If ever the secret veil which shrouds5 diplomacy in all countries from betrayal could be drawn6 aside, and some wholesome7 sidelights could now and again be thrown upon the proceedings8 of our responsible Ministers, a great many disquieting9, and even alarming, things would come to light. These would show, for example, that the great declension in British trade during the past few years has been in a very considerable measure due to the astounding10 character of the British Government's instructions to representatives abroad in regard to the attitude of the United States of America. It will be news—and very disquieting news—to the general public to know that every effort has been made by our Government to consult the wishes and the feelings of the United States in reference to almost every trade treaty which has been either suggested or entered into. The failure of our diplomats11 abroad to carry to a successful issue a commercial treaty proposed or desired has not infrequently been attributed to the neglect, or perhaps to the inability, of the particular[121] Minister employed. In practically every case, however, it would be fairer to place the blame for the failure upon the shoulders of the Foreign Office.
I know of several cases in which this is the undoubted and undeniable cause of the breakdown12 of our negotiations13 in the very moment of their imminent14 success. A craven and absurd desire not to "hurt the feelings" of our greatest rivals and our most clever competitors—the Americans—has dictated15 a policy which has resulted in the earnest efforts of our skilled and able diplomatic representatives abroad being absolutely wasted, and they themselves being placed in a deeply humiliating position, which I need not say has been as keenly resented.
This was the case with a highly important treaty which we were upon the point of completing with Cuba; it has been the case with a similar agreement entered into tentatively with the Republic of Honduras, and it has been so likewise with the Republics of Guatemala and Salvador. With how many other possible excellent trade markets it has also had effect I do not know; but it is not very difficult to imagine.
So pronounced has this policy become of late, that it is now having a decidedly bad effect upon our commercial and financial relations generally with the Latin-American Republics. Formerly17 these small independent States looked upon Great Britain as the one Power to whom appeals could be made in all matters of dispute, no matter about what or between whom, with a moral certainty of a just and impartial18 decision being given. This was in the days when Great Britain still preserved her dignity and independence of thought, and before her Government had learned to truckle to the bluff19 of the Roosevelt-Philander20[122] Knox diplomacy. To-day, although there is more reason than ever to ask for the calm and disinterested21 advice of Great Britain in the numerous, and even dangerous, questions which are continually arising between the Latin-American Republics and the United States of America, it is recognized by the former that it is entirely22 useless to appeal to C?sar any longer, since C?sar has become an advocate for, or a creature of, the United States, and, so far from acting23 as judge, merely now pleads as an amateur attorney.
It is necessary to travel in these Latin-American countries to thoroughly25 comprehend the full effect of this mistaken and—I do not hesitate to apply the term—degrading British policy. The result is that the Republics themselves deride26 us, the United States laugh at us, and our trade is meantime leaving us. The small Republics are frightened to enter into any private negotiations with our diplomatic representatives, since they are fearful, in the light of previous unfortunate experiences, that their secrets may in due course be revealed to Washington as a sop27 to the United States, and that their efforts to strengthen their commercial bonds with us will merely serve to embitter28 their own relations with the powerful Americans, and without in the least improving their position with Great Britain.
It is almost inconceivable that our Foreign Office should ask the opinion, and to all intents and purposes solicit29 the approval, of the United States before completing any trade compact with the Latin-American Republics. What our Government has to fear or to hope for from the United States, Heaven only knows; nevertheless it is the sanction of Washington which[123] is sought for before any treaty can be now concluded with any of the Latin-American States; and, what is much more sad to have to add, without such sanction no treaty seems possible. That the United States of America is, or ever has been, foolish enough to consult our Government under similar circumstances is not upon record.
Our Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary to the United States of America, the Right Hon. James Bryce, is credited, by those who are privileged to know him, with the decidedly Utopian idea of associating the trade aspirations31 of both America and England in Latin-America. It is doubtful if there exists another equally eminent33 individual in the world who entertains any such wild and impossible notion. It would be as easy to associate fire and water as to form a bond, or even an understanding, between the traders of America and England, since they are, and always must be, keen rivals in the markets of the world. Mr. Bryce thinks, perhaps, that it is feasible to divide up the universe into commercial and financial zones, which shall be, thereafter, apportioned34 among the United States and Great Britain for their lasting35 benefit? He must be a very innocent and a very unimaginative individual if this be his conception of the methods of latter-day trade competition. Mr. Bryce has perhaps cherished the idea that our common language should form a bond of union, and that this should become the central pivot36 upon which our relations with the United States should revolve37? He is even credited with the aspiration32 that a Customs union might be formed on the basis of reciprocal Free Trade, with mutual38 advantage to all. The commercial jealousy39 between the two[124] nations has upon more than one occasion been demonstrated, as witness the disputes some years ago, and the Venezuelan boundary embroglio, which nearly precipitated40 a conflict between the two countries.
But whatever be Mr. Bryce's precise ideas, the fact remains41 that he has viewed with but little favour any treaty of trade and commerce which our diplomatic representatives abroad may have suggested where the interests of the United States of America were likely to suffer. The Foreign Office, holding this distinguished42 diplomat3—as indeed they may justly do—in high esteem43, have consulted him upon most matters of trade, commerce, and finance affecting the smaller Latin-American Republics. The Foreign Office, on the other hand, have deemed it expedient44 to refer matters to Washington, with the result that not only have our private negotiations with these small independent States become the common knowledge of our American trade rivals, but those representatives who negotiated the treaties have been rendered ridiculous and contemptible45, while our manufacturers at home have been deprived of the benefits attaching to the most favoured nation's agreements, such as the United States has itself acquired in other directions, without having previously46 consulted Downing Street or, indeed, caring one rap whether it was agreeable or not. To the Foreign Office, therefore, the commercial and trading communities of Great Britain owe a deep debt of gratitude47!
For Mr. James Bryce as an individual it is impossible to feel anything but esteem and regard, since he ranks as one of the most distinguished and illustrious scholars of the day. The author of such monumental works as "The Holy Roman Empire," "The American Commonwealth,"[125] "Studies in History and Jurisprudence," and "Studies in Contemporary Biography," must always rank as a man of great ability and intellect. But, unfortunately, Mr. Bryce has graduated in a school of diplomacy which has clouded his horizon and diminished his chances of attaining48 any independent and untrammelled view of Britain's commercial needs and the Empire's industrial obstructions49 abroad. As Under-Secretary for Foreign Affairs in 1886, and as President of the Board of Trade in 1894, Mr. Bryce was encumbered50 with all the machinery51 of permanent officialdom, and was unable to see anything of this country's foreign trade matters except through the narrow and often perverted52 views of his subordinates.
I am very much afraid that this has interfered53 with some of his subsequent policy; but of later years he has put himself to the trouble—let us hope that it was also a pleasure—of seeing something of Latin-America, and how British trade has to fight its way there, an experience which might have been of great benefit to Mr. Bryce, and of incalculable advantage to British trade in Latin-America, if it had taken place, say, some five or six years previously.
As a writer upon academical and historical subjects probably Mr. Bryce has few equals, and still fewer superiors; but when discussing British interests and making treaties for promoting British trade in competition with American manufacturers, a child might do better for our side than Mr. Bryce could have, or at least has, done. It is easy to understand why he should be so extremely popular with our friends the North Americans, and why his presence as our Ambassador should prove so welcome and so gratifying to the acute authorities at Washington. A malleable[126] diplomat who sees so closely eye to eye with them in arranging or defeating commercial treaties which could in any way be regarded as likely to injure or to delay United States interests, is naturally a most desirable acquisition; Mr. Bryce has satisfactorily answered to these requirements, and, indeed, must have frequently astounded54 his American friends by his complacency and conciliatory attitude when discussing British interests.
In Mr. Philander Knox, Mr. James Bryce has had one of the very cleverest, and I may add, least impressible, of American statesmen to deal with, and it will remain to be seen in the future how much Mr. Knox got out of Mr. Bryce, and how much or how little Mr. Bryce squeezed out of Mr. Knox. "He who sups with the devil needs a long spoon," and it will be interesting to learn, as we shall do no doubt ere long in connection with the Anglo-American Arbitration55 Treaty, the exact length of Mr. Bryce's "little concave vessel," as the Dictionary describes it.
Mr. Bryce, who is a profound Latin scholar, will not have failed to have noted56 Cicero's observations in his "De Officiis": "Sed tamen difficile dictu est, quantopere conciliat animos hominum comitas affabilitasque sermonis"; or, let us put it: "It is difficult to tell how much men's minds are conciliated by a kind manner and a gentle speech," and in both such attributes the courteous57 and amiable58 Secretary of State at Washington excels.
In March of 1908 the representatives of the Governments of Salvador and the United States signed, at the capital of the first-named Republic, a convention determining the status of the citizens of either country who renew their residence in the country of their[127] origin. This convention is found of great utility to the United States citizens, more so even than to those of Salvador. There is no such convention in force between this Republic and Great Britain.
In the previous year (1907) the Government of Salvador determined59 to establish a permanent Legation at Washington, "so that the friendly relations now existing between the two Governments may be continued on a more intimate basis, and in order that the good counsel of the United States may be more readily sought and obtained."
As far back as 1850 the American Minister of the day, Mr. E. G. Squier—who, by-the-by, was a former husband of the well-known American newspaper-owner, Mrs. Frank Leslie—negotiated a treaty with Don Agustin Moráles, Plenipotentiary of Salvador, which subsequently received the requisite60 ratification61 on both sides, has since been renewed, and is in full force and effect. It secured to the citizens of the United States all the rights, privileges, and immunities62 of the citizens of Salvador in commerce, navigation, mining, and in respect of holding and transferring property in that State. It guaranteed to the American citizens resident in the country full protection and enjoyment63 of religious freedom, and, in short, every other right and privilege which has been conceded in any treaty negotiated between the United States and any other nation in the world.
Owing to the extraordinary energy and unmistakable ability displayed by Mr. Charles H. Sherrill, the late popular and able United States Minister at Buenos Aires, contract after contract which should—or at least might—have gone to British manufacturers, have been secured for America. I need only mention two[128] instances: one for the building of the three Dreadnoughts which are now being constructed in United States yards; and the other an order for fifty locomotives for the Government railways, which might—and, again, probably would—have gone to British shops. While the United States Minister did his level best for his countrymen, and for which he deserves every credit and congratulation, and while his efforts on their behalf were smiled upon with approval by the American Secretary of State, the British Minister, locked up behind his customary reserve and official dignity, neither could nor would move a finger to help British manufacturers in their struggle against this serious competition.
It seems, indeed, strange that where American, German, French, Italian, and Belgian diplomats consider it by no means beneath their dignity, or as at all outside their sphere, to personally influence trade orders for their countrymen, the usual type of British diplomat raises his hands in horror at the mere24 suggestion of a Legation condescending65 to recognize the existence of trade, repelling66 with frigid67 dignity any suggestion that the representative of the British Government should concern himself with anything of a purely68 commercial or industrial nature.
That the United States diplomats do not stand alone in their gallant69 efforts to support American trade and commerce, and that they are not singular in the supposition that the whole duties of an Ambassador or Minister are confined to Government functions and meaningless ceremonies, is proved by the energy which is displayed by some German diplomats, who are very often instrumental in checking the energy and frustrating70 the success of their American competitors. It[129] was only in the month of March last that Mr. H. T. Schwerin, of the Pacific Mail Steamship71 Company, in testifying before the Senate Committee on Interoceanic Canals, then sitting at Washington, declared that his own company had lost 60 per cent. of its carrying business to German lines largely through the activity of the German Minister to Mexico, who had successfully exercised his diplomatic influence in extending German commerce in Central America. Distressing72 as this must have been to our good American friends, I do not think that the information will be received with feelings of much regret by British readers, especially as it will appear to them in the light of "poetic73 justice," since British commercial and industrial circles in the Argentine Republic, as elsewhere, have suffered in exactly the same manner at the hands of the Americans.
The trade of Central America, as has been shown, is very largely in the hands of the Germans, for, not content with the representation of their own industries and manufactures, a great proportion of our own "British" Vice-Consuls are Germans by birth, if not by choice. Thus, in both Guatemala and Honduras our trade interests are to-day partially74 represented by Teutons. It can scarcely be on account of there being no genuine Britishers available, since I have encountered several Englishmen who could, and doubtless would, act as Vice-Consuls, or merely as Consular75 Agents, if necessary.
Undoubtedly76 the Germans rank among the most capable of the foreign traders doing business in these countries, as they put themselves to the greatest amount of trouble to study the people and the local[130] conditions—much more so than either the British or the Americans.
The German is not only among the earliest of risers in the morning and the latest to seek his rest at night, his store being always the first to open and the last to close, but he avoids politics, and discreetly77 retires into obscurity at the first intimation of internal trouble. He studiously, if not willingly, falls into the ideas and complies readily with the wishes of the country, no matter what forms they may assume; and he is hardly ever known to complain to or about anyone. He knows full well that it would be useless to do so to his home Government, which, like our own, seldom concerns itself with the personal affairs of its subjects abroad, this being one of the reasons why the Germans so cordially hate their own people, and especially the official classes. With them it is indeed an absorbing hatred78, and they do not hesitate to confess to it.
No other foreigner earning his living abroad seems to possess the same gift for small economies as the German, nor his ability for steering79 a clear path among the numerous spies and agents who abound80 in some of the politically-ridden countries. The Germans, both in their trade and their social relations with the natives, are "all things to all men." They are apparently81 thoroughly at home among them. One hardly ever hears of a German becoming involved in political trouble or failing in his business. He thrives as no other foreigner in these lands of difficulties and intrigues82. It is clear, however, why and how he manages to do so. And for him there is no such thing as a Monroe Doctrine83, which was once denounced by Bismarck as a "piece of international impertinence." As often as not he marries a native, and loses his identity.
Entrance
Entrance to Avenida La Ceiba at San Salvador.
Avenida
The famous Avenida under construction.
[131]
As an instance of the German's enterprise may be cited the supply of cloths and hats for the natives which are found exclusively in Bolivia, the same individual trading in Peru, however, bringing out quite a different class of stuffs and styles for that country. The ordinary British or American manufacturer would probably contend that it would be useless or unprofitable to make special materials or designs of this kind so entirely unlike anything before attempted, and he would leave the matter just there. Not so with the observant travelling German. He first studies the question of demand, then he sends a complete range of patterns and samples from the looms84 of the native manufacturers to his house in Germany. In a few months' time there arrive in the country the German imitation, and, first in small, then in ever-increasing quantities, is built up a connection; and where the Salvadorean, Guatemalan, Bolivian, or Peruvian importer finds his materials and his hats, he buys most of his other miscellaneous European goods, so as to have but one account and one customer.
Then, in regard to credits, the German is most accommodating, granting payments over twelve, eighteen, and even twenty-four months, and never asking any interest upon his outstanding accounts. How he does it is a mystery, more especially as his prices in no way exceed, and in the majority of instances are below, the prices of other European and American houses, while the number of his bad debts is considerable. Probably there is a seamy side to all this promiscuous85 trading by the German houses; but if there is, there must likewise be some decided16 advantages accruing86, since no one would credit Teutonic manufacturers and dealers87 with motives64 of[132] philanthropy. But whether their commercial dealings with the Latin-American races be profitable or profitless, it is beyond question that they are extending, and extending rapidly—all of which means that there is so much smaller a field for other countries. These specimens88 of Bolivian hats, Peruvian dress-cloths, Mexican rebosos, and Guatemalan mantillas, made in Germany, resemble in every way the native manufactures—so closely, indeed, that they cannot be told from the original except by an expert. The Germans are actually making all these articles, exporting them to these countries, and selling them there more cheaply than the native article. The question is, "How can they do it?"
It is decidedly useful to come abroad to such countries as the Latin-American States, if only to glean89 a few opinions as to the position which Great Britain occupies in the minds of the people of these regions. There are many individuals whose judgments90 are well worth recording91, since while they may have gathered their ideas from trading only—and, indeed, few of them have been outside the borders of their own State—are sufficiently92 shrewd in their criticisms to make these latter worth observing.
The good people of Salvador, like a great many other experienced individuals, both in Latin-America and elsewhere, know the advantages to be derived93 from a system of Protection, and they are at a complete loss to understand how it is that Great Britain alone among the trading nations of the world can "afford"—that is the expression used—to admit a policy of Free Trade, and especially in view of the Empire's Colonies' well-known feelings on the subject. Here, as elsewhere, the advantages of Free Trade are[133] admitted; but without some form of retaliation94 it is absurd to suppose that any other nations will ever accept it. The opinion in general in these countries, where local manufactures are gradually commencing to make themselves a potent30 object of attention, is that Free Trade is desirable for all raw materials, but that a duty should be imposed upon all manufactured articles, whether they compete with local productions or no.
These Latin-American critics can but observe how the export trade of other foreign countries, such as Germany, the United States, and France, is continually increasing, while that of Great Britain, where it does not exhibit positive signs of decay, remains in a stagnant95 condition. This state of things is attributed to Great Britain's adherence96 to Free Trade, and the system of Protection adopted by its competitors. I have not encountered a single individual with whom I have discussed such matters as these who does not hold the opinion that, without reciprocity, real Free Trade is an impossibility. These intelligent people are just as convinced that, were Great Britain to tax those countries which protect their industries against it, they could before long be forced to adopt Free Trade also; and if they did not do so, Great Britain could and should continue to tax them until they did. They can see quite clearly that the interests of the producer and consumer are so closely interwoven and connected that any injury to the trade of the former at once reacts on to the latter; in slack times, as these Latin-American races have good reason to know, it is really the consumer who is most seriously affected97, since his very existence depends upon the producer and manufacturer. Thus any action, they very sensibly[134] argue, which serves to revive or to promote trade must, of a necessity, increase the prosperity of all. It is strange, indeed, that such a view should be so clear to individuals living out here, and remain absolutely obscure to those thousands of individuals at home.
Our great strength in these Latin-American countries has always been our textile manufactures, and it is here that we are being attacked by both the United States and Germany. The former have successfully imitated most of the English designs, and these, combined with the better class of printing, the larger proportion of cotton, and the superior quality of the water employed in the dyeing of the material, have combined to make the American textiles more to the liking98 of the native buyers. So much is this the case, that the importers who formerly took British goods almost exclusively now send home American patterns and designs to be produced in England, even the United States trade-marks and lettering upon the piece-goods being followed as closely as it is possible to do without risking an action for infringement99. The labels, instead of being printed, as heretofore, are now lithographed, and are likewise colourable imitations of the American ones; and it is sad to have to relate that, in order to keep together some semblance100 of British trade, it is apparently necessary to pass off the products of our looms as "American."
So far there has been but little attack made upon British bleached101 cotton goods, the proportion of which is 80 per cent. in favour of our country; but German importers, of whom there are an ever-increasing number in Salvador, are now seeking to increase the supply of these goods from the Fatherland. The United States,[135] as yet, have done little in this direction. In yarns102 we seem steadily103 to be losing ground, mainly, as I understand, on account of our poor colouring. The people of these sunny lands insist upon the brightest of bright hues—the most vivid scarlet104 or vermilion for Turkey-red yarns; the deepest of blues105; the prettiest of greens. The British products are lacking in these, so much so that many of the Turkey-reds spun106 in Scotland are sent to Germany to be dyed before they are exported to these countries as "British" yarns. Our next great competitor in regard to textiles is France.
British trade has been no more fortunate in regard to its machinery, hardware, or iron and steel trade connections with Salvador, and here it is the United States that is met with as a powerful and resourceful rival at all times. The great combine which was formed in the United States in 1909 to supply the wants of Latin-America with all iron and steel productions, has met with an immense success, so much so that even its organizers have expressed astonishment107. The geographical108 advantages possessed109 are not the only ones. The United States Steel Produce Export Company is enabled to handle orders more promptly110 and much more cheaply than any European factory could do, but with these commanding points in its favour the Company is not satisfied. It has organized a system of canvassing111 either directly by personal application or by mail, which is both timely and effective. Immediately it is known, or even suspected, that any new railway or other construction is about to be entered upon, the Company despatches an agent to see the promoters, or, in the absence of this, forwards by mail a complete library of handbooks, cost estimates, attractive illustrations, drawings and code-lists,[136] even prepaying a cable message when business is likely to result. The terms offered are often such as no European could or would tender, and, even if it were a question of direct competition, the Steel Company would probably win-out; but the prices which it quotes and the conditions which it imposes are of so tempting112 a nature that they stand alone.
It is to be remembered that practically the whole of the transportation arrangements in Central America, Salvador excepted, are in the hands of Americans, whose carefully arranged Pan-American Railway System is now fast approaching practical realization113. When completed, it will be possible to journey from New York to Panama without change of car, and what this means for quick and cheap freights can be realized. In all probability there will be severe shipping114 competition to meet with, however, more especially on the part of the Tehuantepec Railroad, which is already carrying an enormous traffic, and is regarded with envious115 eyes by the Panama Railroad Company. With the exception of the Tehuantepec route and the Salvador Railway, the Americans now control the transportation arrangements of Central America, being thus enabled to regulate the freight charges upon all merchandise entering these countries. Already several cases of unfair discrimination have been recorded, such, for instance, as charging a British commercial traveller in Costa Rica a sum of $75 (￡15) for the conveyance116 of his samples between the Port of Limón and the capital of San José, while an American drummer was actually granted a rebate117 of 50 per cent. off the ordinary rates, his expenses amounting to little more than $20 (￡4) all told. In both cases the weight of the samples was the same.
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diplomacy
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| n.外交；外交手腕，交际手腕 | |
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inflicted
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| 把…强加给，使承受，遭受( inflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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diplomat
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| n.外交官，外交家；能交际的人，圆滑的人 | |
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bribery
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| n.贿络行为，行贿，受贿 | |
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shrouds
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| n.裹尸布( shroud的名词复数 )；寿衣；遮蔽物；覆盖物v.隐瞒( shroud的第三人称单数 )；保密 | |
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drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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wholesome
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| adj.适合；卫生的；有益健康的；显示身心健康的 | |
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proceedings
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| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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disquieting
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| adj.令人不安的，令人不平静的v.使不安，使忧虑，使烦恼( disquiet的现在分词 ) | |
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astounding
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| adj.使人震惊的vt.使震惊，使大吃一惊astound的现在分词) | |
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diplomats
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| n.外交官( diplomat的名词复数 )；有手腕的人，善于交际的人 | |
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breakdown
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| n.垮，衰竭；损坏，故障，倒塌 | |
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negotiations
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| 协商( negotiation的名词复数 )； 谈判； 完成（难事）； 通过 | |
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imminent
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| adj.即将发生的，临近的，逼近的 | |
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dictated
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decided
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formerly
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impartial
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bluff
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| v.虚张声势，用假象骗人；n.虚张声势，欺骗 | |
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philander
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disinterested
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entirely
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acting
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mere
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thoroughly
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deride
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sop
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embitter
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solicit
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potent
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aspirations
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| 强烈的愿望( aspiration的名词复数 )； 志向； 发送气音； 发 h 音 | |
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aspiration
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eminent
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| adj.显赫的，杰出的，有名的，优良的 | |
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apportioned
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| vt.分摊，分配（apportion的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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35
lasting
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| adj.永久的，永恒的；vbl.持续，维持 | |
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36
pivot
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| v.在枢轴上转动；装枢轴，枢轴；adj.枢轴的 | |
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37
revolve
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| vi.(使)旋转；循环出现 | |
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38
mutual
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| adj.相互的，彼此的；共同的，共有的 | |
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39
jealousy
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| n.妒忌，嫉妒，猜忌 | |
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40
precipitated
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| v.（突如其来地）使发生( precipitate的过去式和过去分词 )；促成；猛然摔下；使沉淀 | |
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41
remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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42
distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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43
esteem
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| n.尊敬，尊重；vt.尊重，敬重；把…看作 | |
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expedient
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| adj.有用的，有利的；n.紧急的办法，权宜之计 | |
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45
contemptible
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| adj.可鄙的，可轻视的，卑劣的 | |
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46
previously
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| adv.以前，先前（地） | |
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47
gratitude
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| adj.感激，感谢 | |
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48
attaining
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| （通常经过努力）实现( attain的现在分词 )； 达到； 获得； 达到（某年龄、水平、状况） | |
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49
obstructions
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| n.障碍物( obstruction的名词复数 )；阻碍物；阻碍；阻挠 | |
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encumbered
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| v.妨碍，阻碍，拖累( encumber的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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51
machinery
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| n.(总称)机械，机器；机构 | |
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52
perverted
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| adj.不正当的v.滥用( pervert的过去式和过去分词 )；腐蚀；败坏；使堕落 | |
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53
interfered
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| v.干预( interfere的过去式和过去分词 )；调停；妨碍；干涉 | |
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astounded
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| v.使震惊(astound的过去式和过去分词)；愕然；愕；惊讶 | |
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arbitration
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| n.调停，仲裁 | |
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noted
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| adj.著名的，知名的 | |
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57
courteous
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| adj.彬彬有礼的，客气的 | |
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amiable
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| adj.和蔼可亲的，友善的，亲切的 | |
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determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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requisite
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| adj.需要的，必不可少的；n.必需品 | |
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ratification
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| n.批准，认可 | |
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immunities
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| 免除，豁免( immunity的名词复数 )； 免疫力 | |
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enjoyment
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| n.乐趣；享有；享用 | |
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motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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condescending
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| adj.谦逊的,故意屈尊的 | |
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repelling
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| v.击退( repel的现在分词 )；使厌恶；排斥；推开 | |
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frigid
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| adj.寒冷的，凛冽的；冷淡的；拘禁的 | |
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purely
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| adv.纯粹地，完全地 | |
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gallant
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| adj.英勇的，豪侠的；(向女人)献殷勤的 | |
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frustrating
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| adj.产生挫折的，使人沮丧的，令人泄气的v.使不成功( frustrate的现在分词 )；挫败；使受挫折；令人沮丧 | |
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71
steamship
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| n.汽船，轮船 | |
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distressing
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| a.使人痛苦的 | |
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poetic
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| adj.富有诗意的，有诗人气质的，善于抒情的 | |
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partially
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| adv.部分地，从某些方面讲 | |
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consular
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| a.领事的 | |
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undoubtedly
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| adv.确实地，无疑地 | |
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discreetly
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| ad.(言行)审慎地，慎重地 | |
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hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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steering
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| n.操舵装置 | |
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80
abound
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| vi.大量存在；(in，with)充满，富于 | |
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apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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82
intrigues
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| n.密谋策划( intrigue的名词复数 )；神秘气氛；引人入胜的复杂情节v.搞阴谋诡计( intrigue的第三人称单数 )；激起…的好奇心 | |
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83
doctrine
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| n.教义；主义；学说 | |
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84
looms
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| n.织布机( loom的名词复数 )v.隐约出现，阴森地逼近( loom的第三人称单数 )；隐约出现，阴森地逼近 | |
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promiscuous
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| adj.杂乱的，随便的 | |
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accruing
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| v.增加( accrue的现在分词 )；（通过自然增长）产生；获得；（使钱款、债务）积累 | |
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dealers
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| n.商人( dealer的名词复数 )；贩毒者；毒品贩子；发牌者 | |
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specimens
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| n.样品( specimen的名词复数 )；范例；（化验的）抽样；某种类型的人 | |
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glean
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| v.收集(消息、资料、情报等) | |
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judgments
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| 判断( judgment的名词复数 )； 鉴定； 评价； 审判 | |
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91
recording
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| n.录音，记录 | |
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92
sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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93
derived
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| vi.起源；由来；衍生；导出v.得到( derive的过去式和过去分词 )；（从…中）得到获得；源于；（从…中）提取 | |
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94
retaliation
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| n.报复，反击 | |
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95
stagnant
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| adj.不流动的，停滞的，不景气的 | |
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96
adherence
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| n.信奉，依附，坚持，固着 | |
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97
affected
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| adj.不自然的，假装的 | |
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98
liking
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| n.爱好；嗜好；喜欢 | |
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99
infringement
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| n.违反；侵权 | |
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100
semblance
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| n.外貌，外表 | |
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101
bleached
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| 漂白的，晒白的，颜色变浅的 | |
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102
yarns
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| n.纱( yarn的名词复数 )；纱线；奇闻漫谈；旅行轶事 | |
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103
steadily
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| adv.稳定地；不变地；持续地 | |
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104
scarlet
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| n.深红色，绯红色，红衣；adj.绯红色的 | |
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105
blues
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| n.抑郁，沮丧；布鲁斯音乐 | |
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106
spun
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| v.纺，杜撰，急转身 | |
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107
astonishment
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| n.惊奇，惊异 | |
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108
geographical
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| adj.地理的；地区(性)的 | |
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109
possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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110
promptly
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| adv.及时地，敏捷地 | |
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111
canvassing
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| v.（在政治方面）游说( canvass的现在分词 )；调查（如选举前选民的）意见；为讨论而提出（意见等）；详细检查 | |
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112
tempting
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| a.诱人的, 吸引人的 | |
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113
realization
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| n.实现；认识到，深刻了解 | |
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114
shipping
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| n.船运（发货，运输，乘船） | |
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115
envious
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| adj.嫉妒的，羡慕的 | |
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116
conveyance
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| n.(不动产等的)转让，让与；转让证书；传送；运送；表达；（正）运输工具 | |
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117
rebate
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| v./n.折扣，回扣，退款；vt.给...回扣，给...打折扣 | |
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