In the matter of government no change had been made that was at all noticeable. The internal autonomy of Persian times had been maintained; the claims of the tax-collector and recruiting sergeant1 were dealt with by the whole community, not by the individual.
Socially and economically, relative peace had permitted considerable progress. At the close of this period the work of Ben Sira is the best of all possible evidence, both of the literary productivity out of which the book arose and of the society which it implies. We are given glimpses of settled and comfortable life, which could scarcely have been attained2 unless the preceding century had been one of constantly increasing well-being3. It is a well-equipped table at which Ben Sira bids us sit. The graces and little luxuries of life are present, and equally the vices4 that went with these luxuries.[117]
Nor had the character of the whole spiritual culture essentially5 changed. The language of daily intercourse6 was Aramaic, the lingua franca of the whole region. 119But the literary language was still Hebrew. It must have been constantly spoken among educated men, for the changes it continued to exhibit are not such as would occur if it had been quite divorced from life. And the literary activity, which took its forms from the established and already canonical8 literature, took its substance from the life about it. That this life had been impregnated with Greek elements, there can of course be no manner of doubt.
Not only the old Philistian and Phoenician cities of the coast had acquired a Greek varnish9, but Judea was being surrounded by a closer and closer network of new Greek foundations. Ptolemais, Anthedon, Apollonia, Arethusa, and the cities of the Decapolis across the Jordan, brought the external forms of Greek culture so near that even the peasant who went no great distance from his furrow10 must have encountered them.
What made up the fascination11 of Greece for the nations she dominated? In the first place it must be insisted upon that there was a national resistance, whether or not it took the form of insurrection. Indeed, insurrection was a thing quite apart from resistance to Hellenism. As we have seen in the case of Egypt, national resistance to the political domination of Greeks did not by any means imply national resistance to the spread of Greek culture. The latter resistance generally took the form of a dull and obstinate12 clinging to ancestral ritual and language. At Antioch in the fourth century C.E., some men and women still spoke7 Aramaic, and knew no Greek.[118] It is only within the rather narrow 120limits set by wealth and education that the Hellenization was really effective. Unfortunately most of our available evidence is concerned with this class.
Among these men, who were naturally open to cultural impressions, the attraction of Hellenism was undoubted, and had been growing slowly for years before Alexander, and it had meant for them all the charm of an intellectual discovery. The mere13 fact that what the Greeks had was new and different could have been of no real influence. There must have been an actual and evident superiority in Greek life or culture to have drawn14 to itself so quickly the desires and longings15 of alien peoples.
In one field that superiority was evident, in the field of art. Whatever may have been the origins of Greek art, from the seventh century on no one seriously questioned that Greek workmen could produce, in any material, more beautiful objects than any other people. Artistic16 appreciation17 is no doubt a plant of slow growth, but the pleasure in gorgeous coloring, in lifelike modeling, in fine balances of light and shade, in grouping of masses, is derived18 immediately from the visual sensation. No peasant of Asia could fail to be impressed by his first glimpse of such a city as the Ephesus and Miletus of even the sixth or fifth century. After the extraordinary artistic progress of the fifth century had vastly increased the beauty of Greek cities, every foreigner who visited them must have found greater and greater delight, as his knowledge grew broader and deeper.
121In other branches of art, in music, poetry, dancing, the wealthier Asiatic had a training of his own. But it is likely that even a slight acquaintance with Greek taught him to depreciate19 the achievements of his own people. Doubtless, in poetic20 capacity and imagination, Phrygian, Lydian, or Lycian was the equal of Greek. Yet we have no choice but to believe that in sheer sensuous21 beauty of sound, which made a direct appeal to any partly cultivated ear, no one of the languages could compare with Greek. Nor is it likely that any written literature existed in Asia that could be ranked with Greek.
With the appeal to eye and ear there went an appeal to the intellect. Greek mental capacity was not demonstrably greater than that of the Asiatic peoples to whom the Greeks were perhaps akin22, but both imagination and reflection had framed their results in systematic23 form. The rich narrative24 material found in every race was available in Greek in dramatic and finished pieces. The philosophic25 meditation26 in which others had long anticipated the Greeks was among the latter set forth27 in clearer and simpler phrasing.
The allurement28 of all these things was intensified29 by a franker and fuller exploitation of all physical instincts, and the absence of many tabus and forms of asceticism30 that existed among non-Greek peoples. A vastly increased freedom over one’s body seemed a characteristic of Greek life, and a vastly greater freedom of political action was characteristic of the Greek polis.
122It is small wonder therefore that the upper classes of Asia and Syria had for two or three centuries before the conquest succumbed31 to a culture that possessed32 so visible a sorcery. Then, with the conquest, came a new factor. To be a Greek was to be a Herrenmensch, a member of the ruling caste, a blood-kinsman of the monarch33. Syrians, Asiatics, and Egyptians found themselves under the direct sway of a Greek dynasty, supported by a Greek court and army. All the tendencies that had made Greek cultural elements attractive for certain classes were intensified by the eager desire of the Greeks to identify themselves with the dominant34 race, and this identification seemed by no means impossible of achievement.
What had to be given up? As far as language was concerned, a smattering of Greek was the common possession of many men. Every trading-post had for generations swarmed35 with Greek merchants. Greek mercenaries were to be found in most armies. It was no especially difficult matter for those classes which knew a little Greek to increase their familiarity with it, to multiply the occasions for its use, to sink more and more the soon despised vernacular36. The latter, we must repeat, was not and could not be suppressed, but it became the language of peasants. In the cities men spoke Greek.
But there were other things—the ancestral god and the ancestral ritual. These were not so readily discarded. However, the attitude of the Greeks in this matter made it unnecessary to do so. The gods of 123Greece were often transplanted, but rarely more than the name. In Syria and Asia particularly it was only in wholly new foundations that Greek gods and Greek forms were really established. Generally the sense of local divine jurisdiction37 was keenly felt. Greeks had a wholesome38 awe39 of the deity40 long in possession of a certain section, and in many cases erected42 shrines43 to him, invoking44 him by the name of some roughly corresponding Hellenic god. Frequently the old name was retained as an epithet45. Thus Greek and Syrian might approach the ancient lord of the soil in the ancient manner and so perpetuate46 a bond which it was ?σ?βεια, “impiety,” to break.
Since the essentials were maintained, the only step necessary to turn a Syrian into a Greek was to purchase a himation, change his name of Matanbal to Apollodorus, and the transformation47 was complete. He might be known for several years as “? κα? Matanbal”—“alias Matanbal”; he might suffer a little from the occasional snobbishness48 of real Greeks, but, especially if he was wealthy, such matters would be of short duration. The next generation would probably escape them altogether, and their children, the young Nicanors, Alexanders, Demetriuses, would talk glibly49 of the exploits of their ancestors at Marathon or under the walls of Troy.
But there was also no inconsiderable group that combined adoption50 of the new with loyalty51 or attempted loyalty to the old. Many Syrians, Egyptians, Phoenicians, and others, conscious of a history not without 124glory, desired to acquire the undeniably attractive Hellenic culture, while maintaining their racial ties, of which they felt no real reason to be ashamed. That was particularly true of the Seleucid dominions52 where Alexander’s assimilative policy was consistently pursued. Persian or Lydian or Phoenician descent was a thing many men boasted of. It was with a sense of adding something to the culture of the world that natives with Greek training prepared to transmit in Greek forms the history of their people to Greeks and to interpret their institutions to them. And they found a ready enough audience. On many points, especially in religion and philosophy, the Greeks were willing enough to concede a more profound acquaintance to barbarians53 than they themselves possessed; and often the weariness of civilization made Greeks search among fresher peoples for a sound social life, since that life was tainted54, in Greek communities, by many grave diseases.
But people of this class found themselves in a delicate situation, an unstable55 equilibrium56 constantly disturbed. It was hard to remain a Grecized Syrian. Generally the temptation to suppress the Syrian was well-nigh irresistible57. Now and then, the rise of national political movements would claim some of the younger men, so that the fall was on the native side. In general, the older conservative attitude expressed itself naturally in avoidance of Greeks as far as possible, and precisely58 in proportion to the value set upon the national and indigenous59 culture.
125The situation of the Jews was only in so far unique that there could be no question among them of gradual steps in the acquisition of Greek culture, but only of partial acceptance of it. The final step of interchanging gods—of accepting the Greek name and maintaining the old rite60 and of exercising that reciprocity of religious observance which was a seeming necessity for those who lived in the same region—that, as every Jew was aware, could never be taken. The religious development among the Jews had been fuller than elsewhere, and had resulted in a highly specialized61 form, which by that fact had none of the elasticity62 of other cult-forms. It was easy to make any one of the Baalim of local Syrian shrines into Zeus Heliopolitanus, Zeus Damascenus, etc. It was not possible to turn the Lord Zebaoth of Zion, the awful and holy God of psalm63 and prophecy, into an epithet of Zeus or of another.
Consequently Jews who felt the pull of Greek art and literature, who, like other subjects of Greek sovereigns, were eager to gain the favor of their masters, had to realize to themselves the qualifications of their Hellenism, or determine to discard wholly their Judaism. And this latter step, even to enthusiastic Philhellenes, was intensely difficult. For so many generations “Thou shalt have no other gods” had been inculcated into men’s hearts that it was no simple thing to undertake in cold blood to bow before the abominations of the heathen.
126He who could not do that—and there were many—might feel free to adopt Greek language and dress and name; but, even more than Babylonian and Egyptian, he was conscious of making a contribution of his own to the civilization of the East. An inherited wisdom, which was in effect closer communion with the Absolute, he believed he had, and, as we have seen, he was generally credited with having. He felt no need therefore of yielding unreservedly to the claims of Greeks, but might demand from them the respect due to an independent and considerable culture.
Barriers to mutual64 comprehension were created by the Jewish dietary regulations as well as by ritual intolerance. Courtesy and good breeding however might soften65 and modify what they could not remove, and social intercourse between Greek and Jew certainly existed. Nor need we exaggerate the embarrassments66 these relations would suffer from the fact that while a Greek might, and doubtless would, assist at the little ceremonies of his Jewish neighbor’s household, the Jew might not without sin reciprocate67. By judicious68 absence on occasion—perhaps by little compromises—the average easy-going Jewish citizen of an Asiatic or Egyptian community need not have found himself in constant conflict.
As in the case of other nations, the first Greek-speaking Jews that desired to emphasize their origin while accepting the all-pervading Greek culture, wished primarily to convey to Greeks the facts of their history and institutions. The Septuagint, at least the Pentateuch, 127was probably written in the early part of the third century B.C.E., and although primarily intended for Jews, no doubt came within the knowledge of Greeks as well. But its purpose was utilitarian69. The Greek-speaking synagogues absolutely needed it. If others were to be acquainted with the history of the Jews, some other means had to be devised.
About 225 B.C.E., an Egyptian Jew named Demetrius wrote the history of his people in Greek. Unfortunately we have only such fragments of his work as Eusebius, the church historian, and Josephus have chosen to quote; but what we have, permits the conjecture70 that he wrote in a concise71 and simple style, without oratorical72 embellishment, and obviously without apologetic motives73. It seems to have been a sober and dignified74 narrative, the loss of which is a serious gap in our records.[119]
The name of this man, Demetrius, is not without significance. It contains the name of a Greek deity, Demeter, so that religious precisians might find in it an honor—even if only a verbal one—to the Abomination. But Alexandrian Jews were not likely to be religious precisians, and we may readily suppose that these names, attrited by constant use, did not immediately convey the suggestion of being theophoric. In 238 B.C.E., an Arsinoite slave is named Apollonius or Jonathas, and about the same time a Jewess is found with the name of Heraclea.[120]
In the case of Demetrius it was rather the redoubtable75 Besieger76 than the goddess that was honored, just 128as the very first Jew whom we know by a Greek name, Antigonus of Socho, is probably named after Demetrius’ father, the one of Alexander’s officers who became so nearly a real Successor. It is to be noted77 that Antigonus of Socho is one of the earliest doctors of the law, whose fine saying is recorded in Abot i.,[121] and, although we know no Hebrew name for him, there can be no question here of Hellenizing or partly Hellenizing tendencies.
Otherwise Jews in adopting Greek names were prone78 to translate them approximately. The common Jonathan and Nathaniel became Theodotus, Dositheus, Theodorus, and the like. Phoenicians had long done the same, but there would be of course no difficulty in the case of the latter if they chose to turn Meherbal into Diodorus. That the Jews were scarcely more scrupulous79 in this matter is a little surprising. It fits in well however with the conclusion that friction80 in unessentials was rather avoided than invited by the average Jew.[122]
The conflict that was preparing itself in Palestine was not one between Greek and Jew, but between Hellenizing and reactionary81 elements among the Jews themselves. And the term reactionary is chosen advisedly. In the many centuries that had witnessed the slow spread of Hellenism, and the hundred years or so in which that progress had been immensely accelerated by the political domination of Greeks, a resistance was also preparing itself. In the early years of the movement, before and after Alexander, the numbers 129affected had been too few to justify82 active opposition83. But the number became constantly greater, and the imminence84 of a real peril85 became vividly86 present to thinking men. The method of opposition was at once indicated. It could be only a conscious restoration of such national institutions as had lapsed87 into comparative disuse, a recultivation of ancient national practices, and a more intense and active occupation with the traditional sacred literature.
In just this way opposition to the orientalizing of the imperial religion produced the reactionary reforms of Augustus, and much later opposition to an excessive clerical interference with life expressed itself in the very real paganism of the Italian Renaissance88. In all these instances the attempt was deliberately89 made to rebuild with material still present, even if largely discarded, a structure that had fallen into ruins. The success of such movements depends wholly on the amount of material still present. If it has to be painfully gathered and swept together from forgotten corners, success is more than problematic. The Jewish reactionaries90 were fortunate in that the ancient institutions still held their ground, and in having no huge gap of disuse to fill.
They were also fortunate that the actively91 Hellenizing party was limited in numbers, and the line of demarcation was the easily noticeable one of wealth and position. Not all men of wealth were in this class. Such a man as Ben Sira, in whose book some have detected Greek elements, betrays no Hellenizing tendencies.[123] 130 He is Jew to the marrow92, and he can be no isolated93 phenomenon. But there had been a rapid growth of a moneyed class, and this not so much composed of great landowners as of the newer class of capitalists, who grew rich through the various forms of financial speculation94 then open, particularly the tax-farmers, of whom that magnificent vulture, the Tobiad Joseph, is a permanent type.[124] The life of these men involved such an association with king and court that marked discrepancies95 of social custom, such as dietary regulations, or any form of abstinence, as well as differences in dress, were not to be thought of.
It is unfortunate that any discussion of the nature and character of the opposition involves a controversial question of the first magnitude, that which concerns the Hasidim, or ?Assidaei. It were idle to enumerate96, much less to examine critically, the theories that have been advanced. Our evidence is so scanty97 that it can be made to fit into many different schemes, all of which can be shown to be conceivable. The simplest interpretation98 of the extant sources however is by far the best, and it has further the merit of being the longest-established and most widely current.
Now concerning the Hasidim we have only three passages that can be considered even approximately contemporary, two in the First Book of Maccabees and one in the Second.
The first passage, I Macc. ii. 41, states that after the martyrdom of the loyal Jews who had taken refuge in the desert, there united with Mattathias the συναγωγ? ?σσιδα?ων, 131“the congregation of Hasidim, a body of great power and influence in Israel, containing all those who were devoted99 to the Law.” In the second passage, I Macc. vii. 12, we read that when the renegade high priest Alcimus and the Greek prefect Bacchides entered Judah with peaceful overtures100, they were met by the congregation of scribes, who brought their lawsuits101 to him, and then recognized his authority. “And the ‘Asidaei were the first among the children of Israel, and they also sought peace from them. For they said, ‘A priest has come of the seed of Aaron with a powerful army, and he will not injure us.’”
Taken together, these passages are best understood to mean that at the beginning of the Hasmonean revolt an already existing and powerful group, known as the “?Asidaei,” or “Hasidim,” gave their official support to the Modin rebels, but that upon the arrival of the duly ordained102 high priest they, or at any rate their officials, put themselves under his authority, to their own undoing103. The author of I Maccabees speaks in terms of the highest respect of them, and applies to the treacherous104 murder of their leaders the words of Psalm lxxix.
In II Macc. xiv. 6, Alcimus replies to the question of King Demetrius as follows: “The so-called ?Asidaei among the Jews, of whom Judas Maccabeus is the leader, maintain the war and sedition105, and will not permit the realm to secure peace.” It will be seen that this passage is not necessarily in contradiction with those of I Maccabees, since it is here put into the mouth of Alcimus, and is meant to be a wilful106 misrepresentation 132of the facts on his part. Like the other passage, it implies that such a definite body with a distinct name existed before the Hasmonean revolt.
To find in Psalms107 xii., lxxxix., cxlix., and others references to the same group of men is quite gratuitous108. The ordinary sense of “righteous” or “saintly” amply satisfies every one of the occurrences of the word Hasid in the Psalms. And the figurative ??? ?????? (Ps. cxlix. 1) no more implies an organized body than ??? ????? of Psalm xxvi. 5 implies a formal association of evil-doers, a Camorra. We shall be compelled to rely wholly on the passages in Maccabees for any information about the ?Assidaei, or Hasidim, in the sense of a definite organization bearing that title.
Who were these ?Assidaei? That admirable writer and sturdy patriot109, the author of I Maccabees, says they were a body of great power and influence in Israel, ?σχυρ? δυν?μει, the leaders of the Jews, and, as has been seen, organized before the revolt. Nothing is clearer than that they are not identical with the “scribes,” with whom they are grouped in I Macc. vii., among those who acknowledged Alcimus. It is equally clear that they are not at all the same as the Hasmonean partisans110, for they join Mattathiah later, and abandon Judah, at least temporarily, early in the struggle. They are characterized by their zeal111 for the Law, a zeal which naturally manifested itself in strong opposition to Hellenism.
In Palestine, accordingly, for at least a generation before the revolt, the disintegrating112 tendencies of Hellenism, as evidenced in the apostasy113 of many wealthy 133Jews and in the neglect of many traditional customs on the part of others, provoked an organized opposition. Forming themselves into a fraternity or groups of corporate114 bodies, to which they applied115 the name of “saints,” the opponents of the Greeks directed their efforts to the exact fulfilment of the Torah, and no doubt carried on a violent polemic116 against Greek innovations, however harmless and valuable. At about the same time an exactly similar movement among Egyptians had brought the Ptolemies to terms. It was not of course to be expected that a single province of the Syrian-Babylonian monarchy117 would accomplish the same result. In the eyes of the Antiochene court their programme was no doubt treasonable fanaticism118. But it was not, as in the case of Egypt, directly political in its scope, and it might never have led to armed conflict.
According to Jewish tradition a pupil of Antigonus of Socho, José ben Jo?zer, was a member of this sect41 of “saints.”[125] And it is significant that, although he is represented as especially rigorous in all religious requirements that had a separatist tendency, he was strikingly liberal in all matters of what might be called internal religious practice. It is likely enough that the tradition is accurate and the “saints” were not at all precisians or fanatics119, but that their cohering120 bond was simply opposition to Hellenism. As has been said, it was against the Hellenizing Jews more than the Greeks that their attack was directed. These latter had on their side the advantages of wealth and social position, but they lacked just that which made their 134opponents strong, a compact organization. There was no συναγωγ? ?λλ?νων, no congregation or fraternity of Philhellenes. They included all shades of Greek sympathizers, from out and out apostates121 to parvenus122, to whom speaking Greek was a mark of fashion. No doubt the feeling between the two groups ran high, and neither side spared bitter abuse and invective123.
The conflict was finally precipitated124 by an act that was one of the commonest occurrences of ancient political struggles. The party defeated, or in danger of defeat, does not scruple125 to invite foreign intervention126. In this case the irreconcilable127 Hellenists, evidently losing ground in face of the rapid growth of Hasidic conventicles, appeal to the Greek king, whose policies their own efforts were furthering, and of whose sympathy they were assured. That king happened to be the bizarre Antiochus Epiphanes.
点击
收听单词发音
收听单词发音 |
1
sergeant
|
|
| n.警官，中士 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
2
attained
|
|
| （通常经过努力）实现( attain的过去式和过去分词 )； 达到； 获得； 达到（某年龄、水平、状况） | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
3
well-being
|
|
| n.安康，安乐，幸福 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
4
vices
|
|
| 缺陷( vice的名词复数 )； 恶习； 不道德行为； 台钳 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
5
essentially
|
|
| adv.本质上，实质上，基本上 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
6
intercourse
|
|
| n.性交；交流，交往，交际 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
7
spoke
|
|
| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
8
canonical
|
|
| n.权威的；典型的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
9
varnish
|
|
| n.清漆；v.上清漆；粉饰 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
10
furrow
|
|
| n.沟；垄沟；轨迹；车辙；皱纹 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
11
fascination
|
|
| n.令人着迷的事物，魅力，迷恋 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
12
obstinate
|
|
| adj.顽固的，倔强的，不易屈服的，较难治愈的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
13
mere
|
|
| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
14
drawn
|
|
| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
15
longings
|
|
| 渴望，盼望( longing的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
16
artistic
|
|
| adj.艺术(家)的，美术(家)的；善于艺术创作的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
17
appreciation
|
|
| n.评价；欣赏；感谢；领会，理解；价格上涨 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
18
derived
|
|
| vi.起源；由来；衍生；导出v.得到( derive的过去式和过去分词 )；（从…中）得到获得；源于；（从…中）提取 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
19
depreciate
|
|
| v.降价，贬值，折旧 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
20
poetic
|
|
| adj.富有诗意的，有诗人气质的，善于抒情的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
21
sensuous
|
|
| adj.激发美感的；感官的，感觉上的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
22
akin
|
|
| adj.同族的，类似的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
23
systematic
|
|
| adj.有系统的，有计划的，有方法的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
24
narrative
|
|
| n.叙述，故事；adj.叙事的，故事体的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
25
philosophic
|
|
| adj.哲学的，贤明的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
26
meditation
|
|
| n.熟虑，（尤指宗教的）默想，沉思，（pl.）冥想录 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
27
forth
|
|
| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
28
allurement
|
|
| n.诱惑物 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
29
intensified
|
|
| v.（使）增强， （使）加剧( intensify的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
30
asceticism
|
|
| n.禁欲主义 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
31
succumbed
|
|
| 不再抵抗（诱惑、疾病、攻击等）( succumb的过去式和过去分词 )； 屈从； 被压垮； 死 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
32
possessed
|
|
| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
33
monarch
|
|
| n.帝王，君主，最高统治者 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
34
dominant
|
|
| adj.支配的，统治的；占优势的；显性的；n.主因，要素，主要的人(或物)；显性基因 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
35
swarmed
|
|
| 密集( swarm的过去式和过去分词 )； 云集； 成群地移动； 蜜蜂或其他飞行昆虫成群地飞来飞去 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
36
vernacular
|
|
| adj.地方的，用地方语写成的；n.白话；行话；本国语；动植物的俗名 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
37
jurisdiction
|
|
| n.司法权，审判权，管辖权，控制权 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
38
wholesome
|
|
| adj.适合；卫生的；有益健康的；显示身心健康的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
39
awe
|
|
| n.敬畏，惊惧；vt.使敬畏，使惊惧 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
40
deity
|
|
| n.神，神性；被奉若神明的人(或物) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
41
sect
|
|
| n.派别，宗教，学派，派系 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
42
ERECTED
|
|
| adj. 直立的，竖立的，笔直的 vt. 使 ... 直立，建立 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
43
shrines
|
|
| 圣地，圣坛，神圣场所( shrine的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
44
invoking
|
|
| v.援引( invoke的现在分词 )；行使（权利等）；祈求救助；恳求 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
45
epithet
|
|
| n.（用于褒贬人物等的）表述形容词，修饰语 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
46
perpetuate
|
|
| v.使永存，使永记不忘 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
47
transformation
|
|
| n.变化；改造；转变 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
48
snobbishness
|
|
| 势利； 势利眼 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
49
glibly
|
|
| adv.流利地，流畅地；满口 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
50
adoption
|
|
| n.采用，采纳，通过；收养 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
51
loyalty
|
|
| n.忠诚，忠心 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
52
dominions
|
|
| 统治权( dominion的名词复数 )； 领土； 疆土； 版图 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
53
barbarians
|
|
| n.野蛮人( barbarian的名词复数 )；外国人；粗野的人；无教养的人 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
54
tainted
|
|
| adj.腐坏的；污染的；沾污的；感染的v.使变质( taint的过去式和过去分词 )；使污染；败坏；被污染，腐坏，败坏 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
55
unstable
|
|
| adj.不稳定的，易变的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
56
equilibrium
|
|
| n.平衡，均衡，相称，均势，平静 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
57
irresistible
|
|
| adj.非常诱人的，无法拒绝的，无法抗拒的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
58
precisely
|
|
| adv.恰好，正好，精确地，细致地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
59
indigenous
|
|
| adj.土产的，土生土长的，本地的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
60
rite
|
|
| n.典礼，惯例，习俗 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
61
specialized
|
|
| adj.专门的，专业化的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
62
elasticity
|
|
| n.弹性，伸缩力 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
63
psalm
|
|
| n.赞美诗，圣诗 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
64
mutual
|
|
| adj.相互的，彼此的；共同的，共有的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
65
soften
|
|
| v.(使)变柔软；(使)变柔和 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
66
embarrassments
|
|
| n.尴尬( embarrassment的名词复数 )；难堪；局促不安；令人难堪或耻辱的事 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
67
reciprocate
|
|
| v.往复运动；互换；回报，酬答 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
68
judicious
|
|
| adj.明智的，明断的，能作出明智决定的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
69
utilitarian
|
|
| adj.实用的，功利的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
70
conjecture
|
|
| n./v.推测，猜测 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
71
concise
|
|
| adj.简洁的，简明的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
72
oratorical
|
|
| adj.演说的，雄辩的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
73
motives
|
|
| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
74
dignified
|
|
| a.可敬的，高贵的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
75
redoubtable
|
|
| adj.可敬的；可怕的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
76
besieger
|
|
| n. 围攻者, 围攻军 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
|
77
noted
|
|
| adj.著名的，知名的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
78
prone
|
|
| adj.(to)易于…的，很可能…的；俯卧的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
79
scrupulous
|
|
| adj.审慎的，小心翼翼的，完全的，纯粹的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
80
friction
|
|
| n.摩擦，摩擦力 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
81
reactionary
|
|
| n.反动者，反动主义者；adj.反动的，反动主义的，反对改革的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
82
justify
|
|
| vt.证明…正当(或有理)，为…辩护 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
83
opposition
|
|
| n.反对，敌对 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
84
imminence
|
|
| n.急迫，危急 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
85
peril
|
|
| n.(严重的)危险；危险的事物 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
86
vividly
|
|
| adv.清楚地，鲜明地，生动地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
87
lapsed
|
|
| adj.流失的，堕落的v.退步( lapse的过去式和过去分词 )；陷入；倒退；丧失 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
88
renaissance
|
|
| n.复活，复兴，文艺复兴 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
89
deliberately
|
|
| adv.审慎地；蓄意地；故意地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
90
reactionaries
|
|
| n.反动分子，反动派( reactionary的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
91
actively
|
|
| adv.积极地，勤奋地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
92
marrow
|
|
| n.骨髓；精华；活力 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
93
isolated
|
|
| adj.与世隔绝的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
94
speculation
|
|
| n.思索，沉思；猜测；投机 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
95
discrepancies
|
|
| n.差异，不符合（之处），不一致（之处）( discrepancy的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
96
enumerate
|
|
| v.列举，计算，枚举，数 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
97
scanty
|
|
| adj.缺乏的，仅有的，节省的，狭小的，不够的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
98
interpretation
|
|
| n.解释，说明，描述；艺术处理 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
99
devoted
|
|
| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
100
overtures
|
|
| n.主动的表示，提议；（向某人做出的）友好表示、姿态或提议( overture的名词复数 )；（歌剧、芭蕾舞、音乐剧等的）序曲，前奏曲 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
101
lawsuits
|
|
| n.诉讼( lawsuit的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
102
ordained
|
|
| v.任命（某人）为牧师( ordain的过去式和过去分词 )；授予（某人）圣职；（上帝、法律等）命令；判定 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
103
undoing
|
|
| n.毁灭的原因，祸根；破坏，毁灭 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
104
treacherous
|
|
| adj.不可靠的，有暗藏的危险的；adj.背叛的，背信弃义的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
105
sedition
|
|
| n.煽动叛乱 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
106
wilful
|
|
| adj.任性的，故意的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
107
psalms
|
|
| n.赞美诗( psalm的名词复数 )；圣诗；圣歌；(中的) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
108
gratuitous
|
|
| adj.无偿的，免费的；无缘无故的，不必要的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
109
patriot
|
|
| n.爱国者，爱国主义者 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
110
partisans
|
|
| 游击队员( partisan的名词复数 )； 党人； 党羽； 帮伙 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
111
zeal
|
|
| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
112
disintegrating
|
|
| v.（使）破裂[分裂，粉碎]，（使）崩溃( disintegrate的现在分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
113
apostasy
|
|
| n.背教，脱党 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
114
corporate
|
|
| adj.共同的，全体的；公司的，企业的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
115
applied
|
|
| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
116
polemic
|
|
| n.争论，论战 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
117
monarchy
|
|
| n.君主，最高统治者；君主政体，君主国 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
118
fanaticism
|
|
| n.狂热，盲信 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
119
fanatics
|
|
| 狂热者，入迷者( fanatic的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
120
cohering
|
|
| v.黏合( cohere的现在分词 )；联合；结合；（指看法、推理等）前后一致 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
121
apostates
|
|
| n.放弃原来信仰的人( apostate的名词复数 )；叛教者；脱党者；反叛者 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
|
122
parvenus
|
|
| n.暴富者( parvenu的名词复数 )；暴发户；新贵；傲慢自负的人 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
123
invective
|
|
| n.痛骂，恶意抨击 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
124
precipitated
|
|
| v.（突如其来地）使发生( precipitate的过去式和过去分词 )；促成；猛然摔下；使沉淀 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
125
scruple
|
|
| n./v.顾忌，迟疑 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
126
intervention
|
|
| n.介入，干涉，干预 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
127
irreconcilable
|
|
| adj.（指人）难和解的，势不两立的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
| 欢迎访问英文小说网 |