Despite this and many similar efforts on the part of the authorities and private agencies, people kept crowding into the capital. Not even a personal appeal from his new “Reichspr?sident” Ebert to the ordinarily laborious10 and persistent11 German to remain at home and keep at work, rather than to try to better his lot by this vain pilgrimage, succeeded in shutting off the Berlinward stream of discontented humanity. War and social disorders12 seem always to bring this influx13 into the national metropolis14, the world over. It is man’s nature to wander in search of happiness when he is not happy, seldom recognizing that he is carrying his unhappiness with him and that it is but 113slightly dependent upon the particular spot he inhabits. In this case the general misery15 was largely due to the gnawings of hunger, and surely Berlin, in the year of grace 1919, was the last place in all Germany in which to seek alleviation16 from that particular misfortune. Yet the quest of the rainbow end went hopefully on, until the tenements18 of the capital were gorged19 with famished20 provincials21 and her newspapers teemed22 with offers of substantial rewards to any one who would furnish information of rooms, apartments, or dwelling-houses for rent.
That Berlin was hungry was all too evident, so patent, in fact, that I feel it my duty to set down in a place apart the gruesome details of famine and warn the reader to peruse23 them only in the presence of a full-course dinner. But the overcrowding was at first glance less apparent. Indeed, a superficial glimpse of the heart of Prussianism showed it surprisingly like what it had been a decade before. The great outdoor essentials were virtually unaltered. Only as one amassed24 bit by bit into a convincing whole the minor25 evidences of change, as an experienced lawyer pieces together the scattered26 threads of circumstantial proof, did one reach the conclusion that Berlin was no longer what she used to be. Her great arteries27 of suburban28 railways, her elevated and underground, pulsated29 regularly, without even that clogging30 of circulation that threatened the civic31 health of her great temperamental rival to the west. Her shops and business houses seemed, except in one particular, well stocked and prosperous; her sources of amusement were many and well patronized. Her street throngs34 certainly were not shabby in appearance and they showed no outward signs of leading a hampered35 existence. True, they were unusually gaunt-featured—but here we are encroaching on ground to be explored under more propitious37 alimentary38 circumstances.
Of the revolution, real or feigned39, through which it had 114recently passed, the city bore surprisingly few scars. Three or four government buildings were pockmarked with bullet-holes that carried the mind back to “election” days in the capitals of tropical America; over in Alexanderplatz the bricks and stones flaunted40 a goodly number of shrapnel and machine-gun wounds. But that was all, or almost all, the proof of violence that remained. The palaces of the late Kaiser stood like abandoned warehouses41; the Reichstag building was cold and silent, testifying to a change of venue42 for the government on trial, if not of régime. Yet it could not, after all, have been much of a “revolution” that had left unscathed those thirty-two immense and sometimes potbellied images of the noble Hohenzollerns, elaborately carved in stone, which still oppressed the stroller along the Sieges Allee in the otherwise pleasant Tiergarten. The massive wooden Hindenburg at the end of it, a veritable personification of brute43 strength from cropped head to well-planted feet, stared down upon puny44 mankind as of yore, though, to be sure, he looked rather neglected; the nailing had never been completed and the rare visitors passed him by now without any attempt to hammer home their homage45. Farther on that other man of iron gazed away across the esplanade as if he saw nothing in this temporary abandonment of his principles to cause serious misgivings46.
But perhaps all this will in time be swept away, for there were signs pointing in that direction. The city council of Berlin had already decreed that all pictures and statues of the Hohenzollerns, “especially those of the deposed47 Kaiser,” must be removed from the public halls and schoolrooms. That of itself would constitute a decided48 change in the capital. In these first days of May several hundred busts49 and countless50 likenesses of Wilhelm II and his family had been banished51 to the cellars of municipal buildings, not, be it noted52, far enough away to make restoration 115difficult. “Among the busts,” said one of the local papers, “are some of real artistic53 value”—I cannot, of course, vouch54 for the esthetic55 sense of the editor—“as for example the marble ones of Kaiser Wilhelm I and of Kaiser Friedrich III, which for many years have adorned56 the meeting-place of the Municipal Council itself.” For all this there was no lack of graven images of the discredited57 War Lord and his tribe still on exhibition; the portraits “adorning58” private residences alone could have filled many more cellars. It would be difficult to eradicate60 in a few brief months a trade-mark which had been stamped into every article of common or uncommon61 use.
In return for these artistic losses the city was taking on new decorations, in the form of placards and posters unknown in kaiserly days. To begin with, there were the violent representations in color of what the Bolshevists were alleged62 to perpetrate on the civil population that fell under their bloody63 misrule, which stared from every conspicuous64 wall unprotected by the stern announcement that bill-posting was verboten. These all ended with an appeal for volunteers and money to halt “the menace that is already knocking at the eastern gates of the Fatherland.” Then there were the more direct enticements to recruits for newly formed Freicorps—“the protective home guard,” their authors called it—usually named for the officer whose signature as commander appeared at the bottom of the poster. Even the newspapers carried full-page advertisements setting forth66 the advantages of enrolling67 in the independent battalion68 of Major B—— or the splendid regiment69 of Colonel S——, a far cry indeed from the days of universal compulsory70 service. “If you will join my company,” ran these glowing promises, after long-winded appeals to patriotism71, “you will be commanded by experienced officers, such as the undersigned, and you will be lodged73, fed, and well paid by the government. What better occupation 116can you find?” These were the freiwillige bands that composed the German army of 1919, semi-independent groups, loosely disciplined, and bearing the name of some officer of the old régime. They may not constitute an overpowering force, but there is always the possibility that some man of magnetism74 and Napoleonic ambition may gather them all together and become a military dictator. Besides, there is still the trickery of militaristic Germany to be reckoned with, genius for subterfuge75 that will cover up real training under the pretense76 of police forces, of turnvereins and of “athletic unions.”
Thus far these omnipresent appeals did not seem to have met with overwhelming success. The soldiers guarding Berlin were virtually all boys of twenty or under; the older men were probably “fed up with it.” Nor did the insolent77 Prussian officer of former days any longer lord it over the civilian population. He had laid aside his saber and in most cases his uniform, and perhaps felt safer in his semi-disguise of “civies” as he mingled78 with the throng33. Military automobiles79 carrying stiff-necked generals or haughty81 civilians82 in silk hats still occasionally blasted their way down Unter den8 Linden as commandingly as ever did the Kaiser, but they were wont83 to halt and grow very quiet when the plebeian84 herd85 became dense86 enough to demand its right of way.
Before we leave the subject of posters, however, let us take a glimpse at those appealing for aid to the Kriegs und Zivilgefangenen which inundated87 the city. The picture showed a group of German prisoners, still in their red-banded caps and in full uniform—as if the ravages88 of time and their captors had not so much as spotted89 a shoulder-strap—peering sadly out through a wire barricade90. It was plain to see that some German at home had posed for the artist, the beings he depicted91 were so pitifully gaunt and hungry in appearance. I have seen many thousand 117German prisoners in France, and I cannot recall one who did not look far better nourished than his fellow-countrymen beyond the Rhine, more full of health, in fact, than the civilian population about the detention92 camps. They may regret leaving comparative abundance for their hungry Fatherland, when the day of exodus93 finally comes. But the Germans at home were greatly wrought94 up about their eight hundred thousand prisoners. Many had convinced themselves that they would never be returned; the general impression of their sad lot brought continuous contributions to the boys and girls who rattled95 money-cans in the faces of passers-by, even those who wore an Allied96 uniform, all over Berlin. Stories of the mistreatment of prisoners were quite as current and fully17 as heartrending in Germany as they were on the other side of the battle-line. Apparently98 captives are always mishandled—by the enemy, and too well treated on the side of the speaker, a phenomenon even of our own Civil War. I have no personal knowledge of the lot of Allied prisoners of war in Germany, but this much is certain of those wearing the field gray—that the French neglected them both as to food and work; that the British treated them fairly in both matters, and that the Americans overfed and underworked them. But it was a hopeless task to try to convince their fellow-countrymen that they were not one and all suffering daily the tortures of the damned.
Perhaps the greatest surprise that Berlin had in store for me was the complete safety which her recent enemies enjoyed there. With German delegates to the Peace Conference closely guarded behind barbed wire in Versailles, and German correspondents forbidden even to talk to the incensed99 crowds that gathered along those barriers, it was astounding100 to find that American and Allied officers and men, in full uniform, wandered freely about the Prussian capital at all hours. Doughboys were quite as much at 118home along Unter den Linden as if they had been strolling down Main Street in Des Moines. Young Germans in iron hats guarded the entrance to the princely Adlon, housing the various enemy missions, but any one who chose passed freely in or out, whatever his nationality, his business or lack thereof, or his garb101. Olive drab attracted no more attention in Berlin than it did in Coblenz. German chauffeurs102 drove poilus and their officers about the streets as nonchalantly as if they had been taxi-drivers in Paris. To be sure, most uniformed visitors stuck rather closely to the center of town, but that was due either to false impressions of danger or to lack of curiosity—and perhaps also to the dread103 of getting out of touch with their own food-supply. For as a matter of experience they were fully as safe in Berlin as in Paris or New York—possibly a trifle more so—they seemed to run less risk of being separated, legally or forcibly, from their possessions. The hair-raising tales which correspondents poured out over the wires via Copenhagen were chiefly instigated104 by their clamoring editors and readers at home. Let a few random105 shots be fired somewhere in the city and the scribes were at ease for another day—and the world gasped106 once more at the bloody anarchy107 reigning108 in Berlin, while the stodgy109 Berliner went on about his business, totally oblivious110 of the battle that was supposed to be seething111 about him.
In January, 1919, a group of American officers entered one of the principal restaurants of Berlin and ordered dinner. At that date our olive drab was rare enough in the capital to attract general attention. A civilian at a neighboring table, somewhat the worse for bottled animosity, gave vent112 to his wrath113 at sight of the visitors. Having no desire to precipitate114 a scene, they rose to leave. Several German officers sprang to their feet and begged them to remain, assuring them that the disturber would be silenced or ejected. The Americans declined to stay, whereupon the 119ranking German apologized for the unseemly conduct of an ill-bred fellow-countryman and invited the group to be his guests there the following evening.
Now I must take issue with most American travelers in Germany during the armistice115 that the general attitude of courtesy was either pretense, bidding for favor, or “propaganda” directed by those higher up. In the first place, a great many Germans did not at that date admit that the upstarts who had suddenly risen to power were capable of directing their personal conduct. Moreover, I have met scores of persons who were neither astute116 enough nor closely enough in touch with those outlining national policies to take part in any concerted plan to curry117 favor with their conquerors118. I have, furthermore, often successfully posed as a German or as the subject of a friendly or neutral power, and have found the attitude toward their enemies not one whit119 different under those circumstances than when they were knowingly speaking to an enemy.
There were undoubtedly120 many who deliberately121 sought to gain advantage by wearing a mask of friendliness122; but there were fully as many who declined to depart from their customary politeness, whatever the provocation123.
Two national characteristics which revolution had not greatly altered were the habit of commanding rather than requesting and of looking to the government to take a paternal124 attitude toward its subjects. The stern Verboten still stared down upon the masses at every corner and angle. It reminded one of the sign in some of our rougher Western towns bearing the information that “Gentlemen will not spit on the floor; others must not,” and carrying the implication that the populace cannot be intrusted to its own instincts for decency125. If only the German could learn the value of moral suasion, the often greater effectiveness of a “Please” than of an iron-fisted “Don’t”! Perhaps it would require a new viewpoint toward life to give full 120strength to the gentler form among a people long trained to listen only to the sterner admonition. The great trouble with the verboten attitude is that if those in command accidentally overlook verboting something, people are almost certain to do it. Their atrophied126 sense of right and wrong gives them no gage127 of personal conduct. Then there is always the man to be reckoned with who does a thing simply because it is verboten—though he is rarely a German.
It is in keeping with this commanding manner that the ruling class fails to give the rank and file credit for common horse sense. Instead of the Anglo-Saxon custom of trusting the individual to take care of himself, German paternalism flashes constantly in his face signs and placards proffering128 officious advice on every conceivable subject. He is warned to stamp his letters before mailing them, to avoid draughts129 if he would keep his health; he is verboten to step off a tramcar in motion, lest he break his precious neck, and so on through all the possibilities of earthly existence, until any but a German would feel like the victim of one of those motherly women whose extreme solicitude130 becomes in practice a constant nagging131. The Teuton, however, seems to like it, and he grows so accustomed to receiving or imparting information by means of placards that his very shop-windows are ridiculously littered with them. Here an engraved132 card solemnly announces, “This is a suit of clothes”; there another asserts—more or less truthfully—“Cigars—to smoke.” One comes to the point of wondering whether the German does not need most of all to be let alone until he learns to take care of himself and to behave of his own free will. Then he might in time recognize that liberty is objective as well as subjective133; that there is true philosophy in the Anglo-Saxon contention134 that “every man’s home is his castle.” Perhaps he is already on his way to that goal. There were promising135 signs that Germany is growing less streng than she used to be, more easy-going, 121more human—unless what seemed to be that was the merely temporary apathy137 of under-nourishment138.
The war had made fewer changes in the public and business world of the Fatherland than in Allied countries. Pariserplatz and Franz?sischestrasse retained their names. Down in Munich the finest park was still the Englische Garten. Most American stocks were quoted in the newspapers. One might still get one’s mail—if any arrived—through the American Express Company, though its banking139 business was in abeyance140. The repertoire141 of the once Royal Opera included the works of Allied composers, given only in German, to be sure, but that was the custom even before the war. Shopkeepers of the tourist-baiting class spoke142 English or French on the slightest provocation—often with provoking insistence143. I found myself suddenly in need of business cards with which to impress the natives, and the first printing-shop furnished them within three hours. When I returned to the capital from one of my jaunts144 into the provinces with a batch145 of films that must be developed and delivered that same evening, the seemingly impossible was accomplished146. I suggested that I carry them off wet, directly after the hypo bath, washing and drying them in my hotel room in time to catch a train at dawn. Where a Frenchman or an Italian would have thrown up his hands in horror at so unprecedented147 an arrangement, the amenable148 Teuton agreed at once to the feasibility of the scheme. Thus commerce strode aggressively on, irrespective of the customer’s nationality, and with the customary German adaptability149.
Some lines of business had, of course, been hard hit by the war. There was that, for instance, of individual transportation, public or private. Now and then an iron-tired automobile80 screamed by along Unter den Linden, but though the government was offering machines as cheaply as two thousand marks each, the scarcity150 and prohibitive price 122of “benzine” made purchasers rare. In the collections of dilapidated outfits151 waiting for fares at railway stations and public squares it was a question whether horse, coachman, or carriage was nearest to the brink152 of starvation. The animals were miserable153 runts that were of no military use even before the scarcity of fodder154 reduced them to their resemblance to museum skeletons. The sallow-faced drivers seemed to envy the beasts the handful of bran they were forced to grant them daily. Their vagabond garb was sadly in keeping with the junk on wheels in which they rattled languidly away when a new victim succumbed155 to their hollow-eyed pleading. Most of Berlin seemed to prefer to walk, and that not merely because the legal fares had recently been doubled. Taxis might have one or two real rubber tires, aged156 and patched, but still pumpable; the others were almost sure to be some astonishing substitute which gave the machine a resemblance to a war victim with one leg—or, more exactly, to a three-legged dog. The most nearly successful Ersatz tires were iron rims157 with a score of little steel springs within them, yet even those did not make joy-riding popular.
On this subject of Ersatz, or far-fetched substitutes for the real thing, many pages might be written, even without trespassing158 for the moment on the forbidden territory of food. The department stores were veritable museums of Ersatz articles. With real shoes costing about sixty dollars, and real clothing running them a close race, it was essential that the salesman should be able to appease159 the wrathful customer by offering him “something else—er—almost as good.” The shoe substitutes alone made the shop-windows a constant source of amazement160 and interest. Those with frankly161 wooden soles and cloth tops were offered for as little as seven marks. The more ambitious contraptions, ranging from these simple corn-torturers improved with a half-dozen iron hinges in the sole to those laboriously162 pieced 123together out of scraps163 of leather that suggested the ultimate fate of the window-straps missing from railway carriages, ran the whole gamut164 of prices, up to within a few dollars of the genuine article. Personally, I have never seen a German in Ersatz footwear, with the exception of a few working in their gardens. But on the theory of no smoke without some fire the immense stocks displayed all over the country were prima-facie evidence of a considerable demand. Possibly the substitutes were reserved for interior domestic use—fetching styles of carpet slippers165. On the street the German still succeeded somehow in holding his sartorial166 own, perhaps by the zealous167 husbanding of his pre-war wardrobe.
Look where you would you were sure to find some new Ersatz brazenly168 staring you in the face. Clothing, furniture, toys, pictures, drugs, tapestries169, bicycles, tools, hand-bags, string, galoshes, the very money in your pocket, were but imitations of the real thing. Examine the box of matches you acquired at last with much patience and diplomacy170 and you found it marked, “Without sulphur and without phosphorus”—a sad fact that would soon have made itself apparent without formal announcement. The wood was still genuine; thanks to their scientific forestry171, the Germans have not yet run out of that. But many of their great forests are thinned out like the hair of the middle-aged172 male—and the loss as cleverly concealed173. There has been much Teutonic boasting on this subject of Ersatz, but since the armistice, at least, it had changed to wailing174, for even if he ever seriously believed otherwise the German had discovered that the vast majority of his laborious substitutes did not substitute.
As we are carefully avoiding the mention of food, the most grievous source of annoyance175 to the rank and file of which we can speak here is the lack of tobacco. In contrast with the rest of the country there were plenty 124of cigars in Berlin—apparently, until one found that the heaps of boxes adorning tobacconists’ windows were placarded “Nur leere Kisten,” or at best were filled with rolls of some species of weed that could not claim the most distant relationship to the fragrant176 leaf of Virginia. I indulged one day, before I had found the open sesame to the American commissary, in one of the most promising of those mysterious vegetables, at two marks a throw. The taste is with me yet. American officers at the Adlon sometimes ventured to leave food-supplies in the drawers of their desks, but their cigars they locked in the safe, along with their secret papers and real money. In the highest-priced restaurant of Berlin the shout of, “Waiter, bring two cigarettes!” was sure to focus all eyes on the prosperous individual who could still subject his fortune to such extravagance. Here and there along Friedrichstrasse hawkers assailed177 passers-by with raucous178 cries of “English and American tobacco!” Which proved not only that the German had lost all national feeling on this painful subject, but that the British Tommy and the American doughboy had brought with them some of the tricks they had learned in France.
These street-corner venders, not merely of the only real tobacco to be publicly had in Berlin, but of newspapers, post-cards, and the like, were more apt than not to be ex-soldiers in field gray, sometimes as high in rank as Feldwebels. Many others struggled for livelihood180 by wandering like gipsies from one cheap café to another, playing some form of musical instrument and taking up collections from the clients, often with abashed181 faces. Which brings us to the question of gaiety in Berlin. Newspapers, posters, and blazing electric signs called constant attention to countless café, cabaret, cinema, and theater entertainments. Every one of them I visited was well filled, if not overcrowded. On the whole they were distinctly immoral182 125in tone or suggestion. Berlin seems to be running more and more to this sort of thing. There is something amiss in the country whose chief newspaper carries the conspicuous announcement: “Nakedness! Fine artistic postals now ready to be delivered to the trade,” or with the city where scores of street-corners are adorned by crowds of men huddled around a sneaking183 vender179 of indecent pictures. Similar scenes offend the eye in most large cities the world over, of course, but something seemed to suggest that Berlin was unusually given to this traffic. The French claim that theirs is at heart the moral race and that the Boche is a leader in immorality184, and they cite many instances of prisoners found in possession of disgusting photographs as one of the proofs of their contention. Peephole shows were not the least popular of the Berliner’s evening amusements. His streets, however, were far freer of the painted stalkers by night than those of Paris, and the outcasts less aggressive in their tactics. Gambling185, and with it the police corruption186 that seems to batten best under the democratic form of government, was reported to be growing apace, with new “clubs” springing up nightly. Under the monarchy187 these were by no means lacking, but they were more “select,” more exclusive—in other words, less democratic. Even the government had taken on a Spanish characteristic in this respect and countenanced188 a public lottery189, ostensibly, at least, for the benefit of “sucklings.”
At the middle-class theaters the same rarely musical and never comic inanities190 that hamper36 the advancement191 of histrionic art in other countries still held sway, with perhaps an increasing tendency toward the risqué. The crowd roared as of yore, munched192 its black-bread sandwiches between the acts, and seemed for the moment highly satisfied with life. In contrast there were always seats to be had at the performances of literary merit and at the opera, though the war does not seem to have subjected them to 126any special hardships. The investment of a ticket at the house of song brought high interest—particularly to the foreigner, for the best orchestra seats were still eight marks at matinées and twelve in the evening, a mere136 sixty cents or a dollar at the armistice rate of exchange. I remember with especial pleasure excellent performances of “Eurydice” and of “Martha.” The audience was a plain, bourgeois193 gathering194, with evening dress as lacking as “roughnecks.” In the foyer buffet195, in contrast to Paris, prices were exceedingly reasonable, but the most popular offerings, next to the watery196 beer, were plates of potatoes, bologna, pickled fish, and hard-boiled eggs, for, though I should not mention it here, the German theater-goer of these days is as constantly munching197 as an Arab. In the gorgeous Kaiser’s box sat one lone59 lieutenant198 and his wife, while a cold-eyed old retainer in livery kept guard outside the locked door as if he were still holding the place for his beloved emperor.
Though ostensibly the same, German prices were vastly lower for visitors than for the native residents. For the first time I had something of the sensation of being a millionaire—cost was of slight importance. The marks I spent in Germany I bought at an average of two for fifteen cents; had I delayed longer in exchanging I might have had them still cheaper. In some lines, notably199 in that we are for the moment avoiding, prices, of course, had increased accordingly, sometimes outdistancing the advantages of the low rate of exchange. But the rank and file still clung to the old standards; it was a hopeless task to try to make the man in the street understand that the mark was no longer a mark. He went so far as to accuse the American government of profiteering, because the bacon it was indirectly200 furnishing him cost 7.50 marks a pound, which to him represented, not fifty-seven cents, but nearly two dollars. The net result of this drop in 127mark value was that the populace was several degrees nearer indigence201. Those who could spend money freely were of three classes—foreigners, war profiteers, and those who derived202 their nourishment, directly or indirectly, at the public teat. Not, of course, that even those spent real money. There was not a penny of real money in circulation in all Germany. Gold, silver, and copper203 had all long since gone the way of other genuine articles in war-time Germany, and in their place had come Ersatz money. Pewter coins did service in the smallest denominations204; from a half-mark upward there were only “shin-plasters” of varying degrees of raggedness205, the smaller bills a constant annoyance because, like most of the pewter coins, they were of value only in the vicinity of the municipality or chamber206 of commerce that issued them. Even the larger notes of the Reichsbank were precarious207 holdings that required the constant vigilance of the owner, lest he wake up some morning to find that they had been decreed into worthless paper.
But I am getting far ahead of my story. Long before I began to peer beneath the surface of Berlin I had to face the problem of legalizing even my superficial existence there. On the very morning after my arrival I hastened to grim-sounding Wilhelmstrasse, uncertain whether my next move would be toward some dank underground dungeon208 or merely a swift return to the Dutch border. The awe-inspiring Foreign Office consisted of several adult school-boys and the bureaucrat-minded underlings of the old régime. A Rhodes scholar, who spoke English somewhat better than I, greeted my entrance with a formal heartiness209, thanked me for adding my services to the growing band that was attempting to tell a long-deceived world the truth about Germany, and dictated210 an Ausweis which, in the name of the Foreign Office backed by all the authority of the new national government, gave me permission to go when and where I chose within the Empire, and forbade any one, large or 128small, to put any difficulties whatever in my way. Like a sea monster killed at the body, but with its tentacles211 still full of their poisoning black fluid, Wilhelmstrasse seemed to have become innocuous at home long before its antenn?, such as the dreadful Herr Maltzen at The Hague, had lost their sting.
If it had been a great relief to see the eyes of passers-by fade inattentively away at sight of me in my civilian garb, after two years of being stared at in uniform, it was doubly pleasant to know that not even the minions212 of the law could now question my most erratic213 wandering to and fro within the Fatherland. With my blanket Ausweis I was not even required to report to the police upon my arrival in a new community, the Polizeiliche Anmeldung that is one of the banes of German existence. I was, of course, still expected to fill out the regulation blank at each hotel or lodging-house I occupied, but this was a far less troublesome formality than the almost daily quest for, and standing214 in line at, police stations would have been. These hotel forms were virtually uniform throughout the Empire. They demanded the following information of each prospective215 guest: Day of arrival; given and family name; single, married, or widowed; profession; day, month, year, town, county, and land of birth; legal residence, with street and number; citizenship216 (in German the word is Staatsangeh?rigkeit, which sounds much more like “Property of what government?”); place of last stay, with full address; proposed length of present stay; whether or not the registering guest had ever been in that particular city or locality before; if so, when, why, and how long, and residence while there. But under the new democracy hotelkeepers had grown somewhat more easy-going than in years gone by, and their exactions in this respect never became burdensome.
It was soon evident that the man in the street commonly 129took me for a German. In Berlin I was frequently appealed to for directions or local information, not to mention the requests for financial assistance. To my surprise, my hearers seldom showed evidence of detecting a foreign accent, particularly when I spoke with deliberate care. Even then I was usually considered a German from another province, sometimes a Dane, a Hollander, or a Scandinavian. Now and again I assumed a pose out of mere curiosity, and often “got away with it.” “You are from ——” (the next town)? was a frequent query217, with a tinge218 of doubt in the tone. “No, I am from Mechlenburg”—or some other distant corner of Germany, I sometimes answered; to which the response was most likely to be, “Ah yes, I noticed that in your speech.” Now and again I let a self-complacent inquirer answer for me, as was the case with a know-it-all waiter in a Berlin dining-room, who proved his infallible ability to “size up” guests with the following cocksure assumptions, which he solemnly set down in his food-ticket register: “Sie sind Holl?nder, nicht?” “Jawohl.” “Kaufmann?” “Jawohl.” “Aus Amsterdam?” “Jawohl.” “Unverheiratet?” “Jawohl,” and so on to the end of the list. It is never good policy to peeve219 a man by showing him up in public. During my first few days in unoccupied Germany I fancied it the part of wisdom to at least passively disguise my nationality, but the notion soon proved ridiculous, and from then on, with only exceptions enough to test certain impressions, I went out of my way to announce my real citizenship among all classes and under all circumstances.
You can learn much of a country by reading its “Want Ads.” Thus the discovery that the most respectable newspaper of Rio de Janeiro runs scores of notices of “Female Companion Wanted,” or “Young Lady Desires Protector,” quickly orientates220 the moral viewpoint in Brazil. In Berlin under the armistice the last pages of the daily 130journals gave a more exact cross-section of local conditions than the more intentional221 news columns. There were, of course, countless pleas for labor9 of any description, the majority by ex-soldiers. Then came offers to sell or exchange all manner of wearing apparel, “A real silk hat, still in good condition”; “A black suit of real peace-time cloth”; “A second-hand222 pair of boots or shoes, such a size, of REAL LEATHER!” “Four dress shirts, NO WAR WARES223, will be exchanged for a working-man’s blouse and jumper,” was followed by the enticement65 (here, no doubt, was the trail of the war profiteer), “A pair of COWHIDE boots will be swapped224 for a Dachshund of established pedigree.” Farther down were extraordinary opportunities to buy Leberwurst, Blutwurst, Jagdwurst, Brühwürstchen, and a host of other appetizing garbage, without meat-tickets. But the most persistent advertisers were those bent225 on recouping their fortunes by marrying money. It is strange if any new war millionaire in Germany has not had his opportunity to link his family with that of some impoverished226 one of noble lineage. In a single page of the Berliner Tageblatt, which carries about one-tenth the type of the same space in our own metropolitan227 dailies, there were eighty-seven offers of marriage, some of them double or more, bringing the total up to at least one hundred. Many of them were efforts, often more pathetic than amusing, by small merchants or tradesmen, just returned from five years in uniform, to find mates who would be of real assistance in re-establishing their business. But a considerable number aroused amazement that the wares offered had not been snapped up long ago. I translate a few taken at random:
MERCHANT, 38 years, Christian228, bachelor, idealist, lover of nature and sports, fortune of 300,000 marks, wishes to meet a like-minded, agreeable young lady with corresponding wealth which is safely invested. Purpose: MARRIAGE.
131FACTORY OWNER, Ph.D., Evangelical, 31, 1 meter 75, fine appearance, reserve officer, sound, lover of sports, humorous and musical, 400,000 marks property, seeks a LIFE COMPANION of like gifts and property in safe investments.
Intelligent GENTLEMAN, handsome, splendid appearance, blond, diligent229 and successful merchant, winning personality, Jewish, etc....
Will a BEAUTIFUL, prominent, artistic, musical, and property-loving woman in her best years make happy an old man (Mosaic) of wealth?
This modest old fellow had many prototypes. Now and then a man, and the women always, were offered by third parties, at least ostensibly, half the insertions beginning, “For my sister”; “For my daughter”; “For my beautiful niece of twenty-two”; “For my lovely sister-in-law”; and so on. Some looked like the opportunity of a lifetime:
I seek for my house physician, aged 55, a secure existence with a good, motherly woman of from 30 to 50....
A neat little BLONDE of 19 with some property seeks gentleman (Jewish) for the purpose of later marriage....
For a BARONESS230 of 23, orphan231, ?-MILLION property, later heiress of big real estate....
If the demands of my calling had not kept me so busy I should have looked into this splendid opportunity myself; or into the next one:
Daughter of a BIG MERCHANT, 22, ONE MILLION Property....
But, after all, come to think of it, what is a mere million marks nowadays?
MERCHANT’S DAUGHTER, 24, tall and elegant appearance, only child of one of the first Jewish families; 150,000 dowry, later large inheritances....
132A young widow (Jewish), 28 years, without property, longs for another happy home....
Some did not care how much they spent on advertising232. For instance:
I SEEK FOR MY FRIEND, a free-thinking Jewess, elegant woman in the fifties, looking much younger, widow, owner of lucrative233 wholesale234 business, a suitable husband of like position. The lady is of beautiful figure, lovable temperament32, highly cultured, distinguished235, worldly wise, and at the same time a good manager and diligent business woman. [This last detail was plainly a tautology236, having already been stated in the ninth word of the paragraph.] The gentleman should be a merchant or a government official of high rank. Chief condition is good character, distinguished sentiments, affectionate disposition237. No photographs, but oral interview solicited238. Offers addressed, etc....
This last vacancy239 should have found many suitable candidates, if there was truth in the violently pink handbills that were handed out in the streets of Berlin during one of the “demonstrations” against the peace terms. For the sake of brevity I give only its high lights:
END OF MILITARISM
BEGINNING OF JEW RULE!
Fifty months have we stood at the Front honorably and undefeated. Now we have returned home, ignominiously240 betrayed by deserters and mutineers! We hoped to find a free Germany, with a government of the people. What is offered us?
A GOVERNMENT OF JEWS!
The participation241 of the Jews in the fights at the Front was almost nil242. Their participation in the new government has already reached 80 per cent.! Yet the percentage of Jewish population in Germany is only 1? per cent.!
OPEN YOUR EYES!
COMRADES, YOU KNOW THE BLOODSUCKERS!
COMRADES, WHO WENT TO THE FRONT AS VOLUNTEERS?
133WHO SAT OUT THERE MOSTLY IN THE MUD? WE!
WHO CROWDED INTO THE WAR SERVICES AT HOME? THE JEWS!
WHO SAT COMFORTABLY AND SAFELY IN CANTEENS AND OFFICES?
WHICH PHYSICIANS PROTECTED THEIR FELLOW-RACE FROM THE TRENCHES243?
WHO ALWAYS REPORTED US “FIT FOR DUTY” THOUGH WE WERE ALL SHOT TO PIECES?
These are the people who rule us. [Here followed a long list of names and blanket accusations244.] Even in the Soldiers’ Councils the Jews have the big word! Four long years these people hung back from the Front, yet on November 9th they had the courage, guns in hand, to tear away from us soldiers our cockades, our shoulder-straps, and our medals of honor!
Comrades, we wish as a free people to decide for ourselves and be ruled by men of OUR race! The National Assembly must bring into the government only men of OUR blood and OUR opinions! Our motto must be:
GERMANY FOR GERMANS!
German people, rend97 the chains of Jewry asunder245! Away with them! We want neither Pogrom nor Bürgerkrieg! We want a free German people, ruled by free German men! We will not be the slaves of the Jews!
ELECTORS
Out of the Parties and Societies run by Jews! Elect no Jews! Elect also no baptized Jews! Elect also none of the so-called “confessionless” Jews! Give your votes only to men of genuine German blood!
DOWN WITH JEWRY!
Though it is violating the chronological246 order of my tale, it may be as well to sum up at once the attitude of Berlin upon receipt of the peace terms. Four separate times during my stay in Germany I visited the capital, by combinations of choice and necessity. On the day the terms of the proposed treaty were made public apathy seemed to be the chief characteristic of the populace. If one must 134base conclusions on visible indications, the masses were far less interested in the news from Versailles than in their individual struggles for existence. The talk one heard was not of treaty terms, but of food. Not more than a dozen at a time gathered before the windows of the Lokal Anzeiger on Unter den Linden. They read the bulletins deliberately, some shaking their heads, and strolled on about their business as if they had been Americans scanning the latest baseball scores, a trifle disappointed, perhaps, that the home team had not won. There was no resemblance whatever to the excited throngs of Teuton colonists247 who had surged about the war maps in Rio de Janeiro during August, 1914. One could not but wonder whether this apathy had reigned248 in Berlin at that date. Scenes of popular excitement and violence had been prophesied249, but for two days I wandered the streets of the capital, mingling250 with every variety of group, questioning every class of inhabitant, without once hearing a violent word. A few individuals asserted that their opinion of America had been sadly shocked; one or two secretaries of Allied correspondents haughtily251 resigned their positions. But the afternoon tea at the Adlon showed the same gathering of sleek252, well-dressed Germans of both sexes, by no means averse253 to genial254 chats with enemy guests in or out of uniform. There was no means of forming definite conclusions as to whether the nation had been stunned255 with the immensity of the tragedy that had befallen it or whether these taciturn beings had some secret cause for satisfaction hidden away in their labyrinthine256 minds.
Later I was assured that many had stayed up all night, waiting for the first draft of the terms. Südermann explained the apparent apathy with, “We Germans are not like the French; we mourn in the privacy of our homes, but we do not show our sorrow in public.” Certainly the Boche has none of the Frenchman’s sense of the dramatic, 135nor his tendency to hysteria. An observer reported that the “epoch-making first meeting of the National Assembly at Weimar opened like the unfinished business of a butchers’ lodge72.” Once, during my absence from the capital, there was a flurry of excitement, but nothing to cause me to regret my presence elsewhere. The “demonstration” against the Ally-housing Adlon proved upon my return to have been serious chiefly in the foreign press. At the most genuinely German restaurant the head waiter had on the same date informed an American woman that her guests would no longer be welcome if they came in Allied uniforms, and that English would not be spoken—then took her whispered order in that language behind a concealing257 palm. Dodgers258 were dropped from airplanes on the capital one day, protesting against a half-dozen articles of the treaty, demanding the immediate259 return of German prisoners, and ending with the query, “Shall noble Germans be judged by Serb murderers, Negro states, Japs, Chinese, Siamese?...” Billboards260 blossomed out with highly colored maps showing the territory that was being “stolen” from the Empire. But the populace seemed to give little attention to these appeals. Ludendorff called the Allied correspondents together and broke the record for short interviews with, “If this is what they mean by Wilson’s Fourteen Points, our enemies can go to hell.” Up to date they have not fully complied with the general’s proposal. Haughty Richard Strauss declined to waste words on his Allied fellow-guests at the Adlon. On May 9th several of the Berlin dailies admitted at last, “We are conquered.” Had their staffs been more efficient they might have shared that news with their readers several months earlier. On the third Sunday in May, when the subject would long since have grown cold among less phlegmatic261 peoples, I attended a dozen meetings of protest against the peace terms in as many parts of the city. Nothing could have been 136more ladylike, silent, orderly, and funereal262, with the possible exception of the processions that formed after the meetings were over and plodded263 noiselessly down the shaded length of Unter den Linden.
In the first heat of despair a Trauerwoche, or week of mourning, was decreed throughout the Empire, with the cast-iron fist of dreaded264 Noske to enforce it, but the nation took it less seriously than its forcible language warranted:
In the time between May 10th and 16th, inclusive, must be postponed265:
All public theater and musical representations, plays and similar jovialities, so long as there is not in them a higher interest for art or for science, and unless they bear a serious character. Especially are forbidden:
Representations in music-halls, cabarets, and circuses, musical and similar entertainments in inns and taverns266.
All joyful267 public dances (Tanzlustbarkeiten), as well as social and private dance entertainments in public places or taverns.
All dramatic representations and gaieties in the public streets, roads, squares, and other public places.
Cinematographic entertainments which do not bear witness to the earnestness of the times; all horse-races and similar public sporting activities.
Gambling clubs are to close, and to remain closed also after the 16th until further notice.
There was no clause demanding that Germany fast or reduce her consumption of food to the minimum; she had long been showing that evidence of national sorrow without the necessity of a formal command.
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1
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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hectic
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| adj.肺病的；消耗热的；发热的；闹哄哄的 | |
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huddled
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| 挤在一起（huddle的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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shuffling
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| adj. 慢慢移动的, 滑移的 动词shuffle的现在分词形式 | |
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5
dismally
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| adv.阴暗地，沉闷地 | |
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6
civilian
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| adj.平民的，民用的，民众的 | |
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gaily
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| adv.欢乐地，高兴地 | |
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den
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| n.兽穴；秘密地方；安静的小房间，私室 | |
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labor
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| n.劳动，努力，工作，劳工；分娩；vi.劳动，努力，苦干；vt.详细分析；麻烦 | |
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laborious
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| adj.吃力的，努力的，不流畅 | |
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persistent
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| adj.坚持不懈的，执意的；持续的 | |
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disorders
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| n.混乱( disorder的名词复数 )；凌乱；骚乱；（身心、机能）失调 | |
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influx
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| n.流入，注入 | |
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metropolis
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| n.首府；大城市 | |
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misery
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| n.痛苦，苦恼，苦难；悲惨的境遇，贫苦 | |
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16
alleviation
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| n. 减轻，缓和，解痛物 | |
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17
fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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tenements
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| n.房屋，住户，租房子( tenement的名词复数 ) | |
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gorged
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| v.（用食物把自己）塞饱，填饱( gorge的过去式和过去分词 )；作呕 | |
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famished
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| adj.饥饿的 | |
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provincials
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| n.首都以外的人，地区居民( provincial的名词复数 ) | |
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teemed
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| v.充满( teem的过去式和过去分词 )；到处都是；（指水、雨等）暴降；倾注 | |
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23
peruse
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| v.细读，精读 | |
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24
amassed
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| v.积累，积聚( amass的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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minor
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| adj.较小(少)的，较次要的；n.辅修学科；vi.辅修 | |
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scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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arteries
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| n.动脉( artery的名词复数 )；干线，要道 | |
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suburban
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| adj.城郊的，在郊区的 | |
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pulsated
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| v.有节奏地舒张及收缩( pulsate的过去式和过去分词 )；跳动；脉动；受（激情）震动 | |
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clogging
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| 堵塞，闭合 | |
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civic
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| adj.城市的，都市的，市民的，公民的 | |
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temperament
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| n.气质，性格，性情 | |
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33
throng
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| n.人群，群众；v.拥挤，群集 | |
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throngs
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| n.人群( throng的名词复数 )v.成群，挤满( throng的第三人称单数 ) | |
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35
hampered
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| 妨碍，束缚，限制( hamper的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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hamper
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| vt.妨碍，束缚，限制；n.(有盖的)大篮子 | |
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propitious
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| adj.吉利的；顺利的 | |
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38
alimentary
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| adj.饮食的，营养的 | |
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39
feigned
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| a.假装的，不真诚的 | |
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40
flaunted
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| v.炫耀，夸耀( flaunt的过去式和过去分词 )；有什么能耐就施展出来 | |
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41
warehouses
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| 仓库，货栈( warehouse的名词复数 ) | |
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venue
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| n.犯罪地点，审判地，管辖地，发生地点，集合地点 | |
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43
brute
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| n.野兽，兽性 | |
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44
puny
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| adj.微不足道的，弱小的 | |
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45
homage
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| n.尊敬，敬意，崇敬 | |
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46
misgivings
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| n.疑虑，担忧，害怕；疑虑，担心，恐惧( misgiving的名词复数 )；疑惧 | |
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47
deposed
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| v.罢免( depose的过去式和过去分词 )；（在法庭上）宣誓作证 | |
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48
decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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49
busts
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| 半身雕塑像( bust的名词复数 )； 妇女的胸部； 胸围； 突击搜捕 | |
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50
countless
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| adj.无数的，多得不计其数的 | |
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51
banished
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| v.放逐，驱逐( banish的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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52
noted
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| adj.著名的，知名的 | |
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53
artistic
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| adj.艺术(家)的，美术(家)的；善于艺术创作的 | |
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54
vouch
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| v.担保；断定；n.被担保者 | |
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55
esthetic
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| adj.美学的，审美的；悦目的，雅致的 | |
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56
adorned
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| [计]被修饰的 | |
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57
discredited
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| 不足信的，不名誉的 | |
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58
adorning
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| 修饰，装饰物 | |
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59
lone
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| adj.孤寂的，单独的；唯一的 | |
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60
eradicate
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| v.根除，消灭，杜绝 | |
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61
uncommon
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| adj.罕见的，非凡的，不平常的 | |
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62
alleged
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| a.被指控的，嫌疑的 | |
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63
bloody
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| adj.非常的的；流血的；残忍的；adv.很；vt.血染 | |
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conspicuous
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| adj.明眼的，惹人注目的；炫耀的，摆阔气的 | |
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enticement
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| n.诱骗，诱人 | |
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66
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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67
enrolling
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| v.招收( enrol的现在分词 )；吸收；入学；加入；[亦作enrol]( enroll的现在分词 )；登记，招收，使入伍（或入会、入学等），参加，成为成员；记入名册；卷起，包起 | |
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68
battalion
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| n.营；部队；大队(的人) | |
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69
regiment
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| n.团，多数，管理；v.组织，编成团，统制 | |
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compulsory
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| n.强制的，必修的；规定的，义务的 | |
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71
patriotism
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| n.爱国精神，爱国心，爱国主义 | |
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72
lodge
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| v.临时住宿，寄宿，寄存，容纳；n.传达室，小旅馆 | |
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73
lodged
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| v.存放( lodge的过去式和过去分词 )；暂住；埋入；（权利、权威等）归属 | |
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74
magnetism
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| n.磁性，吸引力，磁学 | |
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75
subterfuge
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| n.诡计；藉口 | |
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76
pretense
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| n.矫饰，做作，借口 | |
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77
insolent
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| adj.傲慢的，无理的 | |
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78
mingled
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| 混合，混入( mingle的过去式和过去分词 )； 混进，与…交往[联系] | |
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automobiles
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| n.汽车( automobile的名词复数 ) | |
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80
automobile
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| n.汽车，机动车 | |
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81
haughty
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| adj.傲慢的，高傲的 | |
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82
civilians
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| 平民，百姓( civilian的名词复数 )； 老百姓 | |
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83
wont
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| adj.习惯于；v.习惯；n.习惯 | |
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84
plebeian
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| adj.粗俗的；平民的；n.平民；庶民 | |
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85
herd
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| n.兽群，牧群；vt.使集中，把…赶在一起 | |
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86
dense
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| a.密集的，稠密的，浓密的；密度大的 | |
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87
inundated
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| v.淹没( inundate的过去式和过去分词 )；（洪水般地）涌来；充满；给予或交予（太多事物）使难以应付 | |
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88
ravages
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| 劫掠后的残迹，破坏的结果，毁坏后的残迹 | |
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spotted
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| adj.有斑点的，斑纹的，弄污了的 | |
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90
barricade
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| n.路障，栅栏，障碍；vt.设路障挡住 | |
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91
depicted
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| 描绘，描画( depict的过去式和过去分词 )； 描述 | |
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92
detention
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| n.滞留，停留；拘留，扣留；(教育)留下 | |
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93
exodus
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| v.大批离去，成群外出 | |
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94
wrought
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| v.引起；以…原料制作；运转；adj.制造的 | |
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95
rattled
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| 慌乱的，恼火的 | |
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96
allied
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| adj.协约国的；同盟国的 | |
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97
rend
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| vt.把…撕开，割裂；把…揪下来，强行夺取 | |
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98
apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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99
incensed
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| 盛怒的 | |
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100
astounding
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| adj.使人震惊的vt.使震惊，使大吃一惊astound的现在分词) | |
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101
garb
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| n.服装，装束 | |
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102
chauffeurs
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| n.受雇于人的汽车司机( chauffeur的名词复数 ) | |
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103
dread
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| vt.担忧，忧虑；惧怕，不敢；n.担忧，畏惧 | |
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104
instigated
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| v.使（某事物）开始或发生，鼓动( instigate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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105
random
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| adj.随机的；任意的；n.偶然的(或随便的)行动 | |
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106
gasped
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| v.喘气( gasp的过去式和过去分词 )；喘息；倒抽气；很想要 | |
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107
anarchy
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| n.无政府状态；社会秩序混乱，无秩序 | |
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108
reigning
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| adj.统治的，起支配作用的 | |
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109
stodgy
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| adj.易饱的；笨重的；滞涩的；古板的 | |
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110
oblivious
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| adj.易忘的，遗忘的，忘却的，健忘的 | |
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111
seething
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| 沸腾的，火热的 | |
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112
vent
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| n.通风口，排放口；开衩；vt.表达，发泄 | |
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113
wrath
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| n.愤怒，愤慨，暴怒 | |
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114
precipitate
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| adj.突如其来的；vt.使突然发生；n.沉淀物 | |
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115
armistice
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| n.休战，停战协定 | |
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116
astute
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| adj.机敏的，精明的 | |
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117
curry
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| n.咖哩粉，咖哩饭菜；v.用咖哩粉调味，用马栉梳，制革 | |
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118
conquerors
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| 征服者，占领者( conqueror的名词复数 ) | |
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119
whit
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| n.一点，丝毫 | |
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120
undoubtedly
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| adv.确实地，无疑地 | |
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121
deliberately
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| adv.审慎地；蓄意地；故意地 | |
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122
friendliness
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| n.友谊，亲切，亲密 | |
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123
provocation
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| n.激怒，刺激，挑拨，挑衅的事物，激怒的原因 | |
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124
paternal
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| adj.父亲的，像父亲的，父系的，父方的 | |
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125
decency
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| n.体面，得体，合宜，正派，庄重 | |
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126
atrophied
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|
| adj.萎缩的，衰退的v.（使）萎缩，（使）虚脱，（使）衰退( atrophy的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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127
gage
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| n.标准尺寸，规格；量规，量表 [=gauge] | |
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128
proffering
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| v.提供，贡献，提出( proffer的现在分词 ) | |
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129
draughts
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| n. <英>国际跳棋 | |
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130
solicitude
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| n.焦虑 | |
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131
nagging
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| adj.唠叨的，挑剔的；使人不得安宁的v.不断地挑剔或批评（某人）( nag的现在分词 )；不断地烦扰或伤害（某人）；无休止地抱怨；不断指责 | |
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132
engraved
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| v.在（硬物）上雕刻（字，画等）( engrave的过去式和过去分词 )；将某事物深深印在（记忆或头脑中） | |
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133
subjective
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| a.主观(上)的，个人的 | |
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134
contention
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| n.争论，争辩，论战；论点，主张 | |
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135
promising
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| adj.有希望的，有前途的 | |
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136
mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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137
apathy
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| n.漠不关心，无动于衷；冷淡 | |
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138
nourishment
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| n.食物，营养品；营养情况 | |
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139
banking
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| n.银行业，银行学，金融业 | |
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140
abeyance
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| n.搁置，缓办，中止，产权未定 | |
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141
repertoire
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| n.(准备好演出的)节目，保留剧目；(计算机的)指令表，指令系统， <美>(某个人的)全部技能；清单，指令表 | |
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142
spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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143
insistence
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| n.坚持；强调；坚决主张 | |
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144
jaunts
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| n.游览( jaunt的名词复数 ) | |
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145
batch
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| n.一批(组，群)；一批生产量 | |
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146
accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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147
unprecedented
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| adj.无前例的，新奇的 | |
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148
amenable
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| adj.经得起检验的；顺从的；对负有义务的 | |
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149
adaptability
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| n.适应性 | |
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150
scarcity
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| n.缺乏，不足，萧条 | |
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151
outfits
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| n.全套装备( outfit的名词复数 )；一套服装；集体；组织v.装备，配置设备，供给服装( outfit的第三人称单数 ) | |
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152
brink
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| n.(悬崖、河流等的)边缘，边沿 | |
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153
miserable
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|
| adj.悲惨的，痛苦的；可怜的，糟糕的 | |
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154
fodder
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| n.草料；炮灰 | |
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155
succumbed
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| 不再抵抗（诱惑、疾病、攻击等）( succumb的过去式和过去分词 )； 屈从； 被压垮； 死 | |
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156
aged
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| adj.年老的，陈年的 | |
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157
rims
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| n.（圆形物体的）边( rim的名词复数 )；缘；轮辋；轮圈 | |
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158
trespassing
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| [法]非法入侵 | |
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159
appease
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| v.安抚，缓和，平息，满足 | |
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160
amazement
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| n.惊奇，惊讶 | |
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161
frankly
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| adv.坦白地，直率地；坦率地说 | |
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162
laboriously
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| adv.艰苦地；费力地；辛勤地；（文体等）佶屈聱牙地 | |
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163
scraps
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| 油渣 | |
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164
gamut
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| n.全音阶，(一领域的)全部知识 | |
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165
slippers
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| n. 拖鞋 | |
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166
sartorial
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| adj.裁缝的 | |
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167
zealous
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| adj.狂热的，热心的 | |
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168
brazenly
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| adv.厚颜无耻地；厚脸皮地肆无忌惮地 | |
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169
tapestries
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| n.挂毯( tapestry的名词复数 )；绣帷，织锦v.用挂毯（或绣帷）装饰( tapestry的第三人称单数 ) | |
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170
diplomacy
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| n.外交；外交手腕，交际手腕 | |
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171
forestry
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| n.森林学；林业 | |
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172
middle-aged
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| adj.中年的 | |
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173
concealed
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| a.隐藏的，隐蔽的 | |
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174
wailing
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| v.哭叫，哀号( wail的现在分词 )；沱 | |
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175
annoyance
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| n.恼怒，生气，烦恼 | |
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176
fragrant
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| adj.芬香的，馥郁的，愉快的 | |
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177
assailed
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| v.攻击( assail的过去式和过去分词 )；困扰；质问；毅然应对 | |
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178
raucous
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| adj.(声音)沙哑的，粗糙的 | |
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179
vender
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| n.小贩 | |
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180
livelihood
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| n.生计，谋生之道 | |
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181
abashed
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| adj.窘迫的，尴尬的v.使羞愧，使局促，使窘迫( abash的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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182
immoral
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| adj.不道德的，淫荡的，荒淫的，有伤风化的 | |
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183
sneaking
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| a.秘密的，不公开的 | |
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184
immorality
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| n. 不道德, 无道义 | |
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185
gambling
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| n.赌博；投机 | |
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186
corruption
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| n.腐败，堕落，贪污 | |
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187
monarchy
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| n.君主，最高统治者；君主政体，君主国 | |
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188
countenanced
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| v.支持，赞同，批准( countenance的过去式 ) | |
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189
lottery
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| n.抽彩；碰运气的事，难于算计的事 | |
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190
inanities
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| n.空洞( inanity的名词复数 )；浅薄；愚蠢；空洞的言行 | |
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191
advancement
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| n.前进，促进，提升 | |
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192
munched
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| v.用力咀嚼（某物），大嚼( munch的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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193
bourgeois
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| adj./n.追求物质享受的(人)；中产阶级分子 | |
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194
gathering
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| n.集会，聚会，聚集 | |
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195
buffet
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| n.自助餐；饮食柜台；餐台 | |
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196
watery
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| adj.有水的，水汪汪的；湿的，湿润的 | |
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197
munching
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| v.用力咀嚼（某物），大嚼( munch的现在分词 ) | |
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198
lieutenant
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| n.陆军中尉，海军上尉；代理官员，副职官员 | |
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199
notably
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| adv.值得注意地，显著地，尤其地，特别地 | |
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200
indirectly
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| adv.间接地，不直接了当地 | |
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201
indigence
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| n.贫穷 | |
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202
derived
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| vi.起源；由来；衍生；导出v.得到( derive的过去式和过去分词 )；（从…中）得到获得；源于；（从…中）提取 | |
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203
copper
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| n.铜；铜币；铜器；adj.铜(制)的；(紫)铜色的 | |
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204
denominations
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| n.宗派( denomination的名词复数 )；教派；面额；名称 | |
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205
raggedness
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| 破烂，粗糙 | |
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206
chamber
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| n.房间，寝室；会议厅；议院；会所 | |
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207
precarious
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| adj.不安定的，靠不住的；根据不足的 | |
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208
dungeon
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| n.地牢，土牢 | |
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209
heartiness
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| 诚实，热心 | |
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210
dictated
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| v.大声讲或读( dictate的过去式和过去分词 )；口授；支配；摆布 | |
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211
tentacles
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| n.触手( tentacle的名词复数 )；触角；触须；触毛 | |
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212
minions
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| n.奴颜婢膝的仆从( minion的名词复数 )；走狗；宠儿；受人崇拜者 | |
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213
erratic
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| adj.古怪的，反复无常的，不稳定的 | |
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214
standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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215
prospective
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| adj.预期的，未来的，前瞻性的 | |
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216
citizenship
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| n.市民权，公民权，国民的义务(身份) | |
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217
query
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| n.疑问，问号，质问；vt.询问，表示怀疑 | |
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218
tinge
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| vt.(较淡)着色于，染色；使带有…气息；n.淡淡色彩，些微的气息 | |
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219
peeve
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| v.气恼，怨恨；n.麻烦的事物，怨恨 | |
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220
orientates
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| v.朝向( orientate的第三人称单数 )；面向；确定方向；使适应 | |
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221
intentional
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| adj.故意的，有意（识）的 | |
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second-hand
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| adj.用过的，旧的，二手的 | |
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wares
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| n. 货物, 商品 | |
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224
swapped
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| 交换（工作）( swap的过去式和过去分词 )； 用…替换，把…换成，掉换（过来） | |
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225
bent
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| n.爱好，癖好；adj.弯的；决心的，一心的 | |
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226
impoverished
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| adj.穷困的，无力的，用尽了的v.使（某人）贫穷( impoverish的过去式和过去分词 )；使（某物）贫瘠或恶化 | |
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227
metropolitan
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| adj.大城市的，大都会的 | |
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Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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229
diligent
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| adj.勤勉的，勤奋的 | |
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230
baroness
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| n.男爵夫人，女男爵 | |
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231
orphan
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| n.孤儿；adj.无父母的 | |
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232
advertising
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| n.广告业；广告活动 a.广告的；广告业务的 | |
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233
lucrative
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| adj.赚钱的，可获利的 | |
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234
wholesale
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| n.批发；adv.以批发方式；vt.批发，成批出售 | |
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235
distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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236
tautology
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| n.无谓的重复；恒真命题 | |
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237
disposition
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| n.性情，性格；意向，倾向；排列，部署 | |
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238
solicited
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| v.恳求( solicit的过去式和过去分词 )；（指娼妇）拉客；索求；征求 | |
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239
vacancy
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| n.（旅馆的）空位，空房，（职务的）空缺 | |
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240
ignominiously
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| adv.耻辱地，屈辱地，丢脸地 | |
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241
participation
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| n.参与，参加，分享 | |
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242
nil
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| n.无，全无，零 | |
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243
trenches
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| 深沟，地沟( trench的名词复数 )； 战壕 | |
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accusations
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| n.指责( accusation的名词复数 )；指控；控告；（被告发、控告的）罪名 | |
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245
asunder
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| adj.分离的，化为碎片 | |
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246
chronological
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| adj.按年月顺序排列的，年代学的 | |
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247
colonists
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| n.殖民地开拓者，移民，殖民地居民( colonist的名词复数 ) | |
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248
reigned
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| vi.当政，统治（reign的过去式形式） | |
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249
prophesied
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| v.预告，预言( prophesy的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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250
mingling
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| adj.混合的 | |
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251
haughtily
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| adv. 傲慢地, 高傲地 | |
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252
sleek
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| adj.光滑的，井然有序的；v.使光滑，梳拢 | |
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averse
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| adj.厌恶的；反对的，不乐意的 | |
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genial
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| adj.亲切的，和蔼的，愉快的，脾气好的 | |
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stunned
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| adj. 震惊的，惊讶的 动词stun的过去式和过去分词 | |
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256
labyrinthine
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| adj.如迷宫的；复杂的 | |
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257
concealing
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| v.隐藏，隐瞒，遮住( conceal的现在分词 ) | |
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258
dodgers
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| n.躲闪者，欺瞒者( dodger的名词复数 ) | |
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259
immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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260
billboards
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| n.广告牌( billboard的名词复数 ) | |
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261
phlegmatic
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| adj.冷静的，冷淡的，冷漠的，无活力的 | |
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262
funereal
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| adj.悲哀的；送葬的 | |
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263
plodded
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| v.沉重缓慢地走（路）( plod的过去式和过去分词 )；努力从事；沉闷地苦干；缓慢进行（尤指艰难枯燥的工作） | |
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264
dreaded
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| adj.令人畏惧的；害怕的v.害怕，恐惧，担心( dread的过去式和过去分词) | |
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265
postponed
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| vt.& vi.延期，缓办，（使）延迟vt.把…放在次要地位；[语]把…放在后面（或句尾）vi.（疟疾等）延缓发作（或复发） | |
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266
taverns
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| n.小旅馆，客栈，酒馆( tavern的名词复数 ) | |
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267
joyful
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| adj.欢乐的，令人欢欣的 | |
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