We have seen already that he would fain have avoided the treatment of this difficult and dangerous topic a little longer, so as to let his main theory be fairly judged on its own merits, without the obtrusion1 of theological or personal feelings into so purely2 biological a question; but the current was too strong for him, and at last he yielded. On the one hand, the adversaries3 had drawn4 for themselves the conclusion of man's purely animal origin, and held it up to ridicule5 under false forms in the most absurd and odious6 light. On the other hand, imprudent allies had put forth7 under the evolutionary8 ?gis their somewhat hypothetical and extravagant9 speculations10 on this involved subject, which Darwin was naturally anxious to correct and modify by his own more sober and guarded inferences. The result was the second great finishing work of the complete Darwinian system of things.
Ever since evolutionism had begun to be at all it had been observed that a natural corollary from the doctrine12 of descent with modification13 was the belief in[Pg 133] man's common ancestry14 with the anthropoid15 apes. As early as the middle of the last century, indeed, Lord Monboddo, a whimsical Scotch16 eccentric, had suggested in his famous book on the origin of language the idea that men were merely developed monkeys. But this crude and unorganised statement of a great truth, being ultimately based upon no distinct physical grounds, deserved scarcely to be classed higher than the childish evolutionism of 'Telliamed' De Maillet, which makes birds descend18 from flying-fish and men the offspring of the hypothetical tritons. On this point as on most others the earliest definite scientific views are those of Buffon, who ventured to hint with extreme caution the possibility of a common ancestry for man and all other vertebrate animals. Goethe the all-sided had caught a passing glimpse of the same profound conception about the date of the Reign19 of Terror; and Erasmus Darwin had openly announced it, though without much elaboration, in his precocious20 and premature21 'Zoonomia.' Still more specifically, in a note to the 'Temple of Nature,' the English evolutionist says: 'It has been supposed by some that mankind were formerly22 quadrupeds.... These philosophers, with Buffon and Helvetius, seem to imagine that mankind arose from one family of monkeys on the banks of the Mediterranean23;' and in the third canto24 of that fantastic poem, he enlarges upon the great part performed by the hand, with its opposable thumb, in the development and progress of the human species. Lamarck, in his 'Philosophie Zoologique,' distinctly lays down the doctrine that man is descended25 from an ape-like ancestor, which gradually acquired the upright position, not even now[Pg 134] wholly natural to the human race, and maintained only by the most constant watchfulness26. The orang-outang was then the highest known anthropoid ape; and it was from the orang-outang, therefore, that the fancy of Lyell and other objectors in the pre-Darwinian days continually derived28 the Lamarckian Adam.
The introduction of the chimpanzee into our European Zoological Gardens gave a fresh type of anthropoid to the crude speculators of the middle decades of the century; and in 1859, Paul du Chaillu, the explorer and hunter of the Gaboon country, brought over to America and Europe the first specimens29 of the true gorilla31 ever seen by civilised men. There can be little doubt that the general interest excited by his narrative32 of his adventures (published in London in 1861) and by the well-known stuffed specimen30 of the huge African anthropoid ape so long conspicuous33 in the rooms of the British Museum, and now surviving (somewhat the worse for wear) in the natural history collection at South Kensington, did much to kindle34 public curiosity as to the nature of our relations with the lower animals. It is no mere17 accidental circumstance, indeed, that Huxley should have brought out 'Man's Place in Nature' just two years after Du Chaillu's 'Explorations and Adventures in Equatorial Africa' had made the whole world, lay and learned, familiar with the name and features of the most human in outer aspect among the anthropoid family. Thenceforth the gorilla, and not the orang-outang, was popularly hit upon by scoffer35 and caricaturist as the imaginary type of our primitive36 ancestors.
On the other hand, during the twelve intervening[Pg 135] years immense strides had been made in every department of anthropological37 science, and the whole tenor38 of modern speculation11 had been clearing the ground for the 'Descent of Man,' In 1865, Rolle in Germany had published his work on 'Man Viewed by the Light of the Darwinian Theory.' Two years later, Canestrini in Italy read before the Naturalists39' Society of Modena his interesting paper on rudimentary characters as bearing on the origin of the human species. In 1868, Büchner brought out his rudely materialistic41 sledge-hammer lectures on the Darwinian principle; and in 1869, Barrago flung straight at the head of the Roman clericals his offensive work on man and the anthropoid apes. Most of these foreign publications were unhappily marked by that coarse and almost vituperative42 opposition43 to received views which too often disfigures French and German controversial literature. In England, on the contrary, under our milder and gentler ecclesiastical yoke44, the contest had been conducted with greater decorum and with far better results. Wallace had broken ground tentatively and reverently45 in his essay on the 'Origin of Human Races,' where he endeavoured to show that man is the co-descendant with the anthropoid apes of some ancient lower and extinct form. Lubbock's 'Prehistoric46 Times' (1865) and 'Origin of Civilisation47' (1870) helped to clear the way in the opposite direction by demolishing48 the old belief, firmly upheld by Whately and others, that savages49 represent a degraded type, and that the civilised state is natural and, so to speak, congenital to man. Tylor's 'Early History of Mankind' (1865) did still more eminent50 service in the same direction. Colenso's 'Pentateuch[Pg 136] and Book of Joshua Critically Examined,' the publication of which began in 1862, had already shaken the foundations of the Mosaic51 cosmogony, and incidentally discredited52 the received view of the direct creation of the first human family. McLennan's 'Primitive Marriage' (1865) and Herbert Spencer's articles on the origin of religion had kept speculation alive along other paths, all tending ultimately towards the same conclusion. Darwin's own cousin, Hensleigh Wedgwood, and Canon Farrar, had independently endeavoured to prove that language, instead of being a divine gift, might have arisen in a purely natural manner from instinctive53 cries and the imitation of external sounds. The Duke of Argyll and Professor Max Müller, by the obvious feebleness of their half-hearted replies, had unconsciously aided in disseminating54 and enforcing the very views they attempted to combat. Bagehot and Flower, Maudsley and Jevons, Vogt and Lindsay, Galton and Brown-Séquard had each in his way contributed facts and arguments ultimately utilised by the great master architect in building up his consistent and harmonious55 edifice56. Finally, in 1868, Haeckel had published his 'Natural History of Creation,' in which he discussed with surprising and perhaps excessive boldness the various stages in the genealogy57 of man. These various works, following so close upon Huxley's 'Man's Place in Nature' and Lyell's conclusive58 'Antiquity59 of Man,' left Darwin no choice but to set forth his own reasoned opinions on the subject of the origin and development of the human species.
The evidence of the descent of man from some lower form, collected and marshalled together by Darwin, consists[Pg 137] chiefly of minute inferential proofs which hardly admit of deliberate condensation60. In his bodily structure man is formed on the same underlying61 type or model as all the other mammals, bone answering throughout to bone, as, for example, in the fore27 limb, where homologous parts have been modified in the dog into toes, in the bat into wing-supports, in the seal into flippers, and in man himself into fingers and thumb, while still retaining in every case their essential fundamental likeness62 of construction. Even the brain of man resembles closely the brain of the higher monkeys; the differences which separate him in this respect from the orang or the gorilla are far slighter than the differences which separate those apes themselves from the inferior monkeys. Indeed, as Huxley conclusively63 showed, on anatomical grounds alone, man must be classed in the order Primates64 as only one among the many divergent forms which that order includes within its wide limits.
In his embryonic65 development man closely resembles the lower animals, the human creature being almost indistinguishable in certain stages from the dog, the bat, the seal, and especially the monkeys. At a very early age he possesses a slight projecting tail; at another, the great toe is shorter than its neighbours, and projects like the thumb at a slight angle; and at a third, the convolutions of the brain reach a point of development about equivalent to that of the adult baboon67. In his first stages man himself stands far more closely related to the apes than the apes in turn stand to cats or hy?nas.
Rudiments68 of muscles not normally found in man[Pg 138] occur in many aberrant69 human individuals. Some people possess the power of moving their scalps and wagging their ears like dogs and monkeys; others can twitch70 the skin of their bodies, as horses do when worried by flies. Mr. Woolner, the sculptor71, pointed72 out to Darwin a certain little projecting point or knob on the margin73 of the ear, observed by him in the course of modelling, which comparison shows to be the last folded remnant or rudiment40 of the once erect74 and pointed monkey-like ear-tip. The nictitating membrane75, or third eyelid76, once more, which in birds can be drawn so rapidly across the ball of the eye, and which gives the familiar glazed77 or murky78 appearance, is fairly well developed in the ornithorhyncus and the kangaroo, as well as in a few higher mammals, like the walrus79; but in man, as in the monkey group, it survives only under the degenerate80 form of a practically useless rudiment, the semilunar fold. Man differs from the other Primates in his apparently81 hairless condition; but the hair, though short and downy, still remains82 on close inspection83, and in some races, such as the Ainos of Japan, forms a shaggy coat like an orang's or a gibbon's. A few long rough hairs sometimes project from the short smooth down of the eyebrows84; and these peculiar85 bristles86, occasional only in the human species, are habitual87 in the chimpanzee and in many baboons88. Internal organs show similar rudiments, of less enthralling89 interest, it must be candidly90 confessed, to the unscientific outside intelligence. Even the bony skeleton contributes its share of confirmatory evidence; for in the lower monkeys and in many other mammals a certain main trunk nerve passes through a special perforation in the shoulder-blade,[Pg 139] and this perforation, though now almost obsolete91, sometimes recurs92 in man, in which case the nerve in question invariably passes through it, as in the inferior monkeys. What is still more remarkable93 is the fact that the perforation occurs far more frequently (in proportion) among the skeletons of very ancient races than among those of our own time. One chief cause why in this and other cases ancient races often present structures resembling those of the lower animals seems to be that they stand nearer in the long line of descent to their remote animal-like progenitors94.
The conclusion at which, after fully96 examining all the evidence, Darwin finally arrives is somewhat as follows:
The early ancestors of man must have been more or less monkey-like animals, belonging to the great anthropoid group, and related to the progenitors of the orang-outang, the chimpanzee, and the gorilla. They must have been once covered with hair, both sexes possessing beards. Their ears were probably pointed and capable of movement, and their bodies were provided with a movable tail. The foot had a great toe somewhat thumb-like in its action, with which they could grasp the branches of trees. They were probably arboreal97 in their habits, fruit-eaters by choice, and inhabitants of some warm forest-clad land. The males had great canine98 teeth, with which they fought one another for the possession of the females. At a much earlier period, the internal anatomical peculiarities99 approached those of the lowest mammals, and the eye was provided with a third eyelid. Peering still further back into the dim abyss of the ages, Darwin vaguely100 describes the[Pg 140] ancestors of humanity as aquatic101 animals, allied102 to the mudfish; for our lungs are known to consist of modified swim-bladders, which must once have served our remote progenitors in the office of a float. The gill-clefts on the neck of the human embryo66 still point to the spot where the branchi? once, no doubt, existed. Our primordial103 birthplace appears to have been a shore washed twice a day by the recurrent tides. The heart then took the shape merely of a simple pulsating104 vessel105; and a long undivided spinal106 cord usurped107 the place of the vertebral column. These extremely primitive ancestors of man, thus dimly beheld108 across the gulf109 of ages, must have been at least as simply and humbly110 organised as that very lowest and earliest of existing vertebrates, the worm-like lancelet.
From such a rude and indefinite beginning natural selection, aided by the various concomitant principles, has slowly built up the pedigree of man. Starting from these remote half-invertebrate forms, whose vague shape is still perhaps in part preserved for us by the soft and jelly-like larva of the modern ascidian, we rise by long stages to a group of early fishes, like the lancelet itself. From these the ganoids and then the lung-bearing mudfish must have been gradually developed. From such fish a very small advance would carry us on to the newts and other amphibians111. The duck-billed platypus112 helps us slightly to bridge over the gap between the reptiles113 and the lower mammals, such as the kangaroo and the wombat114, though the connection with the amphibians is still, as when Darwin wrote, highly problematical. From marsupials, such as the kangaroo, we ascend115 gradually to the insectivorous type represented by the[Pg 141] shrews and hedgehogs, and thence once more by very well-marked intermediate stages to the lemurs of Madagascar, a group linked on the one hand to the insectivores, and on the other to the true monkeys. The monkeys, again, 'branched off into two great stems—the New World and Old World monkeys; and from the latter, at a remote period, man, the wonder and glory of the universe, proceeded.'
The word was spoken; the secret was out. The world might well have been excused for treating it scornfully. But as a matter of fact, the storm which followed the 'Descent of Man' was as nothing compared with the torrent116 of abuse that had pursued the author of the 'Origin of Species.' In twelve years society had grown slowly accustomed to the once startling idea, and it listened now with comparatively languid interest to the final utterance117 of the great biologist on the question of its own origin and destinies. In 1859 it cried in horror, 'How very shocking!' in 1871, it murmured complacently118, 'Is that all? Why, everybody knew that much already!'
Nevertheless, on the moral and social side, the ultimate importance of the 'Descent of Man' upon the world's history can hardly be overrated by a philosophic119 investigator120. Vast as was the revolution effected in biology by the 'Origin of Species,' it was as nothing compared with the still wider, deeper, and more subtly-working revolution inaugurated by the announcement of man's purely animal origin. The main discovery, strange to say, affected121 a single branch of thought alone; the minor122 corollary drawn from it to a single species has already affected, and is destined123 in the future still[Pg 142] more profoundedly to affect, every possible sphere of human energy. Not only has it completely reversed our entire conception of history generally, by teaching us that man has slowly risen from a very low and humble124 beginning, but it has also revolutionised our whole ideas of our own position and our own destiny, it has permeated125 the sciences of language and of medicine, it has introduced new conceptions of ethics126 and of religion, and it threatens in the future to produce immense effects upon the theory and practice of education, of politics, and of economic and social science. These wide-reaching and deep-seated results began to be felt from the first moment when the Darwinian principle was definitely promulgated127 in the 'Origin of Species,' but their final development and general acceptance was immensely accelerated by Darwin's own authoritative128 statement in the 'Descent of Man.'
To some among us still, as to Lyell before us, this new belief in the animal origin of man seems far less beautiful, noble, and inspiriting than the older faith in his special and separate divine creation. Such thinkers find it somehow more pleasant and comfortable to suppose that man has fallen than that man has risen; the doctrine of the universal degradation129 of humanity paradoxically appears to them more full of promise and aspiration130 for the times to come than the doctrine of its universal elevation131. To Darwin himself, however, it seemed otherwise. 'Man,' he says, 'may be excused for feeling some pride at having risen, though not through his own exertions132, to the very summit of the organic scale; and the fact of his having thus risen, instead of having been aboriginally placed there, may give him hope for a still higher destiny in[Pg 143] the distant future.' Surely this is the truer and manlier133 way of looking at the reversed and improved attitude of man. Surely it is better to climb to the top than to have been placed there—and fallen—at the very outset. Surely it is a nobler view of life that we may yet by our own strenuous134 exertions raise our race some places higher in the endless and limitless hierarchy135 of nature than that we are the miserable136 and hopelessly degenerate descendants of a ruined and degraded angelic progenitor95. Surely it is well, while we boast with Glaucus that we indeed are far braver and better than our ancestors, to pray at the same time, in the words of Hector, that our sons may be yet braver and better than ourselves.
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1
obtrusion
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| n.强制，莽撞 | |
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purely
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| adv.纯粹地，完全地 | |
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adversaries
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| n.对手，敌手( adversary的名词复数 ) | |
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drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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ridicule
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| v.讥讽，挖苦；n.嘲弄 | |
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odious
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| adj.可憎的，讨厌的 | |
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forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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evolutionary
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| adj.进化的；演化的，演变的；[生]进化论的 | |
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extravagant
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| adj.奢侈的；过分的；(言行等)放肆的 | |
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speculations
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| n.投机买卖( speculation的名词复数 )；思考；投机活动；推断 | |
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speculation
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| n.思索，沉思；猜测；投机 | |
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doctrine
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| n.教义；主义；学说 | |
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modification
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| n.修改，改进，缓和，减轻 | |
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ancestry
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| n.祖先，家世 | |
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anthropoid
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| adj.像人类的，类人猿的；n.类人猿；像猿的人 | |
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scotch
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| n.伤口，刻痕；苏格兰威士忌酒；v.粉碎，消灭，阻止；adj.苏格兰(人)的 | |
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mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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descend
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| vt./vi.传下来，下来，下降 | |
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reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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precocious
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| adj.早熟的；较早显出的 | |
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premature
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| adj.比预期时间早的；不成熟的，仓促的 | |
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formerly
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| adv.从前，以前 | |
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Mediterranean
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| adj.地中海的；地中海沿岸的 | |
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canto
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| n.长篇诗的章 | |
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descended
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| a.为...后裔的，出身于...的 | |
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watchfulness
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| 警惕，留心； 警觉（性） | |
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fore
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| adv.在前面；adj.先前的；在前部的；n.前部 | |
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derived
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| vi.起源；由来；衍生；导出v.得到( derive的过去式和过去分词 )；（从…中）得到获得；源于；（从…中）提取 | |
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specimens
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| n.样品( specimen的名词复数 )；范例；（化验的）抽样；某种类型的人 | |
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specimen
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| n.样本，标本 | |
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gorilla
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| n.大猩猩，暴徒，打手 | |
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narrative
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| n.叙述，故事；adj.叙事的，故事体的 | |
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conspicuous
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| adj.明眼的，惹人注目的；炫耀的，摆阔气的 | |
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kindle
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| v.点燃，着火 | |
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scoffer
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| 嘲笑者 | |
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primitive
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| adj.原始的；简单的；n.原(始)人，原始事物 | |
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anthropological
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| adj.人类学的 | |
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tenor
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| n.男高音（歌手），次中音（乐器），要旨，大意 | |
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naturalists
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| n.博物学家( naturalist的名词复数 )；（文学艺术的）自然主义者 | |
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rudiment
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| n.初步；初级；基本原理 | |
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materialistic
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| a.唯物主义的，物质享乐主义的 | |
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vituperative
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| adj.谩骂的；斥责的 | |
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opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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yoke
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| n.轭；支配；v.给...上轭，连接，使成配偶 | |
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reverently
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| adv.虔诚地 | |
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prehistoric
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| adj.（有记载的）历史以前的，史前的，古老的 | |
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civilisation
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| n.文明，文化，开化，教化 | |
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demolishing
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| v.摧毁( demolish的现在分词 )；推翻；拆毁（尤指大建筑物）；吃光 | |
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savages
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| 未开化的人，野蛮人( savage的名词复数 ) | |
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eminent
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| adj.显赫的，杰出的，有名的，优良的 | |
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mosaic
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| n./adj.镶嵌细工的，镶嵌工艺品的，嵌花式的 | |
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discredited
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| 不足信的，不名誉的 | |
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instinctive
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| adj.(出于)本能的；直觉的；(出于)天性的 | |
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disseminating
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| 散布，传播( disseminate的现在分词 ) | |
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harmonious
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| adj.和睦的，调和的，和谐的，协调的 | |
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edifice
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| n.宏伟的建筑物(如宫殿，教室) | |
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genealogy
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| n.家系，宗谱 | |
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conclusive
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| adj.最后的，结论的；确凿的，消除怀疑的 | |
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antiquity
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| n.古老；高龄；古物，古迹 | |
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condensation
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| n.压缩，浓缩；凝结的水珠 | |
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underlying
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| adj.在下面的，含蓄的，潜在的 | |
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likeness
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| n.相像，相似（之处） | |
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conclusively
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| adv.令人信服地，确凿地 | |
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primates
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| primate的复数 | |
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embryonic
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| adj.胚胎的 | |
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embryo
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| n.胚胎，萌芽的事物 | |
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baboon
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| n.狒狒 | |
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rudiments
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| n.基础知识，入门 | |
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69
aberrant
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| adj.畸变的，异常的，脱离常轨的 | |
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70
twitch
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| v.急拉，抽动，痉挛，抽搐；n.扯，阵痛，痉挛 | |
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71
sculptor
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| n.雕刻家，雕刻家 | |
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72
pointed
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| adj.尖的，直截了当的 | |
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73
margin
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| n.页边空白；差额；余地，余裕；边，边缘 | |
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74
erect
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| n./v.树立，建立，使竖立；adj.直立的，垂直的 | |
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75
membrane
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| n.薄膜，膜皮，羊皮纸 | |
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76
eyelid
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| n.眼睑，眼皮 | |
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77
glazed
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| adj.光滑的，像玻璃的；上过釉的；呆滞无神的v.装玻璃( glaze的过去式)；上釉于，上光；（目光）变得呆滞无神 | |
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78
murky
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| adj.黑暗的，朦胧的；adv.阴暗地，混浊地；n.阴暗；昏暗 | |
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79
walrus
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| n.海象 | |
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80
degenerate
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| v.退步，堕落；adj.退步的，堕落的；n.堕落者 | |
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81
apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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82
remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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83
inspection
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| n.检查，审查，检阅 | |
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84
eyebrows
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| 眉毛( eyebrow的名词复数 ) | |
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85
peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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86
bristles
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| 短而硬的毛发，刷子毛( bristle的名词复数 ) | |
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87
habitual
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| adj.习惯性的；通常的，惯常的 | |
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88
baboons
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| n.狒狒( baboon的名词复数 ) | |
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89
enthralling
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| 迷人的 | |
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90
candidly
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| adv.坦率地，直率而诚恳地 | |
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91
obsolete
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| adj.已废弃的，过时的 | |
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recurs
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| 再发生，复发( recur的第三人称单数 ) | |
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remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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94
progenitors
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| n.祖先( progenitor的名词复数 )；先驱；前辈；原本 | |
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progenitor
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| n.祖先，先驱 | |
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96
fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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arboreal
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| adj.树栖的；树的 | |
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98
canine
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| adj.犬的，犬科的 | |
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99
peculiarities
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| n. 特质, 特性, 怪癖, 古怪 | |
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100
vaguely
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| adv.含糊地，暖昧地 | |
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101
aquatic
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| adj.水生的，水栖的 | |
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102
allied
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| adj.协约国的；同盟国的 | |
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103
primordial
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| adj.原始的；最初的 | |
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104
pulsating
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| adj.搏动的，脉冲的v.有节奏地舒张及收缩( pulsate的现在分词 )；跳动；脉动；受（激情）震动 | |
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105
vessel
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| n.船舶；容器，器皿；管，导管，血管 | |
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106
spinal
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| adj.针的，尖刺的，尖刺状突起的；adj.脊骨的，脊髓的 | |
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107
usurped
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| 篡夺，霸占( usurp的过去式和过去分词 )； 盗用； 篡夺，篡权 | |
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108
beheld
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| v.看，注视( behold的过去式和过去分词 )；瞧；看呀；（叙述中用于引出某人意外的出现）哎哟 | |
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109
gulf
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| n.海湾；深渊，鸿沟；分歧，隔阂 | |
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110
humbly
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| adv. 恭顺地，谦卑地 | |
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111
amphibians
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| 两栖动物( amphibian的名词复数 )； 水陆两用车； 水旱两生植物； 水陆两用飞行器 | |
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112
platypus
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| n.鸭嘴兽 | |
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113
reptiles
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| n.爬行动物，爬虫( reptile的名词复数 ) | |
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114
wombat
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| n.袋熊 | |
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115
ascend
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| vi.渐渐上升，升高；vt.攀登，登上 | |
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116
torrent
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| n.激流，洪流；爆发，(话语等的)连发 | |
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117
utterance
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| n.用言语表达，话语，言语 | |
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118
complacently
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| adv. 满足地, 自满地, 沾沾自喜地 | |
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119
philosophic
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| adj.哲学的，贤明的 | |
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120
investigator
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| n.研究者，调查者，审查者 | |
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121
affected
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| adj.不自然的，假装的 | |
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122
minor
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| adj.较小(少)的，较次要的；n.辅修学科；vi.辅修 | |
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123
destined
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| adj.命中注定的；(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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124
humble
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| adj.谦卑的，恭顺的；地位低下的；v.降低，贬低 | |
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125
permeated
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| 弥漫( permeate的过去式和过去分词 )； 遍布； 渗入； 渗透 | |
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126
ethics
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| n.伦理学；伦理观，道德标准 | |
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127
promulgated
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| v.宣扬（某事物）( promulgate的过去式和过去分词 )；传播；公布；颁布（法令、新法律等） | |
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128
authoritative
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| adj.有权威的，可相信的；命令式的；官方的 | |
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129
degradation
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| n.降级；低落；退化；陵削；降解；衰变 | |
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130
aspiration
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| n.志向，志趣抱负；渴望；(语)送气音；吸出 | |
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131
elevation
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| n.高度；海拔；高地；上升；提高 | |
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132
exertions
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| n.努力( exertion的名词复数 )；费力；（能力、权力等的）运用；行使 | |
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133
manlier
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| manly（有男子气概的）的比较级形式 | |
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134
strenuous
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| adj.奋发的，使劲的；紧张的；热烈的，狂热的 | |
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135
hierarchy
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| n.等级制度；统治集团，领导层 | |
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136
miserable
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| adj.悲惨的，痛苦的；可怜的，糟糕的 | |
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