarcasm60. The Duke of Grafton had the same views as his predecessor61 respecting Wilkes, who had the audacity62, notwithstanding the sentence of outlawry63 which had been passed against him, to return from Paris, to which he had, for a time, retired64, and to appear publicly at Guildhall, and offer himself as a candidate for the city of London. He was contemptuously rejected, but succeeded in being elected as member for Middlesex county.
Mr. Wilkes, however, recognizing the outlawry that had been passed against him, surrendered himself to the jurisdiction65 of the Court of the King's Bench, which was then presided over by Lord Mansfield. This great lawyer and jurist confirmed the verdicts against him, and sentenced him to pay a fine of one thousand pounds, to suffer two years' imprisonment, and to find security for good behavior for seven years. This sentence was odious66 and severe, and the more unjustifiable in view of the arbitrary and unprecedented67 alteration68 of the records on the very night preceding the trial.
The multitude, enraged, rescued their Popularity of Wilkes. idol69 from the officers of the law, as they were conducting him to prison, and carried him with triumph through the city; but, through his entreaties70, they were prevailed upon to abstain71 from further acts of outrage72. Mr. Wilkes again surrendered himself, and was confined in prison. When the Commons met, Wilkes was again expelled, in order to satisfy the vengeance73 of the court. But the electors of Middlesex again returned him to parliament, and the Commons voted that, being once expelled, he was incapable74 of sitting, even if elected, in the same parliament. The electors of Middlesex, equally determined75 with the Commons, chose him, for a third time, their representative; and the election, for the third time, was declared void by the commons. In order to terminate the contest, Colonel Lutterell, a member of the House, vacated his seat, and offered himself a candidate for Middlesex. He received two hundred and ninety-six votes, and Wilkes twelve hundred and forty-three, but Lutterell was declared duly elected by the Commons, and took his seat for Middlesex.
This decision threw the whole nation into a ferment, and was plainly an outrage on the freedom of elections; and it was so considered by some of the most eminent76 men in England, even by those who despised the character of Wilkes. Lord Chatham, from his seat, declared "that the laws were despised, trampled77 upon, destroyed; those laws which had been made by the stern virtues78 of our ancestors, those iron barons79 of old, to whose spirit in the hour of contest, and to whose fortitude80 in the triumph of victory, the silken barons of this day owe all their honors and security."
Mr. Wilkes subsequently triumphed; the Commons grew weary of a contest which brought no advantage and much ignominy, and the prosecution was dropped; but not until the subject of it had been made Lord Mayor of London. From 1768 to 1772, he was the sole unrivalled political idol of the people, who lavished81 on him all in their power to bestow82. They subscribed83 twenty thousand pounds for the payment of his debts, besides gifts of plate, wine, and household goods. Every wall bore his name and every window his picture. In china, bronze, or marble, he stood upon the chimney-pieces of half the houses in London, and he swung from the sign-board of every village, and every great road in the environs of the metropolis84. In 1770 he was discharged from his imprisonment, in 1771 was permitted to take his seat, and elected mayor. From 1776, his popularity declined, and he became involved in pecuniary85 difficulties. He, however, emerged from them, and enjoyed a quiet office until his death (1797.) He was a patriot42 from accident, and not from principle, and corrupt86 in his morals; but he was a gentleman of elegant manners and cultivated taste. He was the most popular political character ever known in England; and his name, at one time, was sufficient to blow up the flames of sedition87, and excite the lower orders to acts of violence bordering on madness.
During his prosecution, important events occurred, of greater moment to the world. The disputes about the Taxation of the Colonies. taxation of America led to the establishment of a new republic, whose extent and grandeur88 have never been equalled, and whose future greatness cannot well be exaggerated.
These disputes commenced during the administration of George Grenville. The proposal to tax the American colonies had been before proposed to Sir Robert Walpole, but this prudent89 and sagacious minister dared not run the risk. Mr. Grenville was not, however, daunted90 by the difficulties and dangers which the more able Walpole regarded. In order to lighten the burden which resulted from the ruinous wars of Pitt, the minister proposed to raise a revenue from the colonies. The project pleased the house, and the Stamp Duties were imposed. It is true that the tax was a light one, and was so regarded by Mr. Grenville; but he intended it as a precedent29; he was resolved to raise a revenue from the colonies sufficiently91 great to lighten the public burden. He regarded the colonists92 as subjects of the King of Great Britain, in every sense of the word; and, since they received protection from the government, they were bound to contribute to its support.
But the colonists, now scattered93 along the coast from Maine to Georgia, took Indignation of the Colonies. other views. They maintained that, though subject in some degree to English legislation, they could not be taxed, any more than other subjects of Great Britain, without their consent. They were willing to be ruled in accordance with those royal charters which had, at different times, been given them. They were even willing to assist the mother country, which they loved and revered94, and with which were connected their brightest and most cherished associations, in expelling its enemies from adjoining territories, and to fight battles in its defence. They were willing to receive the literature, the religion, the fashions, and the opinions of their brethren in England. But they looked upon the soil which they cultivated in the wilderness95 with so many difficulties, hardships, and dangers, as their own, and believed that they were bound to raise taxes only to defend the soil, and promote good government, religion, and morality in their midst. But they could not understand why they were bound to pay taxes to support English wars on the continent of Europe. It was for their children, and for the sacred privilege of religious liberty, that they had originally left the mother country. It was only for themselves and their children that they felt bound to labor96. They sought no political influence in England. They did not wish to control elections, or regulate the finances, or interfere97 with the projects of military aggrandizement98. They were not represented in the English parliament, and they composed, politically speaking, no part of the English nation. Great, therefore, was their indignation, when they learned that the English government was interfering99 with their chartered rights, and designed to raise a revenue from them to lighten taxes at home, merely to support the government in foolish wars. If they could be taxed, without their consent, in any thing, they could be taxed without limit; and they would be in danger of becoming mere100 slaves of the mother country, and be bound to labor for English aggrandizement. On one point they insisted with peculiar101 earnestness—that taxation, in a free country, without a representation of interests in parliament, was an outrage. It was on account of this arbitrary taxation that Charles I. lost his crown, and the second revolution was effected, which placed the house of Hanover on the throne. The colonies felt that, if the subjects of the king at home were justified102 in resisting unlawful taxes, they surely, on another continent, and without a representation, had a right to do so also; that, if they were to be taxed without their consent, they would be in a worse condition than even the people of Ireland; would be in the condition of a conquered people, without the protection which even a conquered country enjoyed. Hence they remonstrated103, and prepared themselves for resistance.
The English government was so blinded as not to perceive or feel the force of the reasoning of the colonists, and obstinately105 resolved to resort to measures which, with a free and spirited people, must necessarily lead to violence and strife106. The House of Commons would not even hear the reports of the colonial agents, but proceeded, with strange infatuation and obstinate104 bigotry107, to impose the The Stamp Act. Stamp Act, (1765.) There were some, however, who perceived its folly108 and injustice109. General Conway protested against the assumed right of the government, and Colonel Barré, a speaker of great eminence110, exclaimed, in reply to the speech of Charles Townshend, who styled the colonies "children planted by our care, and nourished by our indulgence,"—"They planted by your care!—No! your oppressions planted them in America; they fled from your tyranny to a then uncultivated wilderness, exposed to all the hardships to which human nature is liable! They nourished by your indulgence!—No! they grew by your neglect; your care of them was displayed in sending persons to govern them who were the deputies of deputies of ministers—men whose behavior, on many occasions, has caused the blood of those sons of liberty to recoil111 within them; men who have been promoted to the highest seats of justice in a foreign country, in order to escape being brought to the bar of a court of justice in their own." Mr. Pitt opposed the fatal policy of Grenville with singular eloquence112; by arguments which went beyond acts of parliament; by an appeal to the natural reason; and by recognition of the great, inalienable principles of liberty. He maintained that the House had no right to lay an internal tax upon America, that country not being represented. Burke, too, then a new speaker, raised his voice against the folly and injustice of taxing the colonies; but it was in vain. The commons were bent113 on imposing114 the Stamp Act.
But the passage of this act created great disturbances115 in America, and was every where regarded as the beginning of great calamities116. Throughout the colonies there was a general combination to resist the stamp duty; and it was resolved to purchase no English manufactures, and to prevent the adoption117 of stamped paper.
Such violent and unexpected opposition118 embarrassed the English ministry; which, in addition to the difficulties attending the prosecution of Wilkes, led to the retirement119 of Grenville, who was succeeded by the Marquis of Rockingham. During his short administration, the Stamp Act was repealed120, although the Commons still insisted on their right to tax America. The joy which this repeal121 created in the colonies was unbounded; and the speech of Pitt, who proposed the repeal, and defended it with unprecedented eloquence, was every where read with enthusiasm, and served to strengthen the conviction, among the leading men in the colonies, that their cause was right. Lord Rockingham did not long remain at the head of the government, and was succeeded by the Duke of Grafton; although Mr. Pitt, recently created Earl of Chatham, was virtually the prime minister. Lord Rockingham retired from office with a high character for pure and disinterested122 patriotism, and without securing place, pension, or reversion, to himself or to any of his adherents123.
The elevation of Lord Chatham. Lord Chatham to the peerage destroyed his popularity and weakened his power. No man ever made a greater mistake than he did in consenting to an apparent elevation. He had long been known and designated as the Great Commoner. The people were proud of him and, as a commoner, he could have ruled the nation, in spite of all opposition. No other man could have averted124 the national calamities. But, as a peer, he no longer belonged to the people, and the people lost confidence in him, and abandoned him. What he gained in dignity he lost in power and popularity. The people now compared him with Lord Bath, and he became the object of universal calumny125.
And Chatham felt the change which had taken place in the nation. He had ever loved and courted popularity, and that was the source of his power. He now lost his spirits, and interested himself but little in public affairs. He relapsed into a state of indolence and apathy126. He remained only the shadow of a mighty127 name; and, sequestered128 in the groves129 of his family residence, ceased to be mentioned by the public. He became melancholy130, nervous, and unfit for business. Nor could he be induced to attend a cabinet council, even on the most pressing occasions. He pretended to be ill, and would not hold conference with his colleagues. Nor did he have the influence with the king which he had a right to expect. Being no longer beloved by the people, he was no longer feared by the king. He was like Samson when deprived of his locks—without strength; for his strength lay in the confidence and affections of the nation. He opposed his colleagues in their resolution to impose new taxes on America, but his counsels were disregarded.
These taxes were in the shape of duties on glass, paper, lead, and painters' colors, from which no considerable revenue could be gained, and much discontent would inevitably131 result. When the news of this new taxation reached the colonies, it destroyed all the cheerfulness which the repeal of the Stamp Act had caused. Sullenness132 and gloom returned. Trust in parliament was diminished. New combinations of opposition were organized, and the newspapers teemed133 with invective.
In the midst of these disturbances, Lord Chatham resigned the Privy134 Seal, the office he had selected, and retired from the administration, (1768.)
In 1770, the Duke of Grafton also resigned his office as first lord of the treasury135, chiefly in consequence of the increasing difficulties with America; and Administration of Lord North. Lord North, who had been two years chancellor of the exchequer136, took his place. He was an amiable137 and accomplished138 nobleman, and had many personal friends, and few personal enemies; but he was unfit to manage the helm of state in the approaching storm.
It was his misfortune to be minister in the most unsettled and revolutionary times, and to misunderstand not merely the spirit of the age, but the character and circumstances of the American colonies. George III., with singular obstinacy139 and blindness, sustained the minister against all opposition; and under his administration the American war was carried on, which ended so disastrously141 to the mother country.
As this great and eventful war will be the subject of the next chapter, the remaining events of interest, connected with the domestic history of England, will be first presented.
The most important of these were the discontents of the Irish.
As early as 1762, associations of the peasantry were formed with a view to political reforms and changes, and these popular demonstrations142 of the discontented have ever since marked the history of the Irish nation—ever poor, ever oppressed, ever on the eve of rebellion.
The first circumstance, however, after the accession of George III., which claims particular notice, was the passing of the Octennial Bill, in 1788. The Functions of the Parliament. Irish parliament, unlike the English, continued in existence during the life of the sovereign. In 1761, an attempt had been made by the patriotic143 party to limit its duration, and to place it upon the same footing as the parliament of England; but this did not succeed. Lord Townshend, at this period, was lord lieutenant144, and it was the great object of his government to break the power of the Irish aristocracy, and to take out of their hands the distribution of pensions and places, which hitherto had, from motives145 of policy, been allowed them. He succeeded in his object, though by unjustifiable means, and the British government became the source of all honor and emolument. During his administration, some disturbances broke out in Ulster, in consequence of the system which then prevailed of letting land on fines. As a great majority of the peasantry and small farmers were unable to pay these fines, and were consequently deprived of their farms, they became desperate, and committed violent outrages146 on those who had taken their lands. Government was obliged to resort to military force, and many distressed147 people were driven to America for subsistence. To Ireland there appeared no chance of breaking the thraldom148 which England in other respects also exercised, when the American war broke out. This immediately changed the language and current of the British government in reference to Ireland; proposals were made favorable to Irish commerce; and some penal149 statutes150 against Catholics were annulled151. Still the patriots152 of Ireland aimed at much greater privileges than had as yet been granted, and the means to secure these were apparent. England had drawn153 from Ireland nearly all the regular forces, in order to send them to America, and the sea-coast of Ireland was exposed to invasion. In consequence of the defenceless state of the country, the inhabitants of the town of Belfast, in 1779, entered into armed associations to defend themselves in case of necessity. This gave rise to a system of volunteers, which soon was extended over the island. The Irish now began to feel their strength; and even Lord North admitted, in the House of Commons, the necessity of granting to them still greater privileges, and carried a bill through parliament, which removed some grievous commercial restrictions154. But the Irish looked to greater objects, and especially since Lord North, in order to carry his bill, represented it as a boon155 resumable at pleasure, rather than as a right to which the Irish were properly entitled. This bill, therefore, instead of quieting the patriots, led to a desire for an independent parliament of their own. A union was formed of volunteers to secure this end, not composed of the ignorant peasantry, but of all classes, at the head of which was the Duke of Leinster himself. In 1781, this association of volunteers had a force of fifty thousand disciplined men; and it moreover formed committees of correspondence, which naturally alarmed the British government.
These and other disturbances, added to the disasters in America, induced the House of Commons to pass censure156 on Lord North and his colleague, as incapable of managing the helm of state. The king, therefore, was compelled to dismiss his ministers, whose administration had proved the most disastrous140 in British annals. Lord North, however, had uncommon157 difficulties to contend with, and might have governed the nation with honor in ordinary times. He resigned in 1782, four years after the death of Chatham, and the Marquis of Buckingham, a second time, was placed at the head of the government. Mr. Fox and Mr. Burke also obtained places, and the Whigs were once more triumphant158.
The attention of the new ministry was imperatively159 demanded by the Irish Discontents. discontents in Ireland, and important concessions160 were made. Mr. Grattan moved an address to the king, which was unanimously carried in both Houses, in which it was declared that "the crown of Ireland was inseparably annexed161 to the crown of Great Britain; but that the kingdom of Ireland was a distinct kingdom, with a parliament of her own, the sole legislature thereof; that in this right they conceived the very essence of their liberty to exist; that in behalf of all the people of Ireland, they claimed this as their birthright, and could not relinquish162 it but with their lives; that they had a high veneration163 for the British character; and that, in sharing the freedom of England, it was their determination to share also her fate, and to stand and fall with the British nation." The new lord lieutenant, the Duke of Portland, assured the Irish parliament that the British legislature had resolved to remove the cause of discontent, and a law was actually passed which placed the Irish parliament on the same footing as that of England. Acts were also passed for the right of habeas corpus, and for the independence of the judges.
The volunteers, having accomplished the objects which they originally contemplated164, did not, however, disband, but now directed their efforts to a reform in parliament. But the House of Commons rejected the proposition offered by Mr. Flood, and the convention, appointed by the volunteers, indefinitely adjourned165 without persevering166, as it should have done. The volunteer system soon after declined.
The cause of parliamentary reform, though no longer supported by the volunteers in their associate character, was not deserted167 by the people, or by their advocates in parliament. Among these advocates was William Pitt himself. But in 1783, he became prime minister, and changed his opinions.
But before the administration of Pitt can be presented, an event in the domestic history of England must be alluded168 to, which took place during the administration of Lord North. This was the Protestant Association. Protestant Association, headed by Lord George Gordon, and the riots to which it led.
In 1780, parliament had passed an act relieving Roman Catholics from some of the heavy penalties inflicted169 on them in the preceding century. It relieved bishops170, priests, and schoolmasters from prosecution and imprisonment, gave security to the rights of inheritance, and permission to purchase lands on fee simple. This act of toleration was generally opposed in England; but the fanatical spirit of Presbyterianism in Scotland was excited in view of this reasonable indulgence, to a large body of men, of the rights of conscience and civil liberty. On the bare rumor171 of the intended indulgence, great tumults172 took place in Edinburgh and Glasgow; the Roman Catholic chapel173 was destroyed, and the houses of the principal Catholics were attacked and plundered174. Nor did the magistracy check or punish these disorders175 with any spirit, but secretly favored the rioters. Encouraged by the indifference176 of the magistrates177, the fanatics178 formed themselves into a society called the Protestant Association, to oppose any remission of the present unjust laws; and of this association Lord George Gordon's Riots. Lord George Gordon was chosen president. He was the son of the Duke of Gordon, belonging to one of the most ancient of the Scottish nobility, but a man in the highest degree wild and fanatical. He was also a member of parliament, and opposed the views of the most enlightened statesmen of his time, and with an extravagance which led to the belief that he was insane. He calumniated179 the king, defied the parliament, and boasted of the number of his adherents. He pretended that he had, in Scotland, one hundred and sixty thousand men at his command, who would cut off the king's head, if he did not keep his coronation oath. The enthusiasm of the Scotch180 soon spread to the English; and, throughout the country, associations were affiliated181 with the parent societies in London and Edinburgh, of both of which Lord Gordon was president. At Coachmakers' Hall he assembled his adherents; and, in an incendiary harangue182, inflamed183 the minds of an immense audience in regard to the Church of Rome, with the usual invectives respecting its idolatry and corruption184. He urged them to violent courses, as the only way to stop the torrent185 of Catholicism which was desolating186 the land. Soon after, this association assembled at St. George's Fields, to the astonishing number of fifty thousand people, marshalled in separate bands, with blue cockades; and this immense rabble187 proceeded through the city of London to the House of Parliament, preceded by a man carrying a petition signed by twelve hundred thousand names. The rabble took possession of the lobby of the house, making the old palace ring with their passionate188 cries of "No popery! no popery!" This mob was harangued189 by Lord Gordon himself, in the lobby of the house, while the matter was discussed among the members. The military were drawn out, and the mob was dispersed190 for a time, but soon assembled again, and became still more alarming. Houses were plundered, churches were entered, and the city set on fire in thirty-six different places. The people were obliged to chalk on their houses "No popery," and pay contributions to prevent their being sacked. The prisons were emptied of both felons191 and debtors192. Lord Mansfield's splendid residence was destroyed, together with his pictures, furniture, and invaluable193 law library. Martial194 law was finally proclaimed—the last resort in cases of rebellion, and never resorted to but in extreme cases; and the military did what magistrates could not do—restored order and law. Had not the city been decreed to be in a state of rebellion, the rioters would have taken the bank, which they had already attacked. Five hundred persons were killed in the riot, and Lord George Gordon was committed to the Tower. He, however, escaped conviction, through the extraordinary talents of his counsel, Mr. Erskine and Mr. Kenyon; but one hundred others were capitally convicted. This disgraceful riot opened the eyes of the people to the horrors of popular insurrection, and perhaps prevented a revolution in England, when other questions, of more practical importance, agitated195 the nation.
But no reform of importance took place until the administration of William Pitt. Mr. Burke attempted to secure some economical retrenchments, which were strongly opposed. But what was a retrenchment196 of two hundred thousand pounds a year, when compared with the vast expenditures197 of the British armies in America and in India? But though the reforms which Burke projected were not radical199 or important, they contributed to raise his popularity with the people, who were more annoyed by the useless offices connected with the king's household, than by the expenditure198 of millions in war. At first, his scheme received considerable attention, and the members listened to his propositions so long as they were abstract and general. But when he proceeded to specific reforms, they no longer regarded his voice, and he was obliged to abandon his task as hopeless. William Pitt made his first speech in the debate which Burke had excited, and argued in favor of retrenchment with the eloquence of his father, but with more method and clearness. The bill was lost, but Burke finally succeeded in carrying his measures; and the offices of the master of the harriers, the master of the staghounds, the clerk of the green cloth, and some other unimportant sinecures200, were abolished.
The first attempt at that Parliamentary Reforms. great representative reform which afterwards convulsed the nation, was made by William Pitt. He brought forward two resolutions, to prevent bribery201 at elections, and secure a more equitable202 representation. But he did not succeed; and Pitt himself, when his cause was advocated by men of a different spirit,—men inflamed by Reform Questions. revolutionary principles,—changed his course, and opposed parliamentary reform with more ardor203 than he had at first advocated it. But parliamentary reform did not become an object of absorbing interest until the times of Henry Brougham and Lord John Russell.
No other great events were sufficiently prominent to be here alluded to, until the ministry of William Pitt. The American Revolution first demands attention.
References.—Belsham's History of the Reign of George III. Walpole's Memoir204 of the same reign. Holt's Private and Domestic Life of George III. Lord Brougham's Statesmen of the Reign of George III. Smyth's Lectures. Thackeray's Life of the Earl of Chatham. Correspondence of the Earl of Chatham. Annual Register, from 1765 to 1775. Debret's Parliamentary Debates. Stephens' Life of Horne Tooke. Campbell's Lives of the Lord Chancellors205. Macaulay's Essay on Chatham. Burke's Thoughts on the Present Discontents.
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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reigns
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| n.君主的统治( reign的名词复数 )；君主统治时期；任期；当政期 | |
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ascended
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victorious
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| adj.胜利的，得胜的 | |
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dominions
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| 统治权( dominion的名词复数 )； 领土； 疆土； 版图 | |
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reigned
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| vi.当政，统治（reign的过去式形式） | |
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prosecution
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| n.起诉，告发，检举，执行，经营 | |
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8
taxation
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| n.征税，税收，税金 | |
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9
profligate
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| adj.行为不检的；n.放荡的人，浪子，肆意挥霍者 | |
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10
applied
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| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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11
ministry
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| n.(政府的)部；牧师 | |
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12
emolument
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| n.报酬，薪水 | |
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13
enraged
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| 使暴怒( enrage的过去式和过去分词 )； 歜； 激愤 | |
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14
pretext
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| n.借口，托词 | |
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15
assailed
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| v.攻击( assail的过去式和过去分词 )；困扰；质问；毅然应对 | |
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16
infamous
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| adj.声名狼藉的，臭名昭著的，邪恶的 | |
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17
slander
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| n./v.诽谤，污蔑 | |
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18
expedient
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| adj.有用的，有利的；n.紧急的办法，权宜之计 | |
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19
vindicate
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| v.为…辩护或辩解，辩明；证明…正确 | |
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20
writ
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| n.命令状，书面命令 | |
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21
decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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22
imprisoned
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| 下狱，监禁( imprison的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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23
breach
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| n.违反，不履行；破裂；vt.冲破，攻破 | |
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24
imprisonment
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| n.关押，监禁，坐牢 | |
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25
chancellor
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| n.(英)大臣；法官；(德、奥)总理；大学校长 | |
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26
arraigned
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| v.告发( arraign的过去式和过去分词 )；控告；传讯；指责 | |
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27
traitorous
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| adj. 叛国的, 不忠的, 背信弃义的 | |
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28
precedents
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| 引用单元； 范例( precedent的名词复数 )； 先前出现的事例； 前例； 先例 | |
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29
precedent
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| n.先例，前例；惯例；adj.在前的，在先的 | |
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30
abridged
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| 削减的，删节的 | |
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31
prosecuting
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| 检举、告发某人( prosecute的现在分词 )； 对某人提起公诉； 继续从事（某事物）； 担任控方律师 | |
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32
bacchanalian
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| adj.闹酒狂饮的；n.发酒疯的人 | |
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33
revels
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| n.作乐( revel的名词复数 )；狂欢；着迷；陶醉v.作乐( revel的第三人称单数 )；狂欢；着迷；陶醉 | |
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34
blasphemous
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|
| adj.亵渎神明的，不敬神的 | |
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35
satire
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| n.讽刺，讽刺文学，讽刺作品 | |
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36
privately
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| adv.以私人的身份，悄悄地，私下地 | |
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37
contrived
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| adj.不自然的，做作的；虚构的 | |
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38
persecution
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| n. 迫害,烦扰 | |
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39
contemner
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| n.谴责者，宣判者，定罪者 | |
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40
decency
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| n.体面，得体，合宜，正派，庄重 | |
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41
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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42
patriot
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| n.爱国者，爱国主义者 | |
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43
patriotism
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| n.爱国精神，爱国心，爱国主义 | |
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44
venting
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| 消除； 泄去； 排去； 通风 | |
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45
libertinism
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| n.放荡，玩乐，（对宗教事物的）自由思想 | |
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46
scourge
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| n.灾难，祸害；v.蹂躏 | |
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47
cleanse
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| vt.使清洁，使纯洁，清洗 | |
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48
taverns
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| n.小旅馆，客栈，酒馆( tavern的名词复数 ) | |
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49
dagger
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| n.匕首，短剑，剑号 | |
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50
mischief
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| n.损害，伤害，危害；恶作剧，捣蛋，胡闹 | |
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51
virtuous
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| adj.有品德的，善良的，贞洁的，有效力的 | |
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52
scrupulous
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| adj.审慎的，小心翼翼的，完全的，纯粹的 | |
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53
tyrants
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| 专制统治者( tyrant的名词复数 )； 暴君似的人； （古希腊的）僭主； 严酷的事物 | |
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54
ferment
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| vt.使发酵；n./vt.（使）激动，（使）动乱 | |
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55
virulent
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| adj.有毒的，有恶意的，充满敌意的 | |
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56
invective
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| n.痛骂，恶意抨击 | |
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57
elevation
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| n.高度；海拔；高地；上升；提高 | |
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58
truthfulness
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| n. 符合实际 | |
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59
savage
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| adj.野蛮的；凶恶的，残暴的；n.未开化的人 | |
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60
sarcasm
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| n.讥讽，讽刺，嘲弄，反话 （adj.sarcastic） | |
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61
predecessor
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| n.前辈，前任 | |
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62
audacity
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| n.大胆，卤莽，无礼 | |
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63
outlawry
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| 宣布非法，非法化，放逐 | |
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64
retired
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| adj.隐退的，退休的，退役的 | |
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65
jurisdiction
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| n.司法权，审判权，管辖权，控制权 | |
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66
odious
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|
| adj.可憎的，讨厌的 | |
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67
unprecedented
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|
| adj.无前例的，新奇的 | |
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68
alteration
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| n.变更，改变；蚀变 | |
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69
idol
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| n.偶像，红人，宠儿 | |
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70
entreaties
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| n.恳求，乞求( entreaty的名词复数 ) | |
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71
abstain
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| v.自制，戒绝，弃权，避免 | |
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72
outrage
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| n.暴行，侮辱，愤怒；vt.凌辱，激怒 | |
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73
vengeance
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| n.报复，报仇，复仇 | |
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74
incapable
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|
| adj.无能力的，不能做某事的 | |
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75
determined
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|
| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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76
eminent
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|
| adj.显赫的，杰出的，有名的，优良的 | |
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77
trampled
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|
| 踩( trample的过去式和过去分词 )； 践踏； 无视； 侵犯 | |
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78
virtues
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| 美德( virtue的名词复数 )； 德行； 优点； 长处 | |
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79
barons
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| 男爵( baron的名词复数 )； 巨头； 大王； 大亨 | |
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80
fortitude
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| n.坚忍不拔；刚毅 | |
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81
lavished
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| v.过分给予，滥施( lavish的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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82
bestow
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| v.把…赠与，把…授予；花费 | |
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83
subscribed
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| v.捐助( subscribe的过去式和过去分词 )；签署，题词；订阅；同意 | |
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84
metropolis
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| n.首府；大城市 | |
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85
pecuniary
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|
| adj.金钱的；金钱上的 | |
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86
corrupt
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| v.贿赂，收买；adj.腐败的，贪污的 | |
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87
sedition
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| n.煽动叛乱 | |
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88
grandeur
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| n.伟大，崇高，宏伟，庄严，豪华 | |
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89
prudent
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| adj.谨慎的，有远见的，精打细算的 | |
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90
daunted
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| 使（某人）气馁，威吓( daunt的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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91
sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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92
colonists
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| n.殖民地开拓者，移民，殖民地居民( colonist的名词复数 ) | |
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93
scattered
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|
| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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94
revered
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| v.崇敬，尊崇，敬畏( revere的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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95
wilderness
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| n.杳无人烟的一片陆地、水等，荒漠 | |
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96
labor
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|
| n.劳动，努力，工作，劳工；分娩；vi.劳动，努力，苦干；vt.详细分析；麻烦 | |
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97
interfere
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| v.(in)干涉，干预；(with)妨碍，打扰 | |
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98
aggrandizement
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| n.增大，强化，扩大 | |
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99
interfering
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| adj. 妨碍的 动词interfere的现在分词 | |
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100
mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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101
peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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102
justified
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| a.正当的，有理的 | |
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103
remonstrated
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| v.抗议( remonstrate的过去式和过去分词 )；告诫 | |
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104
obstinate
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| adj.顽固的，倔强的，不易屈服的，较难治愈的 | |
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105
obstinately
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| ad.固执地，顽固地 | |
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106
strife
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| n.争吵，冲突，倾轧，竞争 | |
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107
bigotry
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| n.偏见，偏执，持偏见的行为[态度]等 | |
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108
folly
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| n.愚笨，愚蠢，蠢事，蠢行，傻话 | |
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109
injustice
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| n.非正义，不公正，不公平，侵犯（别人的）权利 | |
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110
eminence
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| n.卓越，显赫；高地，高处；名家 | |
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111
recoil
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| vi.退却，退缩，畏缩 | |
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112
eloquence
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| n.雄辩；口才，修辞 | |
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113
bent
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| n.爱好，癖好；adj.弯的；决心的，一心的 | |
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114
imposing
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| adj.使人难忘的，壮丽的，堂皇的，雄伟的 | |
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115
disturbances
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| n.骚乱( disturbance的名词复数 )；打扰；困扰；障碍 | |
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116
calamities
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| n.灾祸，灾难( calamity的名词复数 )；不幸之事 | |
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117
adoption
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| n.采用，采纳，通过；收养 | |
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118
opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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119
retirement
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| n.退休，退职 | |
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120
repealed
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| 撤销，废除( repeal的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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121
repeal
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| n.废止，撤消；v.废止，撤消 | |
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122
disinterested
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| adj.不关心的，不感兴趣的 | |
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123
adherents
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| n.支持者，拥护者( adherent的名词复数 )；党羽；徒子徒孙 | |
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124
averted
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| 防止，避免( avert的过去式和过去分词 )； 转移 | |
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125
calumny
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| n.诽谤，污蔑，中伤 | |
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126
apathy
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| n.漠不关心，无动于衷；冷淡 | |
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127
mighty
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| adj.强有力的；巨大的 | |
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128
sequestered
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|
| adj.扣押的；隐退的；幽静的；偏僻的v.使隔绝，使隔离( sequester的过去式和过去分词 )；扣押 | |
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129
groves
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| 树丛，小树林( grove的名词复数 ) | |
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130
melancholy
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| n.忧郁，愁思；adj.令人感伤（沮丧）的，忧郁的 | |
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131
inevitably
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| adv.不可避免地；必然发生地 | |
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132
sullenness
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| n. 愠怒, 沉闷, 情绪消沉 | |
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133
teemed
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| v.充满( teem的过去式和过去分词 )；到处都是；（指水、雨等）暴降；倾注 | |
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134
privy
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| adj.私用的；隐密的 | |
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135
treasury
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| n.宝库；国库，金库；文库 | |
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136
exchequer
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| n.财政部；国库 | |
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137
amiable
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| adj.和蔼可亲的，友善的，亲切的 | |
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138
accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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139
obstinacy
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| n.顽固；（病痛等）难治 | |
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140
disastrous
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| adj.灾难性的，造成灾害的；极坏的，很糟的 | |
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141
disastrously
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| ad.灾难性地 | |
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142
demonstrations
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| 证明( demonstration的名词复数 )； 表明； 表达； 游行示威 | |
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143
patriotic
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| adj.爱国的，有爱国心的 | |
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144
lieutenant
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| n.陆军中尉，海军上尉；代理官员，副职官员 | |
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motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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outrages
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| 引起…的义愤，激怒( outrage的第三人称单数 ) | |
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147
distressed
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| 痛苦的 | |
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148
thraldom
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| n.奴隶的身份，奴役，束缚 | |
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149
penal
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| adj.刑罚的；刑法上的 | |
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150
statutes
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| 成文法( statute的名词复数 )； 法令； 法规； 章程 | |
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151
annulled
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| v.宣告无效( annul的过去式和过去分词 )；取消；使消失；抹去 | |
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152
patriots
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| 爱国者，爱国主义者( patriot的名词复数 ) | |
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153
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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restrictions
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| 约束( restriction的名词复数 )； 管制； 制约因素； 带限制性的条件（或规则） | |
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155
boon
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| n.恩赐，恩物，恩惠 | |
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156
censure
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| v./n.责备；非难；责难 | |
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uncommon
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| adj.罕见的，非凡的，不平常的 | |
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158
triumphant
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| adj.胜利的，成功的；狂欢的，喜悦的 | |
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imperatively
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| adv.命令式地 | |
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160
concessions
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| n.（尤指由政府或雇主给予的）特许权( concession的名词复数 )；承认；减价；（在某地的）特许经营权 | |
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annexed
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| [法] 附加的，附属的 | |
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relinquish
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| v.放弃，撤回，让与，放手 | |
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veneration
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| n.尊敬，崇拜 | |
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contemplated
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| adj. 预期的 动词contemplate的过去分词形式 | |
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adjourned
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| （使）休会， （使）休庭( adjourn的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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persevering
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| a.坚忍不拔的 | |
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deserted
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| adj.荒芜的，荒废的，无人的，被遗弃的 | |
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alluded
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| 提及，暗指( allude的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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169
inflicted
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| 把…强加给，使承受，遭受( inflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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bishops
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| （基督教某些教派管辖大教区的）主教( bishop的名词复数 )； （国际象棋的）象 | |
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171
rumor
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| n.谣言，谣传，传说 | |
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172
tumults
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| 吵闹( tumult的名词复数 )； 喧哗； 激动的吵闹声； 心烦意乱 | |
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chapel
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| n.小教堂，殡仪馆 | |
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174
plundered
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| 掠夺，抢劫( plunder的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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175
disorders
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| n.混乱( disorder的名词复数 )；凌乱；骚乱；（身心、机能）失调 | |
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indifference
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| n.不感兴趣，不关心，冷淡，不在乎 | |
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magistrates
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| 地方法官，治安官( magistrate的名词复数 ) | |
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178
fanatics
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| 狂热者，入迷者( fanatic的名词复数 ) | |
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179
calumniated
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| v.诽谤，中伤( calumniate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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scotch
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| n.伤口，刻痕；苏格兰威士忌酒；v.粉碎，消灭，阻止；adj.苏格兰(人)的 | |
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181
affiliated
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| adj. 附属的, 有关连的 | |
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182
harangue
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| n.慷慨冗长的训话，言辞激烈的讲话 | |
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inflamed
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| adj.发炎的，红肿的v.（使）变红，发怒，过热( inflame的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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184
corruption
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| n.腐败，堕落，贪污 | |
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185
torrent
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| n.激流，洪流；爆发，(话语等的)连发 | |
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186
desolating
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| 毁坏( desolate的现在分词 )； 极大地破坏； 使沮丧； 使痛苦 | |
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187
rabble
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| n.乌合之众，暴民；下等人 | |
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188
passionate
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| adj.热情的，热烈的，激昂的，易动情的，易怒的，性情暴躁的 | |
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189
harangued
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| v.高谈阔论( harangue的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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190
dispersed
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| adj. 被驱散的, 被分散的, 散布的 | |
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191
felons
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| n.重罪犯( felon的名词复数 )；瘭疽；甲沟炎；指头脓炎 | |
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debtors
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| n.债务人，借方( debtor的名词复数 ) | |
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193
invaluable
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| adj.无价的，非常宝贵的，极为贵重的 | |
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194
martial
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| adj.战争的，军事的，尚武的，威武的 | |
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195
agitated
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| adj.被鼓动的，不安的 | |
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196
retrenchment
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| n.节省，删除 | |
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197
expenditures
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| n.花费( expenditure的名词复数 )；使用；（尤指金钱的）支出额；（精力、时间、材料等的）耗费 | |
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198
expenditure
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| n.(时间、劳力、金钱等)支出；使用，消耗 | |
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199
radical
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| n.激进份子，原子团，根号；adj.根本的，激进的，彻底的 | |
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200
sinecures
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| n.工作清闲但报酬优厚的职位，挂名的好差事( sinecure的名词复数 ) | |
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201
bribery
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| n.贿络行为，行贿，受贿 | |
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202
equitable
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| adj.公平的；公正的 | |
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203
ardor
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| n.热情，狂热 | |
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204
memoir
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| n.[pl.]回忆录，自传；记事录 | |
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205
chancellors
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| 大臣( chancellor的名词复数 )； （某些美国大学的）校长； （德国或奥地利的）总理； （英国大学的）名誉校长 | |
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