If the American war was the greatest event in modern times, in view of ultimate results, the French Revolution may be considered the most exciting and interesting to the eye of contemporaries. The wars which grew out of the Revolution in France were conducted on a scale of much greater magnitude, and embroiled2 all the nations of Europe. A greater expenditure3 of energies took place than from any contest in the annals of civilized4 nations. Nor has any contest ever before developed so great military genius. Napoleon stands at the head of his profession, by general consent; and it is probable that his fame will increase, rather than diminish, with advancing generations.
It is impossible to describe, in a few pages, the great and varied5 events connected with the French Revolution, or even allude6 to all the prominent ones. The causes of this great movement are even more interesting than the developments.
The question is often asked, could Louis XVI. have prevented the catastrophe7 which overturned his throne? He might, perhaps, have delayed it; but it was an inevitable8 event, and would have happened, sooner or later. Causes of the French Revolution. There were evils in the government of France, and in the condition of the people, so overwhelming and melancholy9, that they would have produced an outbreak. Had Richelieu never been minister; had the Fronde never taken place; had Louis XIV. and XV. never reigned10; had there been no such women as disgraced the court of France in the eighteenth century; had there been no tyrannical kings, no oppressive nobles, no grievous taxes, no national embarrassments13, no luxurious14 courts, no infidel writings, and no discontented people,—then Louis XVI. might have reigned at Versailles, as Louis XV. had done before him. But the accumulated grievances15 of two centuries called imperatively16 for redress17, and nothing short of a revolution could have removed them.
Now, what were those evils and those circumstances which, of necessity, produced the most violent revolutionary storm in the annals of the world? The causes of the French revolution may be generalized under five heads: First, the influence of the writings of infidel philosophers; second, the diffusion18 of the ideas of popular rights; third, the burdens of the people, which made these abstract ideas of right a mockery; fourth, the absurd infatuation of the court and nobles; fifth, the derangement19 of the finances, which clogged20 the wheels of government, and led to the assembling of the States General. There were also other causes: but the above mentioned are the most prominent.
Of those Helvetius — Voltaire. philosophers whose writings contributed to produce this revolution, there were four who exerted a remarkable21 influence. These were Helvetius, Voltaire, Rousseau, and Diderot.
Helvetius was a man of station and wealth, and published, in 1758, a book, in which he carried out the principles of Condillac and of other philosophers of the sensational22, or, as it is sometimes called, the sensuous23 school. He boldly advocated a system of undisguised selfishness. He maintained that man owed his superiority over the lower animals to the superior organization of the body. Proceeding24 from this point, he asserted, further, that every faculty25 and emotion are derived26 from sensation; that all minds are originally equal; that pleasure is the only good, and self-interest the only ground of morality. The materialism27 of Helvetius was the mere28 revival29 of pagan Epicurianism; but it was popular, and his work, called De l'Esprit, made a great sensation. It was congenial with the taste of a court and a generation that tolerated Madame de Pompadour. But the Parliament of Paris condemned31 it, and pronounced it derogatory to human nature, inasmuch as it confined our faculties32 to animal sensibility, and destroyed the distinctions between virtue33 and vice34.
His fame was eclipsed by the brilliant career of Voltaire, who exercised a greater influence on his age than any other man. He is the great apostle of French infidelity, and the great oracle35 of the superficial thinkers of his nation and age. He was born in 1694, and early appeared upon the stage. He was a favorite at Versailles, and a companion of Frederic the Great—as great an egotist as he, though his egotism was displayed in a different way. He was an aristocrat36, made for courts, and not for the people, with whom he had no sympathy, although the tendency of his writings was democratic. In all his satirical sallies, he professed37 to respect authority. But he was never in earnest, was sceptical, insincere, and superficial. It would not be rendering38 him justice to deny that he had great genius. But his genius was to please, to amuse a vain-glorious people, to turn every thing into ridicule39, to pull down, and substitute nothing instead. He was a modern Lucian, and his satirical mockery destroyed reverence40 for God and truth. He despised and defied the future, and the future has rendered a verdict which can never be reversed—that he was vain, selfish, shallow, and cold, without faith in any spiritual influence to change the world. But he had a keen perception of what was false, with all his superficial criticism, a perception of what is now called humbug41; and it cannot be denied that, in a certain sense, he had a love of truth, but not of truth in its highest development, not of the positive, the affirmative, the real. Negation42 and denial suited him better, and suited the age in which he lived better; hence he was a "representative man," was an exponent43 of his age, and led the age. He hated the Jesuits, but chiefly because they advocated a blind authority; and he strove to crush Christianity, because its professors so often were a disgrace to it, while its best members were martyrs44 and victims. Voltaire did not, like Helvetius, propose any new system of philosophy, but strove to make all systems absurd. He set the ball of Atheism45 in motion, and others followed in a bolder track: pushed out, not his principles, for he had none, but his spirit, into the extreme of mockery and negation. And such a course unsettled the popular faith, both in religion and laws, and made men indifferent to the future, and to their moral obligations.
Quite a different man was Rousseau. Rousseau. He was not a mocker, or a leveller, or a satirist46, or an atheist47. He resembled Voltaire only in one respect—in egotism. He was not so learned as Voltaire, did not write so much, was not so highly honored or esteemed48. But he had more genius, and exercised a greater influence on posterity49. His influence was more subtle and more dangerous, for he led astray people of generous impulses and enthusiastic dispositions50, with but little intelligence or experience. He abounded51 in extravagant52 admiration53 of unsophisticated nature, professed to love the simple and earnest, affected54 extraordinary friendship and sympathy, and was most enthusiastic in his rhapsodies of sentimental55 love. Voltaire had no cant56, but Rousseau was full of it. Voltaire was the father of Danton, but Rousseau of Robespierre, that sentimental murderer who as a judge, was too conscientious57 to hang a criminal, but sufficiently58 unscrupulous to destroy a king. The absurdities59 of Rousseau can be detected in the ravings of the ultra Transcendentalists, in the extravagance of Fourierism, in the mock philanthropy of such apostles of light as Eugene Sue and Louis Blanc. The whole mental and physical constitution of Rousseau was diseased, and his actions were strangely inconsistent with his sentiments. He gave the kiss of friendship, and it proved the token of treachery; he expatiated60 on simplicity61 and earnestness in most bewitching language, but was a hypocrite, seducer62, and liar63. He was always breathing the raptures64 of affection, yet never succeeded in keeping a friend; he was always denouncing the selfishness and vanity of the world, and yet was miserable66 without its rewards and praises; no man was more dependent on society, yet no man ever professed to hold it in deeper contempt; no man ever had a prouder spirit, yet no man ever affected a more abject67 humility68. He dilated69, with apparent rapture65, on disinterested70 love, and yet left his own children to cold neglect and poverty. He poisoned the weak and the susceptible71 by pouring out streams of passion in eloquent72 and exciting language, under the pretence73 of unburdening his own soul and revealing his own sorrows. He was always talking about philanthropy and generosity74, and yet seldom bestowed75 a charity. No man was ever more eloquent in paradox76, or sublime77 in absurdity78. He spent his life in gilding79 what is corrupt80, and glossing81 over what is impure82. The great moral effect of his writings was to make men commit crimes under the name of patriotism83, and permit them to indulge in selfish passion under the name of love.
But more powerful than either of these false prophets and guides, in immediate84 influence, was Diderot. Diderot; and with him the whole school of bold and avowed85 infidels, who united open atheism with a fierce democracy. The Encyclopedists professed to know every thing, to explain every thing, and to teach every thing, they discovered that there was no God, and taught that truth was a delusion86, and virtue but a name. They were learned in mathematical, statistical87, and physical science, but threw contempt on elevated moral wisdom, on the lessons of experience, and the eternal truths of divine revelation. They advocated changes, experiments, fomentations, and impracticable reforms. They preached a gospel of social rights, inflamed88 the people with disgust of their condition, and with the belief that wisdom and virtue resided, in the greatest perfection, with congregated89 masses.
They incessantly90 boasted of the greatness of General Influence of the Philosophers. philosophy, and the obsolete91 character of Christianity. They believed that successive developments of human nature, without the aid of influences foreign to itself, would gradually raise society to a state of perfection. What they could not explain by their logical formularies, they utterly92 discarded. They denied the reality of a God in heaven, and talked about the divinity of man on earth, especially when associated masses of the ignorant and brutal93 asserted what they conceived to be their rights. They made truth to reside, in its greatest lustre94, with passionate95 majorities; and virtue, in its purest radiance, with felons96 and vagabonds, if affiliated97 into a great association. They flattered the people that they were wiser and better than any classes above them, that rulers were tyrants99, the clergy100 were hypocrites, the oracles101 of former days mere fools and liars102. To sum up, in few words, the French Encyclopedists, "they made Nature, in her outward manifestations103, to be the foundation of all great researches, man to be but a mass of organization, mind the development of our sensations, morality to consist in self-interest, and God to be but the diseased fiction of an unenlightened age. The whole intellect, being concentrated on the outward and material, gave rise, perhaps, to some improvements in physical science; but religion was disowned, morality degraded, and man made to be but the feeble link in the great chain of events by which Nature is inevitably104 accomplishing her blind designs." From such influences, what could we expect but infidelity, madness, anarchy105, and crimes?
The second cause of the French revolution was the diffusion of the ideas of democratic liberty. Rousseau was a republican in his politics, as he was a sentimentalist in religion. Thomas Paine's Age of Reason had a great influence on the French mind, as it also had on the English and American. Moreover, the apostles of liberty in France were much excited in view of the success of the American Revolution, and fancied that the words "popular liberty," "sovereignty of the people," the "rights of man," "liberty and equality," meant the same in America as they did when pronounced by a Parisian mob. The French people were unduly106 flattered, and made to believe, by the demagogues, that they were philosophers, and that they were as fit for liberty as the American nation itself. Moreover, it must be confessed that the people had really made considerable advances, and discovered that there was no right or justice in the oppressions under which they groaned107. The exhortations108 of popular leaders and the example of American patriots109 prepared the people to make a desperate effort to shake off their fetters110. What were rights, in the abstract, if they were to be ground down to the dust? What a mockery was the watchword of liberty and equality, if they were obliged to submit to a despotism which they knew to be, in the highest degree, oppressive and tyrannical?
Hence the Sufferings of the People. real and physical evils which the people of France endured, had no small effect in producing the revolution. Abstract ideas prepared the way, and sustained the souls of the oppressed; but the absolute burdens which they bore aroused them to resistance.
These evils were so great, that general Degradation111 of the People. discontent prevailed among the middle and lower classes through the kingdom. The agricultural population was fettered112 by game laws and odious113 privileges to the aristocracy. "Game of the most destructive kind, such as wild boars and herds115 of deer, were permitted to go at large through spacious116 districts, in order that the nobles might hunt as in a savage117 wilderness118." Numerous edicts prohibited weeding, lest young partridges should be disturbed, and mowing119 of hay even, lest their eggs should be destroyed. Complaints for the infraction120 of these edicts were carried before courts where every species of oppression and fraud prevailed. Fines were imposed at every change of property and at every sale. The people were compelled to grind their corn at their landlord's mill, to press their grapes in his press, and bake their bread in his oven. In consequence of these feudal121 laws and customs, the people were very poor, their houses dark and comfortless, their dress ragged122 and miserable, their food coarse and scanty123. Not half of the enormous taxes which they paid reached the royal treasury124, or even the pockets of the great proprietors126. Officers were indefinitely multiplied. The governing classes looked upon the people only to be robbed. Their cry was unheard in the courts of justice, while the tear of sorrow was unnoticed amid the pageantry of the great, whose extravagance, insolence127, and pride were only surpassed by the misery128 and degradation of those unfortunate beings on whose toils129 they lived. Justice was bought and sold like any other commodity, and the decisions of judges were influenced by the magnitude of the bribes130 which were offered them. Besides feudal taxes, the clergy imposed additional burdens, and swarmed131 wherever there was plunder132 to be obtained. The people were so extravagantly133 taxed that it was no object to be frugal134 or industrious135. Every thing beyond the merest necessaries of life was seized by various tax-gatherers. In England, severe as is taxation136, three fourths of the produce of the land go to the farmer, while in France only one twelfth went to the poor peasant. Two thirds of his earnings137 went to the king. Nor was there any appeal from this excessive taxation, which ground down the middle and lower classes, while the clergy and the nobles were entirely138 exempted139 themselves. Nor did the rich proprietor125 live upon his estates. He was a non-resident, and squandered140 in the cities the money which was extorted141 from his dependents. He took no interest in the condition of the peasantry, with whom he was not united by any common ties. Added to this oppression, the landlord was cruel, haughty142, and selfish; and he irritated by his insolence as well as oppressed by his injustice143. All situations in the army, the navy, the church, the court, the bench, and in diplomacy144 were exclusively filled by the aristocracy, of whom there were one hundred and fifty thousand people—a class insolent145, haughty, effeminate, untaxed; who disdained146 useful employments, who sought to live by the labor148 of others, and who regarded those by whose toils they were enabled to lead lives of dissipation and pleasure, as ignoble149 minions150, who were unworthy of a better destiny, and unfit to enjoy those rights which God designed should be possessed152 by the whole human race.
The privileges and pursuits of the aristocratic class, from the king to a lieutenant153 in his army, were another cause of revolution. Louis XV. squandered twenty million pounds sterling154 in pleasures too ignominious155 to be even named in the public accounts, and enjoyed almost absolute power. He could send any one in his dominions156 to rot in an ignominious prison, without a hearing or a trial. The odious lettre de cachet could consign157 the most powerful noble to a dungeon158, and all were sent to prison who were offensive to government. The king's mistresses sometimes had the power of sending their enemies to prison without consulting the king. The lives and property of the people were at his absolute disposal, and he did not scruple159 to exercise his power with thoughtless, and sometimes inhuman160 cruelty.
But these evils would have ended only in disaffection, and hatred161, and unsuccessful resistance, had not the royal finances been Derangement of Finances. deranged162. So long as the king and his ministers could obtain money, there was no immediate danger of revolution. So long as he could pay the army, it would, if decently treated, support an absolute throne.
But the king at last found it difficult to raise a sufficient revenue for his pleasures and his wars. The annual deficit163 was one hundred and ninety million of francs a year. The greater the deficit, the greater was the taxation, which, of course, increased the popular discontent.
Such was the state of things when Louis XVI. ascended164 the throne of Hugh Capet, (1774,) in his twentieth year, having married, four years before, Marie Antoinette, daughter of Maria Theresa, empress of Austria. He was grandson of Louis XV., who bequeathed to him a debt of four thousand millions of livres.
The new king was amiable165 and moral, and would have ruled France in peaceful times, but was unequal to a revolutionary crisis. "Of all the monarchs166," says Alison, "of the Capetian line, he was the least able to stem, and yet the least likely to provoke, a revolution. The people were tired of the arbitrary powers of their monarch167, and he was disposed to abandon them; they were provoked at the expensive corruptions168 of the court, and he was both innocent in his manners, and unexpensive in his habits; they demanded reformation in the administration of affairs, and he placed his chief glory in yielding to the public voice. His reign11, from his accession to the throne to the meeting of the States General, was nothing but a series of ameliorations, without calming the public effervescence. He had the misfortune to wish sincerely for the public good, without possessing the firmness necessary to secure it; and with truth it may be said that reforms were more fatal to him than the continuance of abuses would have been to another sovereign."
He made choice of Maurepas — Turgot — Malesherbes. Maurepas as his prime minister, an old courtier without talent, and who was far from comprehending the spirit of the nation or the genius of the times. He accustomed the king to half measures, and pursued a temporizing169 policy, ill adapted to revolutionary times. The discontents of the people induced the king to dismiss him, and Turgot, for whom the people clamored, became prime minister. He was an honest man, and contemplated170 important reforms, even to the abolition171 of feudal privileges and the odious lettres de cachet, which were of course opposed by the old nobility, and were not particularly agreeable to the sovereign himself.
Malesherbes, a lawyer who adopted the views of Turgot, succeeded him, and, had he been permitted, would have restored the rights of the people, and suppressed the lettres de cachet, re?nacted the Edict of Nantes, and secured the liberty of the press. But he was not equal to the crisis, with all his integrity and just views, and Necker — Calonne. Necker became financial minister.
He was a native of Geneva, a successful banker, and a man who had won the confidence of the nation. He found means to restore the finances, and to defray the expenses of the American war. But he was equally opposed by the nobles, who wanted no radical172 reform, and he was not a man of sufficient talent to stem the current of revolution. Financial skill was certainly desirable, but no financiering could save the French nation on the eve of bankruptcy173 with such vast expenditures174 as then were deemed necessary. The nobles indeed admitted the extent of the evils which existed, and descanted, on their hunting parties, in a strain of mock philanthropy, but would submit to no sacrifices themselves, and Necker was compelled to resign.
M. de Calonne took his place; a man of ready invention, unscrupulous, witty175, and brilliant. Self-confident and full of promises, he succeeded in imparting a gleam of sunshine, and pursued a plan directly the opposite to that adopted by Necker. He encouraged the extravagance of the court, derided176 the future, and warded177 off pressing debts by contracting new ones. He pleased all classes by his captivating manners, brilliant conversation, and elegant dress. The king, furnished with what money he wanted, forgot the burdens of the people, and the minister went on recklessly contracting new loans, and studiously concealing178 from the public the extent of the annual deficit.
But such a policy could not long be adopted successfully, and the people were overwhelmed with amazement179 when it finally appeared that, since the retirement180 of Necker in 1781, Calonne had added sixteen hundred and forty-six millions of francs to the public debt. National bankruptcy stared every body in the face. It was necessary that an extraordinary movement should be made; and Calonne recommended the assembling of the Notables, a body composed chiefly of the nobility, clergy, and magistracy, with the hope that these aristocrats181 would consent to their own taxation.
He was miserably182 mistaken. The Notables met, (1787,) the first time since the reign of Henry IV., and demanded the dismissal of the minister, who was succeeded by Brienne, Archbishop of Toulouse.
He was a weak man, and owed his elevation184 to his influence with women. He won the queen by his pleasing conversation, but had no solid acquirements. Occupying one of the highest positions in his church, he yet threw himself into the arms of atheistical185 philosophers. A man so inconsistent and so light was not fit for his place.
However, the Notables agreed to what they had refused to Calonne. They consented to a land tax, to the stamp duty, to provincial186 assemblies, and to the suppression of the gratuitous187 service of vassals188. These were popular measures, but were insufficient189. Brienne was under the necessity of proposing the imposition of new taxes. But the Parliament of Paris refused to register the edict. A struggle between the king and the parliament resulted; and the king, in order to secure the registration190 of new taxes, resorted to the bed of justice—the last stretch of his royal power.
During one of the meetings of the parliament, when the abuses and prodigality191 of the court were denounced, a member, punning upon the word états, (statements,) exclaimed, States General. "It is not statements but States General that we want."
From that moment, nothing was thought of or talked about but the assembling of the States General; to which the minister, from his increasing embarrassments, consented. Moreover, the court hoped, in view of the continued opposition192 of the parliament, that the Tiers état would defend the throne against the legal aristocracy.
All classes formed great and extravagant expectations from the assembling of the States General, and all were doomed193 to disappointment, but none more than those who had most vehemently194 and enthusiastically called for its convocation.
The Archbishop of Toulouse soon after retired195, unable to stem the revolutionary current. But he contrived196 to make his own fortune, by securing benefices to the amount of eight hundred thousand francs, the archbishopric of Sens, and a cardinal's hat. At his recommendation Necker was recalled.
On Necker's return, he found only two hundred and fifty thousand francs in the royal treasury; but the funds immediately rose, thirty per cent., and he was able to secure the loans necessary to carry on the government, rich capitalists fearing that absolute ruin would result unless they came to his assistance.
Then followed discussions in reference to the Tiers état, as to what the third estate really represented, and as to the number of deputies who should be called to the assembly of the States General. "The Tiers état," said the Abbé Sièyes, in an able pamphlet, "is the French nation, minus the noblesse and the clergy."
It was at last decided197 that the assembly should be at least one thousand, and that the number of deputies should equal the representatives of the nobles and clergy. The elections, were carelessly conducted, and all persons, decently dressed, were allowed to vote. Upwards198 of three millions of electors determined199 the choice of deputies. Necker conceded too much, and opened the flood-gates of revolution. He had no conception of the storm, which was to overwhelm the throne.
On the 4th of May, 1789, that famous Assembly, which it was hoped would restore prosperity to France, met with great pomp in the cathedral church of Notre Dame30, and the Bishop183 of Nancy delivered the sermon, and, the next day, the assembly was opened in the hall prepared for the occasion. The king was seated on a magnificent throne, the nobles and the clergy on both sides of the hall, and the third estate at the farther end. Louis XVI. pronounced a speech full of disinterested sentiments, and Necker read a report in reference to the state of the finances.
The next day, the deputies of the The Tiers état. Tiers état were directed to the place allotted201 to them, which was the common hall. The nobles and clergy repaired to a separate hall. It was their intention, especially in view of the great number of the deputies, to deliberate in distinct halls. But the deputies insisted upon the three orders deliberating together in the same room. Angry discussions and conferences took place. But there was not sufficient union between the nobles and the clergy, or sufficient energy on the part of the court. There happened also to be some bold and revolutionary spirits among the deputies, and they finally resolved, by a majority of four hundred and ninety-one to ninety, to assume the title of National Assembly, and invited the members of the other chamber202 to join them. They erected203 themselves into a sovereign power, like the Long Parliament of Charles I., disregarding both the throne and the nobility.
Some of the most resolute204 of the nobles urged the king to adopt vigorous measures against the usurpation205 of the third estate; but he was timid and irresolute206.
The man who had, at that time, the greatest influence in the National Assembly was Mirabeau, a man of noble birth, but who had warmly espoused207 the popular side. He was disagreeable in his features, licentious208 in his habits, and a bankrupt in reputation, but a man of commanding air, of great abilities, and unrivalled eloquence209. His picture has been best painted by Carlyle, both in his essays and his history of the revolution.
The National Assembly contained many great men, who would never have been heard of in quiet times; some of great virtues210 and abilities, and others of the most violent revolutionary principles. There were also some of the nobility, who joined them, not anticipating the evils which were to come. Among them were the Dukes of Orleans, Rochefoucault, and Liancourt, Count Lally Tollendal, the two brothers Lameth, Clermont Tonnerre, and the Marquis de La Fayette, all of whom were guillotined or exiled during the revolution.
The discussions in the Assembly did not equal the Commotions211. tumults212 of the people. All classes were intoxicated213 with excitement, and believed that a new era was to take place on earth; that all the evils which afflicted214 society were to be removed, and a state of unbounded liberty, plenty, and prosperity, was about to take place.
In the midst of the popular ferments215, the regiment216 of guards, comprising three thousand six hundred men, revolted: immense bodies of workmen assembled together, and gave vent1 to the most inflammatory language; the Hotel of the Invalids217 was captured; fifty thousand pikes were forged and distributed among the people; the Bastile was stormed; and military massacres218 commenced. Soon after, the tricolored cockade was adopted, the French guards were suppressed by the Assembly, the king and his family were brought to Paris by a mob, and the Club of the Jacobins was established. Before the year 1789 was ended, the National Assembly was the supreme220 power in France, and the king had become a shadow and a mockery; or, rather, it should be said that there was no authority in France but what emanated221 from the people, and no power remained to suppress popular excesses and insurrections. The Assembly published proclamations against acts of violence; but it was committed in a contest with the crown and aristocracy, and espoused the popular side. A famine, added to other horrors, set in at Paris; and the farmers, fearing that their grain would be seized, no longer brought it to market. Manufactures of all kinds were suspended, and the public property was confiscated222 to supply the immediate wants of a starving and infuriated people. A state was rapidly hastening to universal violence, crime, misery, and despair.
The year 1790 opened gloomily, and no one could tell when the agitating223 spirit would cease, or how far it would be carried, for the mob of Paris was rapidly engrossing224 the power of the state. One of the first measures of the Assembly was to divest225 the provinces of France of their ancient privileges, since they were jealous of the sovereignty exercised by the Assembly, and to divide the kingdom into eighty-four new departments, nearly equal in extent and population. A criminal tribunal was established for each department and a civil court for each of the districts into which the department was divided. The various officers and magistrates226 were elected by the people, and the qualification for voting was a contribution to the amount of three days' labor. Rule of the People. By this great stop, the whole civil force in the kingdom was placed at the disposal of the lower classes. They had the nomination227 of the municipality, and the control of the military, and the appointment of judges, deputies, and officers of the National Guard. Forty-eight thousand communes, or municipalities, exercised all the rights of sovereignty, and hardly any appointment was left to the crown. A complete democratic constitution was made, which subverted228 the ancient divisions of the kingdom, and all those prejudices and interests which had been nursed for centuries. The great extension of the electoral franchise229 introduced into the Assembly a class of men who were prepared to make the most impracticable changes, and commit the most violent excesses.
The next great object of the Assembly was the regulation of the finances. Further taxation was impossible, and the public necessities were great. The revenue had almost failed, and the national debt had alarmingly increased,—twelve hundred millions in less than three years. The capitalists would advance nothing, and voluntary contributions had produced but a momentary230 relief. Under these circumstances, the spoliation of the church was resolved, and Talleyrand, Bishop of Autun, was the first to propose the confiscation231 of the property of his order. The temptation was irresistible232 to an infidel and revolutionary assembly; for the church owned nearly one half of the whole landed property of the kingdom. Several thousand millions of francs were confiscated, and the revenues of the clergy reduced to one fifth of their former amount.
This violent measure led to another. There was no money to pay for the great estates which the Assembly wished to sell. The municipalities of the large cities became the purchasers, and gave promissory notes to the public creditors233 until payment should be made; supposing that individuals would buy in small portions. Sales not being effected by the municipalities, as was expected and payment becoming due, recourse was had to government bills. Thus arose the system of Assignats, which were issued to a great amount on the security of the church lands, and which resulted in a paper circulation, and the establishment of a vast body of small landholders, whose property sprung out of the revolution, and whose interests were identified with it. The relief, however great, was momentary. New issues were made at every crisis, until the over issue alarmed the reflecting portion of the community, and assignats depreciated234 to a mere nominal235 value. At the close of the year, the credit of the nation was destroyed, and the precious metals were withdrawn236, in a great measure, from circulation.
Soon after, the assembly abolished all titles of nobility, changed the whole judicial237 system, declared its right to make peace and war, and established the National Guard, by which three hundred thousand men were enrolled238 in support of revolutionary measures.
On the 14th of July, the anniversary of the capture of the Bastile, was the celebrated239 National Federation240. National Federation, when four hundred thousand persons repaired to the Champ de Mars, to witness the king, his ministers, the assembly, and the public functionaries241, take the oath to the new constitution; the greatest mockery of the whole revolution, although a scene of unparalleled splendor242.
Towards the close of the year, an extensive emigration of the nobles took place; a great blunder on their part, since their estates were immediately confiscated, and since the forces left to support the throne were much diminished. The departure of so many distinguished243 persons, however, displeased244 the Assembly, and proposals were made to prevent it. But Mirabeau, who, until this time, had supported the popular side, now joined the throne, and endeavored to save it. His popularity was on the decline, when a natural death relieved him from a probable execution. He had contributed to raise the storm, but he had not the power to allay245 it. He exerted his splendid abilities to arrest the revolution, whose consequences, at last, he plainly perceived. But in vain. His death, however, was felt as a public calamity246, and all Paris assembled to see his remains247 deposited, with extraordinary pomp, in the Pantheon, by the side of Des Cartes. Had he lived, he might possibly have saved the lives of the king and queen, but he could not have prevented the revolution.
Soon after, the royal family, perceiving, too late, that they were mere prisoners in the Tuileries, Flight of the King. undertook to escape, and fly to Coblentz, where the great body of emigrants248 resided. The unfortunate king contrived to reach Varennes, was recognized, and brought back to Paris. But the National Assembly made a blunder in not permitting him to escape; for it had only to declare the throne vacant by his desertion, and proceed to institute a republican government. The crime of regicide might have been avoided, and further revolutionary excesses prevented. But his return increased the popular ferments, and the clubs demanded his head. He was suspended from his functions, and a guard placed over his person.
On the 29th of September, 1791, the Constituent249 Assembly dissolved itself; having, during the three years of its existence enacted250 thirteen hundred and nine laws and decrees relative to the general administration of the state. It is impossible, even now, to settle the question whether it did good or ill, on the whole; but it certainly removed many great and glaring evils, and enacted many wise laws. It abolished torture, the lettres de cachet, the most oppressive duties, the privileges of the nobility, and feudal burdens. It established a uniform system of jurisprudence, the National Guards, and an equal system of finance. "It opened the army to men of merit, and divided the landed property of the aristocracy among the laboring251 classes; which, though a violation252 of the rights of property, enabled the nation to bear the burdens which were subsequently imposed, and to prosper200 under the evils connected with national bankruptcy, depreciated assignats, the Reign of Terror, the conscription of Napoleon, and the subjugation253 of Europe."
The Legislative254 Assembly, composed of inexperienced men,—country attorneys and clerks for the most part, among whom there were not fifty persons possessed of one hundred pounds a year,—took the place of the Constituent Assembly, and opened its sittings on the 1st of October.
In the first assembly there was a large party attached to royal and aristocratical interests, and many men of great experience and talents. But in the second nearly all were in favor of revolutionary principles. They only differed in regard to the extent to which revolution should be carried.
The members of the right were called the Feuillants, from the club which formed the centre of their power, and were friends of the constitution, or the limited monarchy255 which the Constituent Assembly had established. The national guard, the magistrates, and all the constituted authorities, were the supporters of this party.
The The Girondists and the Jacobins. Girondists, comprehending the more respectable of the republicans, and wishing to found the state on the model of antiquity256, formed a second party, among whom were numbered the ablest men in the assembly. Brissot, Vergniaud, Condorcet, Guadet, and Isnard, were among the leading members.
There was also a third party, headed by Chabot, Bazin, and Merlin, which was supported by the clubs of the Jacobins and the Cordeliers. The great oracles of the Jacobins were Robespierre, Varennes, and Collot d'Herbois; while the leaders of the Cordeliers were Danton and Desmoulins. Robespierre was excluded, as were others of the last assembly, from the new one, by a sort of self-denying ordinance257 which he himself had proposed. His influence, at that time, was immense, from the extravagance of his opinions, the vehemence258 of his language, and the reputation he had acquired for integrity.
Between these three parties there were violent contentions259, and the struggle for ascendency soon commenced, to end in the complete triumph of the Jacobinical revolutionists.
In the mean time, the restrictions260 imposed on the king, who still enjoyed the shadow of authority, the extent of popular excesses, and the diffusion of revolutionary principles, induced the leading monarchs of Europe to confederate together, in order to suppress disturbances261 in France. In July, the Emperor Leopold appealed to the sovereigns of Europe to unite for the deliverance of Louis XVI. Austria collected her troops, the emigrants at Coblentz made warlike demonstrations262, and preparations were made for a contest, which, before it was finished, proved the most bloody263 and extensive which has desolated264 the world since the fall of the Roman empire.
The Constituent Assembly rejected with disdain147 the dictation of the various European powers; and the new ministry265, of which Dumourier and Roland were the most prominent members, prepared for war. All classes in France were anxious for it, and war was soon declared. On the 25th of July, the Duke of Brunswick, with an army of one hundred and forty-eight thousand Prussians, Austrians, and Hessians, entered the French territory. The spirit of resistance animated266 all classes, and the ardor267 of the multitude was without a parallel. The manifesto268 of the allied269 powers indicated the dispositions of the court and emigrants. Revolt against the throne now seemed necessary, in order to secure the liberty of the people, who now had no choice between victory and death. On the 25th of July, the Marseillais arrived in Paris, and augmented270 the strength and confidence of the insurgents271. Popular commotions increased, and the clubs became unmanageable. On the 10th of August, the tocsin sounded, the générale beat in every quarter of Paris, and that famous insurrection took place which overturned the throne. The Hotel de Ville was seized by the insurgents, the Tuileries was stormed, and the Swiss guards were massacred. The last chance for the king to regain272 his power was lost, and Paris was in the hands of an infuriated mob.
The confinement273 of the king in the Temple, the departure of the foreign ambassadors, the flight of emigrants, the confiscation of their estates, the massacres in the prisons, the sack of palaces, the fall and flight of La Fayette, and the dissolution of the Legislative Assembly, rapidly succeeded.
On the 21st of September, the The National Convention. National Convention was opened, and was composed of the most violent advocates of revolution. It was ruled by those popular orators274 who had the greatest influence in the clubs. The most influential275 of these leaders were Danton, Marat, and Robespierre. Danton was the hero of the late insurrection; was a lawyer, a man of brutal courage, the slave of sensual passions, and the idol276 of the Parisian mob. He was made minister of justice, and was the author of the subsequent massacres in the prisons. But, with all his ferocity, he was lenient277 to individuals, and recommended humanity after the period of danger had passed.
Marat Marat — Danton — Robespierre. was a journalist, president of the Jacobin Club, a member of the convention, and a violent advocate of revolutionary excesses. His bloody career was prematurely278 cut off by the hand of a heroine, Charlotte Corday, who offered up her own life to rid the country of the greatest monster which the annals of crime have consigned279 to an infamous280 immortality281.
Robespierre was a sentimentalist, and concealed282, under the mask of patriotism and philanthropy, an insatiable ambition, inordinate283 vanity, and implacable revenge. He was above the passion of money, and, when he had at his disposal the lives and fortunes of his countrymen, lived upon a few francs a day. It is the fashion to deny to him any extraordinary talent; but that he was a man of domineering will, of invincible284 courage, and austere285 enthusiasm appears from nearly all the actions of his hateful career.
It was in the midst of the awful massacre219 in the prisons, where more than five thousand perished to appease286 the infatuated vengeance287 of the Parisian mob, that the National Convention commenced its sittings.
Its first measure was, to abolish the monarchy, and proclaim a republic; the next, to issue new assignats. The two preceding assemblies had authorized288 the fabrication of twenty-seven hundred millions of francs, and the Convention added millions more on the security of the national domains289. On the 7th of November, the trial of the king was decreed; and, on the 11th of December, his examination commenced. On his appearance at the bar of the Convention, the president, Barrere, said, "Louis, the French nation accuses you; you are about to hear the charges that are to be preferred. Louis, be seated."
The charges consisted of the whole crimes of the revolution, to which he replied with dignity, simplicity, and directness. He was defended, in the mock trial, by Desèze, Tronchet, and Malesherbes; but his blood was demanded, and the assembly unanimously pronounced the condemnation290 of their king. That seven hundred men, with all the natural differences of opinion, could be found to do this, shows the excess of revolutionary madness. On the 20th of January, Santerre appeared in the royal prison, and read the sentence of death; and only three days were allowed the king to prepare for the last hour of anguish291. On the 24th of January, he mounted the scaffold erected between the garden of the Tuileries and the Champs élysées, and the fatal axe12 separated his head from his body. His remains were buried in the ancient cemetery292 of the Madeleine, over which Napoleon commenced, after the battle of Jena, a splendid temple of glory, but which was not finished until the restoration of the Bourbons, who converted it into the beautiful church which bears the name of the ancient cemetery. The spot where Louis XVI. offered up his life, in expiation293 of the crimes of his ancestors, is now marked by the colossal294 obelisk295 of red granite296, which the French government, in 1831, brought from Egypt, a monument which has witnessed the march of Cambyses, and may survive the glory of the French nation itself.
The martyrdom of Louis XVI. was the signal for a General War. general war. All the powers of Europe united to suppress the power and the principles of the French revolutionists. The Convention, after declaring war against England, Holland, Spain, Austria, Prussia, Portugal, the Two Sicilies, the Roman States, Sardinia, and Piedmont,—all of which had combined together,—ordered a levy297 of three hundred thousand men, instituted a military tribunal, and imposed a forced loan on the rich of one thousand millions, and prepared to defend the principles of liberty and the soil of France. The enthusiasm of the French was unparalleled, and the energies put forth298 were most remarkable. Patriotism and military ardor were combined, and measures such as only extraordinary necessities require were unhesitatingly adopted.
A Committee of Public Safety was appointed, and the dictatorship of Danton, Marat, and Robespierre commenced, marked by great horrors and barbarities, but signalized by wonderful successes in war, and by exertions299 which, under common circumstances, would be scarcely credited.
This committee was composed of twenty-five persons at first, and twelve afterwards; but Robespierre and Marat were the leading members. The committee assigned to ruling Jacobins the different departments of the government. St. Just was intrusted with the duty of denouncing its enemies; Couthon for bringing forward its general measures; Billaud Varennes and Collot d'Herbois with the management of departments; Carnot was made minister of war; and Robespierre general dictator. This committee, though required to report to the Convention, as the supreme authority, had really all the power of government. "It named and dismissed generals, judges, and juries; brought forward all public measures in the Convention; ruled provinces and armies; controlled the Revolutionary Tribunal; and made requisitions of men and money; and appointed revolutionary committees, which sprung up in every part of the kingdom to the frightful300 number of fifty thousand. It was the object of the Committee of Public Safety to destroy all who opposed the spirit of the most violent revolutionary measures. Marat declared that two hundred and sixty thousand heads must fall before freedom was secure; the revolutionary committees discovered that seven hundred thousand persons must be sacrificed."
Then commenced the Reign of Terror. Reign of Terror, when all the prisons of France were filled with victims, who were generally the most worthy151 people in the community, and whose only crime was in being obnoxious301 to the reigning302 powers. Those who were suspected fled, if possible, but were generally unable to carry away their property. Millions of property was confiscated; the prisons were crowded with the rich, the elegant, and the cultivated classes; thousands were guillotined; and universal anarchy and fear reigned without a parallel. Deputies, even those who had been most instrumental in bringing on the Revolution, were sacrificed by the triumphant303 Jacobins. Women and retired citizens were not permitted to escape their fear and vengeance. Marie Antoinette, and the Princess Elizabeth, and Madame Roland, were among the first victims. Then followed the executions of Bailly, Mayor of Paris; Barnave, one of the most eloquent and upright members of the Constituent Assembly; Dupont Dutertre, one of the ministers of Louis XVI.; Lavoisier, the chemist; Condorcet, the philosopher; General Custine; and General Houchard; all of whom had been the allies of the present dominant304 party. The Duke of Orleans, called égalité, who had supported the revolt of the 10th of August, and had voted for the execution of the king, shared the fate of Louis XVI. He was the father of Louis Philippe, and, of all the victims of the revolution, died the least lamented305.
The "Decemvirs" had now destroyed the most illustrious advocates of constitutional monarchy and of republican liberty. The slaughter306 of their old friends now followed. The first victim was Danton himself, who had used his influence to put a stop to the bloody executions which then disgraced the country, and had recognized the existence of a God and the rights of humanity. For such sentiments he was denounced and executed, together with Camille Desmoulins, and Lacroix, who perished because they were less wicked than their associates. Finally, the anarchists307 themselves fell before the storm which they had raised, and Hebert, Gobet, Clootz, and Vincent died amid the shouts of general execration308. The Committee of Public Safety had now all things in their own way, and, in their iron hands, order resumed its sway from the influence of terror. "The history of the world has no parallel to the horrors of that long night of suffering, because it has no parallel to the guilt309 which preceded it; tyranny never assumed so hideous310 a form, because licentiousness311 never required so severe a punishment."
The Committee of Public Safety, now confident of its strength, decreed the disbanding of the revolutionary army, raised to overawe the capital, and the dissolution of all the popular societies which did not depend on the Jacobin Club, and devoted312 all their energies to establish their power. But death was the means which they took to secure it, and two hundred thousand victims filled the prisons of France.
At last, fear united the members of the Convention, and they resolved to free the country of the great tyrant98 who aimed at the suppression of all power but his own. "Do not flatter yourselves," said Tallien to the Girondists, "that he will spare you, for you have committed an unpardonable offence in being freemen." "Do you still live?" said he to the Jacobins; "in a few days, he will have your heads if you do not take his." All parties in the assembly resolved to overthrow313 their common enemy. Robespierre, the chief actor of the bloody tragedy, Dumas, the president of the Revolutionary Tribunal, Henriot, the commander of the National Guard, Couthon and St. Just, the tools of the tyrant, were denounced, condemned, and executed. Death of Robespierre. The last hours of Robespierre were horrible beyond description. When he was led to execution, the blood flowed from his broken jaw314, his face was deadly pale, and he uttered yells of agony, which filled all hearts with terror. But one woman, nevertheless, penetrated315 the crowd which surrounded him, exclaiming, "Murderer of my kindred! your agony fills me with joy; descend316 to hell, covered with the curses of every mother in France."
Thus terminated the Reign of Terror, during which, nearly nineteen thousand persons were guillotined; and among these were over two thousand nobles and one thousand priests, besides immense numbers of other persons, by war or the axe, in other parts of France.
But vigorous measures had been adopted to carry on the war against united Christendom. No less than two hundred and eighty thousand men were in the field, on the part of the allies, from Basle to Dunkirk. Toulon and Lyons had raised the standard of revolt, Mayence gave the invaders317 a passage into the heart of the kingdom, while sixty thousand insurgents in La Vendée threatened to encamp under the walls of Paris. But under the exertions of the Committee, and especially of Carnot, the minister of war, still greater numbers were placed under arms, France was turned into an immense workshop of military preparations, and the whole property of the state, by means of confiscations and assignats, put at the disposal of the government. The immense debts of the government were paid in paper money, while conscription filled the ranks with all the youth of the state. Added to all this force which the government had at its disposal, it must be remembered that the army was burning with enthusiastic dreams of liberty, and of patriotism, and of glory. No wonder that such a nation of soldiers and enthusiasts318 should have been able to resist the armies of united Christendom.
On the death of Robespierre, (July, 1794,) a great reaction succeeded the Reign of Terror. His old associates and tools were executed or transported, the club of the Jacobins was closed, the Revolutionary Tribunals were suppressed, the rebellious319 faubourgs were subdued320, the National Guard was reorganized, and a New Constitution. new constitution was formed.
The constitution of 1798, framed under different influences, established the legislative power among two councils,—that of the Five Hundred, and that of the Ancients. The former was intrusted with the power of originating laws; the latter had the power to reject or pass them. The executive power was intrusted to The Directory. five persons, called Directors, who were nominated by the Council of Five Hundred, and approved by that of the Ancients. Each individual was to be president by rotation321 during three months, and a new director was to be chosen every year. The Directory had the entire disposal of the army, the finances, the appointment of public functionaries, and the management of public negotiations322.
But there were found powerful enemies to the new constitution. Paris was again agitated323. The National Guard took part with the disaffected324, and the Convention, threatened and perplexed325, summoned to its aid a body of five thousand regular troops. The National Guard mustered326 in great strength, to the number of thirty thousand men, and resolved to overawe the Convention, which was likened to the Long Parliament in the times of Cromwell. The Convention intrusted Barras with its defence, and he demanded, as his second in command, a young officer of artillery327 who had distinguished himself at the siege of Toulon. By his advice, a powerful train of artillery was brought to Paris by a lieutenant called Murat. On the 4th of October, 1795, the whole neighborhood of the Tuileries resembled an intrenched camp. The commander of the Convention then waited the attack of the insurgents, and the action soon commenced. Thirty thousand men surrounded the little army of six thousand, who defended the Convention and the cause of order and law. Victory inclined to the regular troops, who had the assistance of artillery, and, above all, who were animated by the spirit of their intrepid328 leader—Napoleon Bonaparte. The insurgents were not a rabble329, but the flower of French citizens; but they were forced to yield to superior military skill, and the reign of the military commenced.
Thus closed what is technically330 called the French Revolution; the most awful political hurricane in the annals of modern civilized nations. It closed, nominally331, with the accession of the Directory to power, but really with the accession of Napoleon; for, shortly after, his victories filled the eyes of the French nation, and astonished the whole world.
It Reflections. is impossible to pronounce on the effects of this great Revolution, since a sufficient time has not yet elapsed for us to form healthy judgments332. We are accustomed to associate with some of the actors every thing that is vile114 and monstrous333 in human nature. But unmitigated monsters rarely appear on earth. The same men who excite our detestation, had they lived in quiet times might have been respected. Even Robespierre might have retained an honorable name to his death, as an upright judge. But the French mind was deranged. New ideas had turned the brains of enthusiasts. The triumph of the abstract principles of justice seemed more desirable than the preservation334 of human life. The sense of injury and wrong was too vivid to allow heated partisans335 to make allowances for the common infirmities of man. The enthusiasts in liberty could not see in Louis XVI. any thing but the emblem336 of tyranny in the worst form. They fancied that they could regenerate337 society by their gospel of social rights, and they overvalued the virtues of the people. But, above all, they over-estimated themselves, and placed too light a value on the imperishable principles of revealed religion; a religion which enjoins338 patience and humility, as well as encourages the spirit of liberty and progress. But whatever may have been their blunders and crimes, and however marked the providence339 of God in overruling them for the ultimate good of Europe, still, all contemplative men behold340 in the Revolution the retributive justice of the Almighty341, in humiliating a proud family of princes, and punishing a vain and oppressive nobility for the evils they had inflicted342 on society.
References.—Alison's History of the French Revolution, marked by his English prejudices, heavy in style, and inaccurate343 in many of his facts, yet lofty, temperate344, and profound. Thiers's History is more lively, and takes different views. Carlyle's work is extremely able, but the most difficult to read of all his works, in consequence of his affected and abominable345 style. Lamartine's History of the Girondists is sentimental, but pleasing and instructive. Mignet's History is also a standard. Lacretelle's Histoire de France, and the Memoirs346 of Mirabeau, Necker, and Robespierre should be read. Carlyle's Essays on Mirabeau and Danton are extremely able. Burke's Reflections should be read by all who wish to have the most vivid conception of the horrors of the awful event which he deprecated. The Annual Register should be consulted. For a general list of authors who have written on this period, see Alison's index of writers, prefixed to his great work, but which are too numerous to be mentioned here.
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vent
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| n.通风口，排放口；开衩；vt.表达，发泄 | |
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embroiled
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| adj.卷入的；纠缠不清的 | |
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expenditure
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| n.(时间、劳力、金钱等)支出；使用，消耗 | |
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civilized
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| a.有教养的，文雅的 | |
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varied
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| adj.多样的，多变化的 | |
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allude
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| v.提及，暗指 | |
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catastrophe
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| n.大灾难，大祸 | |
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inevitable
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| adj.不可避免的，必然发生的 | |
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melancholy
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| n.忧郁，愁思；adj.令人感伤（沮丧）的，忧郁的 | |
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reigned
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| vi.当政，统治（reign的过去式形式） | |
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reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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axe
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| n.斧子；v.用斧头砍，削减 | |
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embarrassments
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| n.尴尬( embarrassment的名词复数 )；难堪；局促不安；令人难堪或耻辱的事 | |
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luxurious
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| adj.精美而昂贵的；豪华的 | |
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grievances
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| n.委屈( grievance的名词复数 )；苦衷；不满；牢骚 | |
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imperatively
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| adv.命令式地 | |
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redress
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| n.赔偿，救济，矫正；v.纠正，匡正，革除 | |
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diffusion
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| n.流布；普及；散漫 | |
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derangement
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| n.精神错乱 | |
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clogged
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| （使）阻碍( clog的过去式和过去分词 )； 淤滞 | |
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remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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sensational
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| adj.使人感动的，非常好的，轰动的，耸人听闻的 | |
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sensuous
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| adj.激发美感的；感官的，感觉上的 | |
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proceeding
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| n.行动，进行，(pl.)会议录，学报 | |
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faculty
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| n.才能；学院，系；(学院或系的)全体教学人员 | |
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derived
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| vi.起源；由来；衍生；导出v.得到( derive的过去式和过去分词 )；（从…中）得到获得；源于；（从…中）提取 | |
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materialism
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| n.［哲］唯物主义，唯物论；物质至上 | |
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mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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revival
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| n.复兴，复苏，（精力、活力等的）重振 | |
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dame
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| n.女士 | |
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condemned
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| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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faculties
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| n.能力( faculty的名词复数 )；全体教职员；技巧；院 | |
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virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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vice
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| n.坏事；恶习；[pl.]台钳，老虎钳；adj.副的 | |
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oracle
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| n.神谕，神谕处，预言 | |
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aristocrat
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| n.贵族，有贵族气派的人，上层人物 | |
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professed
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| 公开声称的，伪称的，已立誓信教的 | |
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rendering
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| n.表现，描写 | |
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ridicule
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| v.讥讽，挖苦；n.嘲弄 | |
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reverence
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| n.敬畏，尊敬，尊严；Reverence:对某些基督教神职人员的尊称；v.尊敬，敬畏，崇敬 | |
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humbug
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| n.花招，谎话，欺骗 | |
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negation
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| n.否定；否认 | |
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exponent
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| n.倡导者，拥护者；代表人物；指数，幂 | |
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martyrs
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| n.martyr的复数形式；烈士( martyr的名词复数 )；殉道者；殉教者；乞怜者（向人诉苦以博取同情） | |
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atheism
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| n.无神论，不信神 | |
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satirist
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| n.讽刺诗作者，讽刺家，爱挖苦别人的人 | |
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atheist
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| n.无神论者 | |
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esteemed
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| adj.受人尊敬的v.尊敬( esteem的过去式和过去分词 )；敬重；认为；以为 | |
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49
posterity
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| n.后裔，子孙，后代 | |
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50
dispositions
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| 安排( disposition的名词复数 )； 倾向； （财产、金钱的）处置； 气质 | |
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51
abounded
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| v.大量存在，充满，富于( abound的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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52
extravagant
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| adj.奢侈的；过分的；(言行等)放肆的 | |
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53
admiration
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| n.钦佩，赞美，羡慕 | |
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54
affected
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| adj.不自然的，假装的 | |
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55
sentimental
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| adj.多愁善感的，感伤的 | |
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56
cant
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| n.斜穿，黑话，猛扔 | |
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57
conscientious
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| adj.审慎正直的，认真的，本着良心的 | |
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58
sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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59
absurdities
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| n.极端无理性( absurdity的名词复数 )；荒谬；谬论；荒谬的行为 | |
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60
expatiated
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| v.详述，细说( expatiate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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61
simplicity
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| n.简单，简易；朴素；直率，单纯 | |
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62
seducer
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| n.诱惑者,骗子,玩弄女性的人 | |
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63
liar
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| n.说谎的人 | |
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64
raptures
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| 极度欢喜( rapture的名词复数 ) | |
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65
rapture
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| n.狂喜；全神贯注；着迷；v.使狂喜 | |
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66
miserable
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| adj.悲惨的，痛苦的；可怜的，糟糕的 | |
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67
abject
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| adj.极可怜的，卑屈的 | |
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68
humility
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| n.谦逊，谦恭 | |
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69
dilated
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| adj.加宽的，扩大的v.（使某物）扩大，膨胀，张大( dilate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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70
disinterested
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| adj.不关心的，不感兴趣的 | |
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71
susceptible
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| adj.过敏的，敏感的；易动感情的，易受感动的 | |
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72
eloquent
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| adj.雄辩的，口才流利的；明白显示出的 | |
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73
pretence
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| n.假装，作假；借口，口实；虚伪；虚饰 | |
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74
generosity
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| n.大度，慷慨，慷慨的行为 | |
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75
bestowed
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| 赠给，授予( bestow的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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76
paradox
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| n.似乎矛盾却正确的说法；自相矛盾的人(物) | |
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77
sublime
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| adj.崇高的，伟大的；极度的，不顾后果的 | |
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78
absurdity
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| n.荒谬，愚蠢；谬论 | |
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79
gilding
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| n.贴金箔，镀金 | |
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80
corrupt
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| v.贿赂，收买；adj.腐败的，贪污的 | |
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81
glossing
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| v.注解( gloss的现在分词 )；掩饰（错误）；粉饰；把…搪塞过去 | |
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82
impure
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| adj.不纯净的，不洁的；不道德的，下流的 | |
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83
patriotism
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| n.爱国精神，爱国心，爱国主义 | |
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84
immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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85
avowed
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| adj.公开声明的，承认的v.公开声明，承认( avow的过去式和过去分词) | |
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86
delusion
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| n.谬见，欺骗，幻觉，迷惑 | |
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87
statistical
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| adj.统计的，统计学的 | |
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88
inflamed
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| adj.发炎的，红肿的v.（使）变红，发怒，过热( inflame的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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89
congregated
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| （使）集合，聚集( congregate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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90
incessantly
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| ad.不停地 | |
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91
obsolete
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| adj.已废弃的，过时的 | |
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92
utterly
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| adv.完全地，绝对地 | |
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93
brutal
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| adj.残忍的，野蛮的，不讲理的 | |
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94
lustre
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| n.光亮，光泽；荣誉 | |
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95
passionate
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| adj.热情的，热烈的，激昂的，易动情的，易怒的，性情暴躁的 | |
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96
felons
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| n.重罪犯( felon的名词复数 )；瘭疽；甲沟炎；指头脓炎 | |
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97
affiliated
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| adj. 附属的, 有关连的 | |
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98
tyrant
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| n.暴君，专制的君主，残暴的人 | |
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99
tyrants
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| 专制统治者( tyrant的名词复数 )； 暴君似的人； （古希腊的）僭主； 严酷的事物 | |
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100
clergy
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| n.[总称]牧师，神职人员 | |
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101
oracles
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| 神示所( oracle的名词复数 )； 神谕； 圣贤； 哲人 | |
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102
liars
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| 说谎者( liar的名词复数 ) | |
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103
manifestations
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| n.表示，显示（manifestation的复数形式） | |
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104
inevitably
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| adv.不可避免地；必然发生地 | |
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105
anarchy
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| n.无政府状态；社会秩序混乱，无秩序 | |
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106
unduly
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| adv.过度地，不适当地 | |
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107
groaned
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| v.呻吟( groan的过去式和过去分词 )；发牢骚；抱怨；受苦 | |
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108
exhortations
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| n.敦促( exhortation的名词复数 )；极力推荐；（正式的）演讲；（宗教仪式中的）劝诫 | |
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109
patriots
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| 爱国者，爱国主义者( patriot的名词复数 ) | |
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110
fetters
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| n.脚镣( fetter的名词复数 )；束缚v.给…上脚镣，束缚( fetter的第三人称单数 ) | |
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111
degradation
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| n.降级；低落；退化；陵削；降解；衰变 | |
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112
fettered
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| v.给…上脚镣，束缚( fetter的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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113
odious
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| adj.可憎的，讨厌的 | |
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114
vile
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| adj.卑鄙的，可耻的，邪恶的；坏透的 | |
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115
herds
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| 兽群( herd的名词复数 )； 牧群； 人群； 群众 | |
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116
spacious
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| adj.广阔的，宽敞的 | |
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117
savage
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| adj.野蛮的；凶恶的，残暴的；n.未开化的人 | |
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118
wilderness
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| n.杳无人烟的一片陆地、水等，荒漠 | |
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119
mowing
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| n.割草，一次收割量，牧草地v.刈，割( mow的现在分词 ) | |
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120
infraction
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| n.违反；违法 | |
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121
feudal
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| adj.封建的，封地的，领地的 | |
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122
ragged
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| adj.衣衫褴褛的，粗糙的，刺耳的 | |
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123
scanty
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| adj.缺乏的，仅有的，节省的，狭小的，不够的 | |
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124
treasury
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| n.宝库；国库，金库；文库 | |
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125
proprietor
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| n.所有人；业主；经营者 | |
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126
proprietors
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| n.所有人，业主( proprietor的名词复数 ) | |
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127
insolence
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| n.傲慢；无礼；厚颜；傲慢的态度 | |
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128
misery
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| n.痛苦，苦恼，苦难；悲惨的境遇，贫苦 | |
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129
toils
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| 网 | |
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130
bribes
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| n.贿赂( bribe的名词复数 )；向（某人）行贿，贿赂v.贿赂( bribe的第三人称单数 )；向（某人）行贿，贿赂 | |
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131
swarmed
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| 密集( swarm的过去式和过去分词 )； 云集； 成群地移动； 蜜蜂或其他飞行昆虫成群地飞来飞去 | |
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132
plunder
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| vt.劫掠财物，掠夺；n.劫掠物，赃物；劫掠 | |
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133
extravagantly
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| adv.挥霍无度地 | |
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134
frugal
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| adj.节俭的，节约的，少量的，微量的 | |
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135
industrious
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| adj.勤劳的，刻苦的，奋发的 | |
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136
taxation
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| n.征税，税收，税金 | |
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137
earnings
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| n.工资收人；利润，利益，所得 | |
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138
entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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139
exempted
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| 使免除[豁免]( exempt的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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140
squandered
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| v.（指钱，财产等）浪费，乱花( squander的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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141
extorted
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| v.敲诈( extort的过去式和过去分词 )；曲解 | |
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142
haughty
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| adj.傲慢的，高傲的 | |
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143
injustice
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| n.非正义，不公正，不公平，侵犯（别人的）权利 | |
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144
diplomacy
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| n.外交；外交手腕，交际手腕 | |
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145
insolent
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| adj.傲慢的，无理的 | |
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146
disdained
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| 鄙视( disdain的过去式和过去分词 )； 不屑于做，不愿意做 | |
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147
disdain
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| n.鄙视，轻视；v.轻视，鄙视，不屑 | |
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148
labor
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| n.劳动，努力，工作，劳工；分娩；vi.劳动，努力，苦干；vt.详细分析；麻烦 | |
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149
ignoble
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| adj.不光彩的，卑鄙的；可耻的 | |
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150
minions
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| n.奴颜婢膝的仆从( minion的名词复数 )；走狗；宠儿；受人崇拜者 | |
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151
worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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152
possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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153
lieutenant
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| n.陆军中尉，海军上尉；代理官员，副职官员 | |
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154
sterling
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| adj.英币的(纯粹的，货真价实的)；n.英国货币(英镑) | |
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155
ignominious
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| adj.可鄙的，不光彩的，耻辱的 | |
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156
dominions
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| 统治权( dominion的名词复数 )； 领土； 疆土； 版图 | |
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157
consign
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| vt.寄售（货品），托运，交托，委托 | |
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158
dungeon
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| n.地牢，土牢 | |
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159
scruple
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| n./v.顾忌，迟疑 | |
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160
inhuman
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| adj.残忍的，不人道的，无人性的 | |
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161
hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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162
deranged
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| adj.疯狂的 | |
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163
deficit
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| n.亏空，亏损；赤字，逆差 | |
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164
ascended
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| v.上升，攀登( ascend的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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165
amiable
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| adj.和蔼可亲的，友善的，亲切的 | |
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166
monarchs
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| 君主，帝王( monarch的名词复数 ) | |
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167
monarch
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| n.帝王，君主，最高统治者 | |
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168
corruptions
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| n.堕落( corruption的名词复数 )；腐化；腐败；贿赂 | |
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169
temporizing
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| v.敷衍( temporize的现在分词 )；拖延；顺应时势；暂时同意 | |
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170
contemplated
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| adj. 预期的 动词contemplate的过去分词形式 | |
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171
abolition
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| n.废除，取消 | |
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172
radical
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| n.激进份子，原子团，根号；adj.根本的，激进的，彻底的 | |
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173
bankruptcy
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| n.破产；无偿付能力 | |
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174
expenditures
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| n.花费( expenditure的名词复数 )；使用；（尤指金钱的）支出额；（精力、时间、材料等的）耗费 | |
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175
witty
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| adj.机智的，风趣的 | |
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176
derided
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| v.取笑，嘲笑( deride的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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177
warded
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| 有锁孔的，有钥匙榫槽的 | |
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178
concealing
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| v.隐藏，隐瞒，遮住( conceal的现在分词 ) | |
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179
amazement
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| n.惊奇，惊讶 | |
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180
retirement
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| n.退休，退职 | |
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181
aristocrats
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| n.贵族( aristocrat的名词复数 ) | |
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182
miserably
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| adv.痛苦地；悲惨地；糟糕地；极度地 | |
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183
bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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184
elevation
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| n.高度；海拔；高地；上升；提高 | |
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185
atheistical
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| adj.无神论（者）的 | |
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186
provincial
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| adj.省的，地方的；n．外省人，乡下人 | |
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187
gratuitous
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| adj.无偿的，免费的；无缘无故的，不必要的 | |
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188
vassals
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| n.奴仆( vassal的名词复数 )；（封建时代）诸侯；从属者；下属 | |
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189
insufficient
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| adj.(for，of)不足的，不够的 | |
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190
registration
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| n.登记，注册，挂号 | |
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191
prodigality
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| n.浪费，挥霍 | |
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192
opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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193
doomed
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| 命定的 | |
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194
vehemently
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| adv. 热烈地 | |
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195
retired
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| adj.隐退的，退休的，退役的 | |
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196
contrived
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| adj.不自然的，做作的；虚构的 | |
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197
decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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198
upwards
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| adv.向上，在更高处...以上 | |
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199
determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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200
prosper
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| v.成功，兴隆，昌盛；使成功，使昌隆，繁荣 | |
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201
allotted
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| 分配，拨给，摊派( allot的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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202
chamber
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| n.房间，寝室；会议厅；议院；会所 | |
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203
ERECTED
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| adj. 直立的，竖立的，笔直的 vt. 使 ... 直立，建立 | |
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204
resolute
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| adj.坚决的，果敢的 | |
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205
usurpation
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| n.篡位；霸占 | |
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206
irresolute
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| adj.无决断的，优柔寡断的，踌躇不定的 | |
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207
espoused
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| v.（决定）支持，拥护（目标、主张等）( espouse的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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208
licentious
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| adj.放纵的，淫乱的 | |
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209
eloquence
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| n.雄辩；口才，修辞 | |
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210
virtues
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| 美德( virtue的名词复数 )； 德行； 优点； 长处 | |
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211
commotions
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| n.混乱，喧闹，骚动( commotion的名词复数 ) | |
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212
tumults
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| 吵闹( tumult的名词复数 )； 喧哗； 激动的吵闹声； 心烦意乱 | |
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213
intoxicated
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| 喝醉的，极其兴奋的 | |
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214
afflicted
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| 使受痛苦，折磨( afflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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215
ferments
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| n.酵素( ferment的名词复数 )；激动；骚动；动荡v.（使）发酵( ferment的第三人称单数 )；（使）激动；骚动；骚扰 | |
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216
regiment
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| n.团，多数，管理；v.组织，编成团，统制 | |
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217
invalids
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| 病人，残疾者( invalid的名词复数 ) | |
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218
massacres
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| 大屠杀( massacre的名词复数 )； 惨败 | |
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219
massacre
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| n.残杀，大屠杀；v.残杀，集体屠杀 | |
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220
supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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221
emanated
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| v.从…处传出，传出( emanate的过去式和过去分词 )；产生，表现，显示 | |
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222
confiscated
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| 没收，充公( confiscate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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223
agitating
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| 搅动( agitate的现在分词 )； 激怒； 使焦虑不安； （尤指为法律、社会状况的改变而）激烈争论 | |
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224
engrossing
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| adj.使人全神贯注的，引人入胜的v.使全神贯注( engross的现在分词 ) | |
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225
divest
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| v.脱去，剥除 | |
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226
magistrates
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| 地方法官，治安官( magistrate的名词复数 ) | |
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227
nomination
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| n.提名，任命，提名权 | |
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228
subverted
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| v.颠覆，破坏（政治制度、宗教信仰等）( subvert的过去式和过去分词 )；使（某人）道德败坏或不忠 | |
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229
franchise
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| n.特许，特权，专营权，特许权 | |
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230
momentary
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| adj.片刻的，瞬息的；短暂的 | |
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231
confiscation
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| n. 没收, 充公, 征收 | |
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232
irresistible
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| adj.非常诱人的，无法拒绝的，无法抗拒的 | |
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233
creditors
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| n.债权人，债主( creditor的名词复数 ) | |
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234
depreciated
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| v.贬值，跌价，减价( depreciate的过去式和过去分词 )；贬低，蔑视，轻视 | |
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235
nominal
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| adj.名义上的；(金额、租金)微不足道的 | |
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236
withdrawn
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| vt.收回；使退出；vi.撤退，退出 | |
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237
judicial
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| adj.司法的，法庭的，审判的，明断的，公正的 | |
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238
enrolled
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| adj.入学登记了的v.[亦作enrol]( enroll的过去式和过去分词 )；登记，招收，使入伍（或入会、入学等），参加，成为成员；记入名册；卷起，包起 | |
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239
celebrated
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| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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240
federation
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| n.同盟，联邦，联合，联盟，联合会 | |
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241
functionaries
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| n.公职人员，官员( functionary的名词复数 ) | |
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242
splendor
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| n.光彩；壮丽，华丽；显赫，辉煌 | |
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243
distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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244
displeased
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| a.不快的 | |
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245
allay
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| v.消除，减轻(恐惧、怀疑等) | |
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246
calamity
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| n.灾害，祸患，不幸事件 | |
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247
remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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248
emigrants
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| n.（从本国移往他国的）移民( emigrant的名词复数 ) | |
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249
constituent
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| n.选民；成分，组分；adj.组成的，构成的 | |
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250
enacted
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| 制定（法律），通过（法案）( enact的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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251
laboring
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| n.劳动，操劳v.努力争取(for)( labor的现在分词 )；苦干；详细分析；（指引擎）缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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252
violation
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| n.违反(行为)，违背(行为)，侵犯 | |
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253
subjugation
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| n.镇压，平息，征服 | |
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254
legislative
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| n.立法机构，立法权；adj.立法的，有立法权的 | |
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255
monarchy
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| n.君主，最高统治者；君主政体，君主国 | |
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256
antiquity
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| n.古老；高龄；古物，古迹 | |
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257
ordinance
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| n.法令；条令；条例 | |
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258
vehemence
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| n.热切；激烈；愤怒 | |
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259
contentions
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| n.竞争( contention的名词复数 )；争夺；争论；论点 | |
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260
restrictions
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| 约束( restriction的名词复数 )； 管制； 制约因素； 带限制性的条件（或规则） | |
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261
disturbances
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| n.骚乱( disturbance的名词复数 )；打扰；困扰；障碍 | |
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262
demonstrations
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| 证明( demonstration的名词复数 )； 表明； 表达； 游行示威 | |
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263
bloody
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| adj.非常的的；流血的；残忍的；adv.很；vt.血染 | |
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264
desolated
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| adj.荒凉的，荒废的 | |
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265
ministry
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| n.(政府的)部；牧师 | |
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266
animated
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| adj.生气勃勃的，活跃的，愉快的 | |
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267
ardor
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| n.热情，狂热 | |
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268
manifesto
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| n.宣言，声明 | |
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269
allied
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| adj.协约国的；同盟国的 | |
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270
Augmented
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| adj.增音的 动词augment的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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271
insurgents
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| n.起义，暴动，造反( insurgent的名词复数 ) | |
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272
regain
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| vt.重新获得，收复，恢复 | |
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273
confinement
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| n.幽禁，拘留，监禁；分娩；限制，局限 | |
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274
orators
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| n.演说者，演讲家( orator的名词复数 ) | |
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275
influential
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| adj.有影响的，有权势的 | |
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276
idol
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| n.偶像，红人，宠儿 | |
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277
lenient
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| adj.宽大的，仁慈的 | |
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278
prematurely
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| adv.过早地，贸然地 | |
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279
consigned
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| v.把…置于（令人不快的境地）( consign的过去式和过去分词 )；把…托付给；把…托人代售；丟弃 | |
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280
infamous
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| adj.声名狼藉的，臭名昭著的，邪恶的 | |
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281
immortality
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| n.不死，不朽 | |
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282
concealed
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| a.隐藏的，隐蔽的 | |
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283
inordinate
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| adj.无节制的；过度的 | |
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284
invincible
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| adj.不可征服的，难以制服的 | |
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285
austere
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| adj.艰苦的；朴素的，朴实无华的；严峻的 | |
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286
appease
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| v.安抚，缓和，平息，满足 | |
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287
vengeance
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| n.报复，报仇，复仇 | |
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288
authorized
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| a.委任的，许可的 | |
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289
domains
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| n.范围( domain的名词复数 )；领域；版图；地产 | |
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290
condemnation
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| n.谴责; 定罪 | |
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291
anguish
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| n.(尤指心灵上的)极度痛苦，烦恼 | |
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292
cemetery
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| n.坟墓，墓地，坟场 | |
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293
expiation
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| n.赎罪，补偿 | |
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294
colossal
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| adj.异常的，庞大的 | |
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295
obelisk
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| n.方尖塔 | |
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296
granite
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| adj.花岗岩，花岗石 | |
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297
levy
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| n.征收税或其他款项，征收额 | |
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298
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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299
exertions
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| n.努力( exertion的名词复数 )；费力；（能力、权力等的）运用；行使 | |
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300
frightful
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| adj.可怕的；讨厌的 | |
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301
obnoxious
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| adj.极恼人的，讨人厌的，可憎的 | |
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302
reigning
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| adj.统治的，起支配作用的 | |
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303
triumphant
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| adj.胜利的，成功的；狂欢的，喜悦的 | |
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304
dominant
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| adj.支配的，统治的；占优势的；显性的；n.主因，要素，主要的人(或物)；显性基因 | |
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305
lamented
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| adj.被哀悼的，令人遗憾的v.（为…）哀悼，痛哭，悲伤( lament的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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306
slaughter
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| n.屠杀，屠宰；vt.屠杀，宰杀 | |
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307
anarchists
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| 无政府主义者( anarchist的名词复数 ) | |
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308
execration
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| n.诅咒，念咒，憎恶 | |
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309
guilt
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| n.犯罪；内疚；过失，罪责 | |
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310
hideous
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| adj.丑陋的，可憎的，可怕的，恐怖的 | |
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311
licentiousness
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| n.放肆，无法无天 | |
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312
devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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313
overthrow
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| v.推翻，打倒，颠覆；n.推翻，瓦解，颠覆 | |
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314
jaw
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| n.颚，颌，说教，流言蜚语；v.喋喋不休，教训 | |
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315
penetrated
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| adj. 击穿的，鞭辟入里的 动词penetrate的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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316
descend
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| vt./vi.传下来，下来，下降 | |
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317
invaders
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| 入侵者，侵略者，侵入物( invader的名词复数 ) | |
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318
enthusiasts
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| n.热心人，热衷者( enthusiast的名词复数 ) | |
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319
rebellious
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| adj.造反的，反抗的，难控制的 | |
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320
subdued
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| adj. 屈服的，柔和的，减弱的 动词subdue的过去式和过去分词 | |
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321
rotation
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| n.旋转；循环，轮流 | |
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322
negotiations
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| 协商( negotiation的名词复数 )； 谈判； 完成（难事）； 通过 | |
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323
agitated
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| adj.被鼓动的，不安的 | |
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324
disaffected
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| adj.（政治上）不满的，叛离的 | |
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325
perplexed
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| adj.不知所措的 | |
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326
mustered
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| v.集合，召集，集结（尤指部队）( muster的过去式和过去分词 )；（自他人处）搜集某事物；聚集；激发 | |
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327
artillery
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| n.(军)火炮，大炮；炮兵(部队) | |
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328
intrepid
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| adj.无畏的，刚毅的 | |
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329
rabble
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| n.乌合之众，暴民；下等人 | |
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330
technically
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| adv.专门地，技术上地 | |
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331
nominally
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| 在名义上，表面地； 应名儿 | |
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332
judgments
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| 判断( judgment的名词复数 )； 鉴定； 评价； 审判 | |
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333
monstrous
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| adj.巨大的；恐怖的；可耻的，丢脸的 | |
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334
preservation
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| n.保护，维护，保存，保留，保持 | |
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335
partisans
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| 游击队员( partisan的名词复数 )； 党人； 党羽； 帮伙 | |
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336
emblem
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| n.象征，标志；徽章 | |
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337
regenerate
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| vt.使恢复，使新生；vi.恢复，再生；adj.恢复的 | |
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338
enjoins
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| v.命令( enjoin的第三人称单数 ) | |
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339
providence
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| n.深谋远虑，天道，天意；远见；节约；上帝 | |
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340
behold
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| v.看，注视，看到 | |
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341
almighty
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| adj.全能的，万能的；很大的，很强的 | |
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342
inflicted
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| 把…强加给，使承受，遭受( inflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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343
inaccurate
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| adj.错误的，不正确的，不准确的 | |
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344
temperate
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| adj.温和的，温带的，自我克制的，不过分的 | |
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345
abominable
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| adj.可厌的，令人憎恶的 | |
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346
memoirs
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| n.回忆录；回忆录传( mem,自oir的名词复数) | |
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