The influence of Egypt upon Palestine is no new thing in its history. For century after century the mighty2 empire across Sinai had been the huge and determining fact in the political destiny of all Palestinian nations. Indeed Palestine is much more properly within the Egyptian sphere of culture than the Babylonian. The glamor4 lasted even when the Pharaoh had become a broken reed. Men’s minds instinctively5 turned in that direction, and the vigor6 of the relatively7 youthful Assyria could not hold imaginations with half the force of the remembered glories of Thutmose and Ramses.
Egypt had been in Persian times a turbulent province, subdued8 with difficulty and demanding constantly renewed subjugation9. Shortly before Alexander’s conquest, Artaxerxes Ochus had reconquered it with brutal10 severity. It offered no resistance to the victorious11 Macedonians. Upon Alexander himself it exercised an undoubted attraction. The ancient gods of this most ancient of countries were those best fitted to confirm his 91rather raw divinity. From none else than Amon himself, in his isolated12 shrine13 in the desert, he claimed to have received revelation of his divine lineage. And at the mouth of the Nile he laid the foundation of the greatest monument he was destined14 to have, the city of Alexandria.
When Alexander’s satraps proceeded to carve out portions for themselves, Egypt was seized by Ptolemy, whose quick brain had grasped at once the advantages accruing15 from the possession of an inexhaustible granary and from the relative remoteness of his position. The first contests would have to be fought in Asia. To attack Egypt meant a costly16 and carefully planned expedition, with the hazards of a rear attack. It was attempted, and it failed. Egypt might, as far as the country itself was concerned, breathe freely for a while, and give itself the opportunity of developing its extraordinary resources.
One of Ptolemy’s first aggressive campaigns was the seizure17 of Palestine, the natural geographical18 extension. Judea and Jerusalem fell into his hands. It is probable, as will be later discussed, that the story of the capture of the city on the Sabbath is apocryphal19. But there can be no doubt that one of the immediate20 consequences of the annexation21 of Palestine was a greatly increased emigration of Jews, and doubtless of Palestinians generally, to Egypt. There is the tradition of a deportation22, but it is feebly supported. However, the emigration was unquestionably vigorously encouraged and stimulated23 by the king. The new city needed 92inhabitants, and Egyptians were as yet looked at askance by their Macedonian rulers.
From the beginning, a great number of Greeks, Jews, Persians, Syrians, and Egyptians dwelt side by side in Alexandria. Greeks who now spoke24 of Jews could do so at first hand, and they could also obtain at first hand accounts of Jews from other nations, especially from the Egyptians. When, therefore, at about this time, Hecataeus of Abdera, a Greek living in Egypt, wrote a history of that country, he had more to say of the Jews than that they were a Syrian caste of strange ritual. Indeed his account of them is so important that it will be briefly26 summarized.
A pestilence27 broke out in Egypt, which was popularly attributed to the neglect of the national cult3 owing to the presence of foreign elements in the population. To propitiate29 the gods, the strangers (?λλ?φυλλοι) were expelled. The most distinguished30 and energetic, as some say, arrived in Greece led by famous chieftains, of whom Danaus and Cadmus are the best known. The mass of the population settled in the neighboring Palestine, which was then a desert.
This colony (?ποικ?α) was led by a certain Moses, famous for his wisdom and valor31. He founded several cities, of which Ierosolyma is now the best-known. Having organized cult and government, he divided the people into twelve tribes, because he considered that number the absolutely perfect one, and because it corresponded to the number of months in the year.
93He made no statues of gods, because he regarded as God and Ruler of all things the heavens that encircled the earth, and accordingly did not believe that the Deity32 resembled man in form. The sacrifices he instituted, the manner of life he prescribed, were different from those of surrounding nations. This was due to the expulsion they had suffered, which induced Moses to ordain33 an inhospitable (μισ?ξενον) and inhuman34 (?π?νθρωπον) form of living.
Since the nation was to be directed by priests, he chose for that purpose men of the highest character and ability. These he instructed, not merely for their sacerdotal functions, but also for their judicial36 and governmental duties. They were to be the guardians37 of law and morality.
It is for this reason that the Jews have never had a king, but appoint as ruler the wisest and ablest of their priests. They call him high priest (?ρχιερε??), and regard him as bearer of the divine commands, which he announces at the public assemblies and other meetings. In this matter the Jews are so credulous38 that they fall to the ground and adore (προσκυνε?ν) the high priest when he interprets the divine message. At the end of their laws is written, “These words, which Moses heard from God, he states to the Jews.”
Moses showed much foresight39 in military matters, since he compelled the young men to train themselves by exercises that involved courage and daring and endurance of privations. In his campaigns he conquered most of the surrounding territory, which was 94divided equally among all citizens, except that the priests received larger shares, so that they might enjoy greater leisure for their public duties. These allotments the possessors were forbidden to sell, in order to prevent depopulation by the creation of great estates. As an additional means to that end he compelled every one to rear his children, an arrangement that involved little expense and made the Jews at all times a very populous40 nation. Marriage and funeral rites41 were likewise quite different from those of their neighbors.
However, many of these ancient customs were modified under Persian, and more recently under Macedonian, supremacy42.[94]
So far Hecataeus of Abdera. The fragment is interesting, not merely as the first connected account of Jews by a Greek, but also from a number of facts that are contained implicitly43 in his narrative44.
We have seen, in the previous chapter, what general knowledge of the Jews educated Greeks had in the latter half of the fourth century. Hecataeus could scarcely avoid being familiar with that version before he came to Egypt. That he ever was in Judea there is no evidence. If he followed his master Ptolemy, he might easily have been there. But the information he gives was almost certainly obtained in Egypt, and the sources of that information will be more closely examined.
It is evident at once that some of his facts must have come from contemporary Jewish sources. His statement of conditions among the Jews is markedly accurate 95for the time in which he wrote, although to be sure these conditions do not date to Moses. The absence of a king, the presence of a priestly nobility, the judicial functions of the priests, the compulsory45 military service, the supremacy of the high priest, and the veneration47 accorded to him, are all matters of which only a resident of Judea can have been cognizant.
Was the source a literary one? Did Hecataeus, writing at about 300 B.C.E., have before him a translation of the Bible or of the Pentateuch or a part of it? In the first place there is very little reason to believe that such a translation was current or was needed at this time. Secondly48, the matters mentioned are just those that do not stand out at all in such a rapid reading of the Bible as a curious Greek might have given it. To obtain even approximate parallels, single verses of the Bible must be cited. But the statements of Hecataeus do correspond to actual conditions in the Judea of his time. We may therefore plausibly49 suppose that Hecataeus’ informant was a Greek-speaking Jew, perhaps a soldier. Certain inaccuracies in the account would not militate against such a supposition. Whoever it was from whom the information came, cannot himself have been especially conversant50 with his national history. The glorious period of Jewish history was that of the kings, of David and Solomon. For any Jew to have asserted that no king ever reigned51 over them is scarcely conceivable. But that may be an inference of the Greek and not a statement of the Jew, and that in Egypt there 96were Jews crassly52 ignorant of everything but the facts of their own time, we can readily enough imagine.[95]
Was there any other source of information? Obviously no Jew told Hecataeus that his people were descendants of Egyptian outcasts, at least in the way in which they are here described; no Jew qualified53 the institutions of his people as “inhospitable and inhuman”; no Jew represented his kinsmen54 as credulous dupes. Plainly these stories are told from the Egyptian point of view. The first almost surely is. It constitutes in outline what has often been called the “Egyptian version of the Exodus55.”
As to that version this question at once arises: What are its sources? Is it a malicious56 distortion of the Biblical story, or has it an independent origin in Egyptian traditions?
The former supposition is the one generally accepted. We have seen that there is little likelihood that a Greek translation of the Pentateuch existed as early as 300 B.C.E. If then the Egyptian version is consciously based upon the Jewish story, that story must have been known to the Egyptians by oral transmission only. Until recently, imagined difficulties in the way of assuming such a transmission seemed weighty objections, but all these difficulties have disappeared in the light of the Assuan and Elephantine papyri. The existence of Jewish communities in Egypt from pre-Persian times is established by them, and particular interest centers upon one of them, which alludes57 to the Passover celebration 97and represents the Egyptian Jewries as referring certain questions to the Palestinian community.[96]
It must be clear that if Passover had been celebrated58 in Egyptian surroundings for two centuries, the Egyptian neighbors of the Jews knew of the feast’s existence and of the occasion it was intended to celebrate. In those two centuries the elements that make this version an Egyptian one may easily have arisen. Indeed, it would have been strange if stories representing the Exodus as anything but the Jewish triumph it is depicted59 in the Pentateuch had not circulated widely among Egyptians.
The mere35 celebration of Passover was apt to make permanent a certain hostility60 between the two nations. When we compare Deut. xxiii. 7, “Thou shalt not abhor61 an Egyptian,” with Ezra ix. 1, where the customs of the Egyptians are classed as abominations, and where Egyptian, Moabite, and Edomite are added to the list of peoples (Deut. vii. 1) to be shunned62 and avoided, it is plain that the attitude toward Egyptians had undergone considerable change in the intervening centuries. It requires a long period of antagonism63 to explain the later Alexandrian anti-Semitism.
At the same time the papyri show other phases of life as well. They offer instances of amicable64 relations, even of intermarriage, as well as instances of hostility, such as that which resulted in the destruction of the shrine of Yahu at Elephantine. The latter incident is too obscure to permit us to draw inferences from it. But it is clear that it can no more be considered typical 98than the other examples, which show perfectly65 free and friendly intercourse66.
The story as it appears in Hecataeus, however, does not imply, even in its unflattering aspects, hostility on the part of the Egyptians. It may be remembered that the founders67 of several Greek nations as well as the Jews were expelled from Egypt on the occasion mentioned. It is easy to see how Egyptians, learning of Greek and Jewish legends that ascribed the origin of those nations to themselves, would accept the ascription, and make it a part of their own stories in a way to flatter the national vanity.
While therefore the supposition that Egyptians based their version on the Jewish story of the Exodus as it became known to them is much the more probable view, the possibility of an independent Egyptian tradition on the subject is not to be dismissed cavalierly.
The Egyptian records that have come down to us do not often mention Jews. Careful study has made it plain that the Pharaoh of the oppression or the Exodus cannot be identified so readily as was formerly69 done, but they have shown that the popular traditions about the Hyksos had at least so much foundation in fact, that about 1580 B.C.E. Ahmose I did actually drive out the Semitic or half-Semitic conquerors70 of the country, and these conquerors are quite plausibly identified with the Hyksos. Now during the Hyksos period we hear of a ruler named Jacob-Her, or Jacob-El, and a few centuries after the inscriptions71 of Mer-ne-ptah show Israel already established in Palestine. If, in the casual selection 99of inscriptions that has been made by the lapse72 of thirty-five centuries, these facts appear, it is surely not impossible that in 300 B.C.E. a great many more facts were known. It is not likely that every Egyptian priest could read the hieroglyphics74, but some could, and the knowledge of a few could easily become common possession.
When Greeks came to Egypt in the train of Alexander and Ptolemy, they not only brought Jews there, but they found them, as well as the story just discussed, whether two hundred or twelve hundred years old.
When we meet the Egyptian version again, it is in a form unmistakably malevolent75. A very few years after Hecataeus, an Egyptian priest named Manetho wrote the history of his people in Greek. His sources were popular traditions much more than the monuments, but they were at least partly documentary. Manetho’s book has been lost, and its “fragments,” as usual, appear in the form of quotations76 in much later books, where we must estimate the probabilities of wilful77 and careless error.
The fragments of especial interest to us are contained in Josephus’ apologetic work known as Contra Apionem (§1, 26-27), where unfortunately one cannot always distinguish between the statements of Josephus and those of Manetho.
The essential part of Manetho’s story, as far as we can piece it together, is that the Exodus of the Jews from Egypt was nothing more nor less than the defeat and expulsion of certain rebellious78 Egyptians. These 100latter had been isolated from their fellow-men as lepers and criminals, and had treasonably summoned to their aid the Bedouin Hyksos from Jerusalem. The Egyptian outcasts were led by a Heliopolitan priest named Osarsiph, who afterwards changed his name to Moses. After a short domination over Egypt, they were defeated and expelled, and pursued to the frontiers of Syria.
If the very indefinite words of Josephus are to be trusted (Contra Apionem, i. 26), Manetho expressly asserts that this account is based upon what is popularly told of the Jews (τ? μυθευ?μενα κα? λεγ?μενα περ? τ?ν ?ουδα?ων). Whether Manetho really said so or not, it is extremely unlikely that it was the case. The account seems too finished and detailed79 to have such an origin. It is much more likely that it is a deliberate invention of Manetho himself, following the Jewish story with a certain amount of care. As has been suggested, the name Osarsiph is simply an Egyptian version of Joseph, the name of Osiris (which often appears as Osar- or Osor- in names)[97] being substituted for the assumed theophoric element Jo-, a syllable80 that would be familiar to all Egyptians in such very common Jewish names as Johanan and Jonathan.
The “Egyptian version” as we found it in Hecataeus is far from malevolent. In Manetho it is plainly inspired by hatred81. The Jews are represented as the mongrel offspring of Egyptian outcasts and half-civilized Bedouins. The vice46 of unsociability is reasserted, coupled with a charge of “atheism,” a term we shall 101have to deal with later in detail. Moses, or Osarsiph, forbade the Jews “to have any dealings with anyone whatsoever82 except their confederates” (συνωμοσμ?νοι). That is, of course, more precise than the words “inhospitable and inhuman manner of life” of Hecataeus, and formed in ancient times a more serious indictment83 than in our own.
Now Josephus, of course, is roused to considerable heat by the “silly lies” of Manetho, although as testimony84 to the antiquity85 of his people the story is grist to his mill. He points out very clearly and correctly that many of the incidents are admissions that the corresponding incidents of the Jewish story are essentially86 true. These admissions do not prove that Manetho read these matters from the hieroglyphic73 records, but merely that he knew the Jewish story, and, except for the confusion of Moses and Joseph, that he knew it well.
Nearly all Manetho’s details are suggested in some way by the Biblical story. The leprosy of Osarsiph is probably derived87 from the story of Moses (Exodus iv. 7); the convicts in the quarries88 (ο? ?ν τα?? λ?οτομ?αι?), from the bondage89 which the Jews acknowledged of themselves (Exodus i. 12-14). Manetho cannot accept Joseph’s rule nor Pharaoh’s discomfiture90 at the Red Sea, but, as many other ancient and modern writers did, he will not absolutely deny what he wishes to avoid, but prefers to present it in a form less galling91 to his pride. Osarsiph did rule over Egypt, but his rule was a chastisement92 of the Egyptians for the impiety93 of King 102Amenophis, and was effected only by the aid of foreign mercenaries. Pharaoh did advance to “the river” with a picked army and then withdraw before the enemy, but it was a voluntary withdrawal94, impelled95 by his fear of the offended gods.[98]
It is by no means impossible that all the facts implied may have been learned by Manetho through oral acquaintance with the Jewish story of the Exodus. But if Manetho acquired his information so, we should expect confusion in the sequence of events. We should find anachronisms of various sorts. It is therefore more likely that he had an actual book before him. Tradition of strong intrinsic probability assigns the translation of the Pentateuch into Greek to the reign28 of Philadelphus. Writing at about 270 B.C.E., Manetho may well have read the Pentateuch, at least cursorily96. Indeed it would be easy to suppose that it was the circulation in Greek of stories so offensive to Egyptians that specially25 moved him to publish his own interpretation97 of those stories. He was hardly likely to have made so much of them, if they were merely legends, scarcely known except to the Jews themselves and their closest neighbors.
The “Egyptian version” may be said to have been the more successful. The leprosy of Moses, the founder68 of the nation, was constantly girded at by later writers. Tacitus repeats Manetho faithfully in the matter,[99] and one of the latest pagan writers of whom we have fragments concerning the Jews, Helladius, makes allusion98 to the same thing.[100] The point does not seem to us of capital importance, but among peoples that regarded 103bodily defects as obvious signs of divine displeasure in the person afflicted99, it was likely to have weight.
It may, however, be well to remember that both versions were in equal circulation. To many the Jewish story seemed the more probable. But it is significant that at the very beginning of the period when the Jews took a larger share in the life of the Mediterranean100 world we find Jews and Egyptians distinctly in conflict. That conflict was destined to become embittered101, but it must not be taken as an epitome102 of Jewish relations generally with other nations.
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1
subsisted
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| v.（靠很少的钱或食物）维持生活，生存下去( subsist的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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mighty
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| adj.强有力的；巨大的 | |
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cult
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| n.异教，邪教；时尚，狂热的崇拜 | |
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glamor
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| n.魅力，吸引力 | |
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instinctively
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| adv.本能地 | |
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vigor
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| n.活力，精力，元气 | |
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relatively
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| adv.比较...地，相对地 | |
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subdued
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| adj. 屈服的，柔和的，减弱的 动词subdue的过去式和过去分词 | |
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subjugation
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| n.镇压，平息，征服 | |
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brutal
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| adj.残忍的，野蛮的，不讲理的 | |
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victorious
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| adj.胜利的，得胜的 | |
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isolated
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| adj.与世隔绝的 | |
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shrine
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| n.圣地，神龛，庙；v.将...置于神龛内，把...奉为神圣 | |
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destined
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| adj.命中注定的；(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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accruing
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| v.增加( accrue的现在分词 )；（通过自然增长）产生；获得；（使钱款、债务）积累 | |
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costly
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| adj.昂贵的，价值高的，豪华的 | |
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seizure
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| n.没收；占有；抵押 | |
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geographical
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| adj.地理的；地区(性)的 | |
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apocryphal
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| adj.假冒的，虚假的 | |
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immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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annexation
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| n.吞并，合并 | |
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deportation
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| n.驱逐，放逐 | |
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stimulated
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| a.刺激的 | |
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spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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specially
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| adv.特定地；特殊地；明确地 | |
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briefly
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| adv.简单地，简短地 | |
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pestilence
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| n.瘟疫 | |
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reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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propitiate
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| v.慰解，劝解 | |
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distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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valor
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| n.勇气，英勇 | |
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deity
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| n.神，神性；被奉若神明的人(或物) | |
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ordain
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| vi.颁发命令；vt.命令，授以圣职，注定，任命 | |
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inhuman
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| adj.残忍的，不人道的，无人性的 | |
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mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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judicial
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| adj.司法的，法庭的，审判的，明断的，公正的 | |
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guardians
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| 监护人( guardian的名词复数 )； 保护者，维护者 | |
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credulous
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| adj.轻信的，易信的 | |
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foresight
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| n.先见之明，深谋远虑 | |
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populous
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| adj.人口稠密的，人口众多的 | |
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rites
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| 仪式，典礼( rite的名词复数 ) | |
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supremacy
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| n.至上；至高权力 | |
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implicitly
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| adv. 含蓄地, 暗中地, 毫不保留地 | |
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narrative
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| n.叙述，故事；adj.叙事的，故事体的 | |
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compulsory
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| n.强制的，必修的；规定的，义务的 | |
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vice
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| n.坏事；恶习；[pl.]台钳，老虎钳；adj.副的 | |
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veneration
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| n.尊敬，崇拜 | |
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48
secondly
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| adv.第二，其次 | |
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plausibly
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| 似真地 | |
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50
conversant
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| adj.亲近的，有交情的，熟悉的 | |
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51
reigned
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| vi.当政，统治（reign的过去式形式） | |
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52
crassly
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| adv.粗鲁地，愚钝地 | |
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53
qualified
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| adj.合格的，有资格的，胜任的，有限制的 | |
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54
kinsmen
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| n.家属，亲属( kinsman的名词复数 ) | |
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55
exodus
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| v.大批离去，成群外出 | |
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56
malicious
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| adj.有恶意的，心怀恶意的 | |
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57
alludes
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| 提及，暗指( allude的第三人称单数 ) | |
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58
celebrated
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| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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59
depicted
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| 描绘，描画( depict的过去式和过去分词 )； 描述 | |
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60
hostility
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| n.敌对，敌意；抵制［pl.］交战，战争 | |
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61
abhor
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| v.憎恶；痛恨 | |
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62
shunned
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| v.避开，回避，避免( shun的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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antagonism
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| n.对抗，敌对，对立 | |
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amicable
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| adj.和平的，友好的；友善的 | |
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perfectly
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| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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intercourse
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| n.性交；交流，交往，交际 | |
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founders
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| n.创始人( founder的名词复数 ) | |
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Founder
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| n.创始者，缔造者 | |
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formerly
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| adv.从前，以前 | |
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conquerors
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| 征服者，占领者( conqueror的名词复数 ) | |
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inscriptions
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| （作者）题词( inscription的名词复数 )； 献词； 碑文； 证劵持有人的登记 | |
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lapse
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| n.过失，流逝，失效，抛弃信仰，间隔；vi.堕落，停止，失效，流逝；vt.使失效 | |
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hieroglyphic
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| n.象形文字 | |
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hieroglyphics
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| n.pl.象形文字 | |
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malevolent
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| adj.有恶意的，恶毒的 | |
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quotations
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| n.引用( quotation的名词复数 )；[商业]行情（报告）；（货物或股票的）市价；时价 | |
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wilful
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| adj.任性的，故意的 | |
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rebellious
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| adj.造反的，反抗的，难控制的 | |
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detailed
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| adj.详细的，详尽的，极注意细节的，完全的 | |
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syllable
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| n.音节；vt.分音节 | |
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hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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whatsoever
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| adv.（用于否定句中以加强语气）任何；pron.无论什么 | |
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indictment
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| n.起诉；诉状 | |
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testimony
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| n.证词；见证，证明 | |
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antiquity
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| n.古老；高龄；古物，古迹 | |
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essentially
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| adv.本质上，实质上，基本上 | |
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derived
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| vi.起源；由来；衍生；导出v.得到( derive的过去式和过去分词 )；（从…中）得到获得；源于；（从…中）提取 | |
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quarries
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| n.（采）石场( quarry的名词复数 )；猎物（指鸟，兽等）；方形石；（格窗等的）方形玻璃v.从采石场采得( quarry的第三人称单数 )；从（书本等中）努力发掘（资料等）；在采石场采石 | |
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bondage
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| n.奴役，束缚 | |
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discomfiture
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| n.崩溃；大败；挫败；困惑 | |
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galling
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| adj.难堪的,使烦恼的,使焦躁的 | |
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chastisement
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| n.惩罚 | |
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impiety
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| n.不敬；不孝 | |
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withdrawal
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| n.取回，提款；撤退，撤军；收回，撤销 | |
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impelled
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| v.推动、推进或敦促某人做某事( impel的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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cursorily
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| adv.粗糙地，疏忽地，马虎地 | |
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interpretation
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| n.解释，说明，描述；艺术处理 | |
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allusion
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| n.暗示，间接提示 | |
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afflicted
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| 使受痛苦，折磨( afflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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Mediterranean
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| adj.地中海的；地中海沿岸的 | |
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embittered
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| v.使怨恨，激怒( embitter的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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epitome
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| n.典型，梗概 | |
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