Except in this general way, he can scarcely be said to have a personality at all to the writers of the Books of Maccabees. He is merely the type of tyrant3, proud and presumptuous4, unduly5 exalting6 himself above God because of his vain and transitory successes, and dying in agony, after an edifying7 deathbed repentance8. No more than the Nebuchadnezzar of the Book of Daniel, is he anything other than an instrument of the wrath9 of God. It is hard to believe that there was any real feeling on the writer’s part.
But Antiochus had a real personality and an especially interesting one. Both in modern and in ancient times characterization of this strange figure has been 136attempted, and the verdicts have been so widely different that the summary may be given in Livy’s words: Uti nec sibi nec aliis, quinam homo esset, satis constaret, “So that neither he himself nor anyone else could clearly state what manner of man he was.”
The freakish outbursts, which amazed and scandalized his contemporaries, amply justified11 the common parody12 of his title Epiphanes by Epimanes, “the madman.”[126] Some there were—perhaps his royal nephew and biographer, Ptolemy of Egypt, among them—who regarded him as unqualifiedly demented.[127] It is likely enough, if the stories about him are even partly true, that he had periods of real derangement13. But it seems evident that he was a right royal personage, of unusual charm of manner, of undoubted military capacity, quick and decisive in action, fostering a dream of empire whose rude shattering must have been an important contributing cause to his death.
ANTIOCHUS (IV) EPIPHANES
AFTER A COIN
(From a drawing by Ralph Iligan)
His was a strange blend. Various epochs met in him, and it is not surprising that many incongruities15 resulted from that fact. First of all he was in every sense a Macedonian despot. Macedonians had always been accustomed to the concentration of supreme16 power in the hands of a single individual. For four or five generations Antiochus’ immediate17 ancestors had wielded19 such power over a rabble20 of nations stretching from the Aegean to the frontiers of India.[128] The emotional reactions which the existence and the possession of this power must have, were present in him. One constant result of it, the absence of any real social life, is an 137especially fertile source of deterioration21, but the worst effects are noticed chiefly in those born to the purple. Antiochus’ exile saved him from them. Yet nothing could save him from the consciousness that he might, if he chose, gratify every whim22, and yield to every impulse, and his associates found quickly enough that his bonhomie and engaging simplicity23 were moods, which might be succeeded by bursts of quite incalculable and murderous rage.
There was the additional fact that the monarchy24 founded by Alexander was in legal contemplation the reign of a god made flesh. Seleucus, we may remember, entered almost at once into the titularies of Sumer and Akkad.[129] The second Antiochus was styled “the God,” Θε??, tout25 simple. Our Antiochus called himself Epiphanes—which, it need scarcely be said, is to be translated “the Manifest Deity26,” and not “the Illustrious.”[130] And, at any rate at certain moments, the designation was doubtless a real one to him and not a conscious pose. Worship of the king, the foundation of the later Augustus-cult27, was an apparent unifying28 element in the hopeless jumble29 of gods and rituals. For that purpose it might be encouraged even by hard-headed peasants like Vespasian, or philosophers like Marcus, who had no illusions about the character of their divinity. But that Alexander in all sincerity30 believed himself to be god can scarcely be questioned, and Epiphanes may often have similarly impressed himself.
138Secondly, he was a Greek. Hellenism was to him a real and profound enthusiasm. His early life as a Roman hostage must have immensely stimulated32 this side of his character. At Rome his associates were the Scipionic circle, to whom Greek culture had come as a revelation. The distinguished33 Roman families with whom the young prince lived read Greek, spoke34 Greek, discussed Greek, and were eager to act as the interpreters of Hellenism to their slower-witted countrymen. In these surroundings anyone boasting not only Greek but regal blood must have found his racial self-esteem flattered to an extraordinary degree. Antiochus’ first act on his release was to betake himself to the intellectual capital of Greece, to Athens, in whose citizenry he eagerly enrolled35 himself. In fact, he was an Athenian magistrate—στρατηγ?? ?π? τ? ?πλα[131]—when news came to him of the assassination36 of his brother Seleucus and of the opportunities waiting one who could act quickly.
When he was king, so much of his policy as did not look to the aggrandizement37 of his empire was directed to the rehabilitation38 of Greek cities and temples. Megalopolis39, Tegea in Arcadia, Delos, Rhodes, were the beneficiaries of his Philhellenic enthusiasm. The truckling Samaritans—at least the Hellenizing party among them—knew that nothing would make a quicker appeal to him than to rename the sanctuary40 on Gerizim in honor of Zeus Hellenius.[132] He would probably have found it difficult to understand that anyone could seriously maintain the claims of any other culture against that of the Greeks, and no doubt received as a 139matter of course the representations of the Jewish Hellenizers that a little impetus41 would greatly expedite the Hellenizing process in Palestine.
When we find Antiochus, king of kings, Manifest God, soliciting42 the suffrages43 of the Antiochene burghers for the office of “market-commissioner,” or of “district mayor,”[133] we are not to regard it as an eccentricity44 of the same sort that set him wrangling45 in the public squares with Hob and Dick, or pouring priceless ointments46 on his fellow-bathers in the public baths.[134] The maintenance of the structure of the Greek polis was an expression of Hellenic pride in a characteristically Hellenic institution. No one, to be sure, was deceived by it into thinking that Citizen Antiochus could not incontinently change into an irresponsible master at will, but, comedy as it was, it had a real significance, which did not escape even the scoffers and, least of all, the king.
Finally there was an ultra-modern side in him. Antiochus was also a cultivated gentleman, to whom skepticism was an index of education and sacrilege a concrete instance of skepticism. He lived in a very unsettling age. As has been said before, the Greek culture that found its way into Rome after the Hannibalic wars was a sophisticated, disintegrating47 culture, to which the ancient institutions had at best a practical utility, and which acknowledged theoretically no binding48 principles in the physical or moral world. It was in this culture that the young Antiochus was reared. He was not alone in it. Many of the incidents of this period show a revolting cynicism on the part of the 140actors. One Greek commander erected49 altars to “Impiety50 and Illegality.” A Spartan51 brigand52 called himself “Hybristas,” “the Outrager.”[135]
Indeed it was as a wanton desecrater of shrines53 that Antiochus gained an unenviable notoriety. His pillaging54 of the temple at Jerusalem was only one of a series of similar acts. At Hierapolis, as well as at many other Syrian shrines, and finally at Elymaea, he coolly appropriated the temple treasures, which in most cases involved violence on his part. But it needed his outrageous55 “marriage” to Diana to set the seal upon his derisive56 attitude toward his fellow-gods. The sober Polybius attributes his death to his impiety, a conclusion which naturally is warmly supported by Josephus.[136]
It is idle to attempt to reconcile this sort of cynicism with the pretensions57 to actual divinity which he probably made in all seriousness. The two are of course quite irreconcilable58, and represent merely the shifting moods of a complex and slightly abnormal personality. Under almost any king such an outbreak as the Hasmonean revolt might have taken place. Perhaps the conflict was inevitable59. But the form the conflict took, the high degree of religious and national enthusiasm which it evoked60, and the powerful aid that enthusiasm gave to the propaganda which was preparing itself, were directly consequent upon the character of Antiochus the God Manifest. The rigor61 and thoroughness with which he strove to suppress the Jewish cult were characteristic of him. His indifference62 to sacred traditions made his violation63 of the temple almost a casual act 141on his part, his Hellenism justified his plans, and his despotic nature, raging under the humiliating rebuff he had received from Rome, found an outlet64 in the punishment of a disobedient province.
The writer of I Maccabees places the responsibility for the persecution65 by Antiochus directly upon the Jews themselves. Many, he tells, were persuaded to identify themselves wholly with the Greeks.[137] The first offense66 to Jewish religious sentiment did not come from the king at all. The men who waited upon Antiochus, and obtained permission to set up a gymnasium at Jerusalem, acted quite of their own volition67. Antiochus’ direct action in the matter begins with his return from Egypt. “Embittered and groaning,” Polybius says, he left Egypt and returned to Syria. Now, just what happened in Judea is not quite clear. First Maccabees tells of an unprovoked pillage68 of the temple and a massacre69 of the people. Second Maccabees reports a furious struggle between the two pretenders, Menelaus and Jason, upon a rumor70 of the king’s death. In all likelihood the fight ended with the discomfiture71 of Antiochus’ appointee, Menelaus, and the king immediately proceeded to rescue him. The sack of Jerusalem and a massacre followed. No doubt the massacre was no worse than befell any captured city, since of a special policy of extermination72 there can as yet have been no question.
Menelaus was restored, the temple treasures were surrendered to the king, and, either directly or after an interval73 of two years, the programme of forcible suppression of the Jewish cult was announced.
142It is for this programme that an adequate explanation is wanting. There is nothing really quite like it in Greek history. Not that religious persecution, or the suppression of an obnoxious74 cult, was an unheard-of undertaking75. The establishment of the worship of Dionysus had encountered vigorous opposition76 in continental77 Greece. A probable tradition recounts the attempts at thorough repression78 with which several Greek communities, notably79 Thebes, met the intruder.[138] But this movement had as its object the preservation80 of an ancestral religion, not its destruction. To compel anyone to abjure81 his national customs, to forsake82 τ? π?τρια, must have seemed monstrous83 to all people in whom the sense of kinship with the deity, and the belief in the god’s local jurisdiction84, were as strong as they were among the Greeks.
Somewhat later, among the Romans, a successful attempt was made to extirpate85 the Druidic ritual in Cisalpine Gaul. As far as this was an effort to destroy root and branch an ancient and established form of worship, it presents many analogies to the project of Antiochus. But the persecution of the Druids was based on specific charges of immoral86 and anti-social practices associated with their ritual, especially that of human sacrifices. That may have been a pretext87. The Druids may not after all have been guilty of these enormities. However, the pretext was at least advanced, and the exile of Druidic brotherhoods88 and the destruction of their sanctuaries89 were publicly justified only by that.[139]
143In the case of the Jews no such assertions are to be discovered. Antiochus, instigated90 by renegade Jews, sets about a systematic91 obliteration92 of the distinctively93 Jewish ritual. The synagogue services were to be checked by the destruction of the Torah. Perhaps periodic reunions in the synagogue were forbidden altogether, since meetings of citizens were proverbially looked at askance in monarchies94.[140] The temple was rededicated to the Olympian Zeus, and the ceremony of circumcision was made a capital offense. Observance of the Sabbath was construed95 as treason. No detail was overlooked.
This complete scheme is not to be explained by the existence of a strong animosity toward the Jews. There is, in the first place, none of the evidence that was met with in Egypt, that such animosity existed. And, secondly31, animosity between racial groups expressed itself in bloody96 riots, not in a carefully prepared plan for extirpating97 a religion while sparing its professors. Nor can we find in the personal character of Antiochus a sufficient cause for the persecution. He undoubtedly98 exhibited the gusts99 of passion common enough among those who wield18 irresponsible power, but the sustained and bloody vindictiveness100 of such a programme is a very different thing.
It has been frequently suggested that his cherished policy was the thorough Hellenization of his empire, that among the Jews only was there a determined101 resistance, that upon learning that the basis of their resistance was a devoted102 attachment103 to their ancestral 144superstition, he determined to root out the latter. The difficulties with this view are, first, that opposition was not confined to the Jews, but was met with everywhere—a dull and voiceless opposition, which, however, unmistakably existed. Secondly, among the Jews a very large number, we are told, “were persuaded”; and it is highly likely that Antiochus came in direct contact wholly with the latter, or almost wholly, so that the situation in Judea cannot have impressed him as radically104 different from that of Syria or Babylonia.
But, above all, it is the conclusion that the obstacles to his policy would lead to persecution on his part, which is more than doubtful. No one could have known better than he did himself that ancestral religious customs are not to be eradicated105 by violence. The Egypt which was so nearly in his grasp might have taught him that, if nothing else could. There the indigenous106 religion had triumphed. He himself, upon his entry into the kingdom, had crowned himself more Aegyptico, “after the Egyptian fashion,”[141] that is, with full acknowledgment of the sovereignty of Ptah and Isis over their ancient demesnes.
We shall probably have to look to the Hellenizing Jews not only for the initiation107, but for the systematic carrying out, of the policy of persecution. And, as has been suggested, it is one of the commonest phenomena108 of ancient life. There was scarcely a Greek city in which a defeated faction109 had not at some time summoned the public enemy into the city, and by their aid taken a cruel vengeance110 on their opponents. If the 145Hellenizing faction in Judea found its influence waning111, its action was from the point of view of ancient times natural enough. It appealed to foreign aid and strove systematically112 to stamp out the institutions it opposed, just as at Athens the Athenian oligarchs, placed in power by Spartan arms, tried to maintain themselves by wholesale113 proscription114 and by systematically removing all the democratic institutions that had developed since Clearchus.[142]
It is likely too that the impelling115 motive116 was not solely117 the rancor118 which apostates119 feel for the faith or nation they have quitted. They saw themselves in the presence of a real danger. Among them was to be found most of the wealth of the community, and no doubt a great deal of the intellectual culture. Many of them were already in the third or fourth generation of Hellenistic Jews. The ancient ritual had for these men no personal associations whatever. In the various communes they enjoyed the position which wealth necessarily, and in those days especially, brought. That there was any virtue120 in poverty or privation in themselves had not yet been preached to the world, and would have seemed a wild paradox121; and although the vanity of wealth without wisdom was a philosophic122 truism, ordinary wits would not always trust themselves to make the distinction.
When these men, who formed almost a hereditary123 nobility, and already cherished a superb aloofness124 from the mass, felt their influence and power challenged, perhaps saw themselves outvoted in the governing 146councils of the synagogues and communes, and the foundations of their petty glory sapped, they were roused to a counter-effort, of which the results have been indicated. The danger in which they found themselves came from the Hasidim, the group of brotherhoods that made a conscious opposition to Hellenism their bond of union. In Egypt the opposition had found its organs in the caste-like corporations of priests. In Judea the organs had to be created. And that they were successful, the words of I Maccabees testify. They contained the leaders of the nation; their position was already one of dominating influence.
It is unnecessary to detail the course of the Hasmonean revolt. Even the brilliant successes of Judas in the field, and the less splendid but equally solid triumphs of his brothers, would have had fewer political consequences than they had except for the chaos125 in the Seleucid succession. But of the permanent triumph of the movement there was never any doubt. If the revolt had ended with the death of Judas, the discomfiture of the Hellenists would have been complete. No Macedonian king would ever be tempted10 to provoke another revolt by a similar project. It could never be a part of a sane126 ruler’s policy to sacrifice valuable military material in order to gratify a local faction. And it must never be forgotten that the Greek rule of the Syrian kingdom was the domination of a military class. Every diminution127 of the army was a dead loss.
The suggestion may be hazarded that not merely the Hellenistic Jews, but also the Greeks themselves, viewed 147the progress of the Hasidim with real alarm. We are far as yet from the epoch14 of real propaganda, but to some extent it may already have begun. Where and when we can only speculate. Perhaps the fervor128 of Hasidic preaching had touched non-Jewish Syrians; perhaps some of the younger men of the Hellenists “relapsed” under Hasidic stimulation129 into Judaism. However the case may be, Greeks of influence may have noted130 that the Grecizing of Coele-Syria was not merely hindered by obstacles in Judea, but that the Judaizing of portions already won was a possibility that was attaining131 a constantly greater vividness. If this was the case, the persecution by Antiochus was a precaution, insensate and futile132, but less at variance133 with Greek methods than it seems in the usual interpretation134 of the facts we know.
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1
reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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gall
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| v.使烦恼，使焦躁，难堪；n.磨难 | |
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tyrant
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| n.暴君，专制的君主，残暴的人 | |
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presumptuous
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| adj.胆大妄为的，放肆的，冒昧的，冒失的 | |
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unduly
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| adv.过度地，不适当地 | |
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6
exalting
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| a.令人激动的，令人喜悦的 | |
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7
edifying
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| adj.有教训意味的，教训性的，有益的v.开导，启发( edify的现在分词 ) | |
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8
repentance
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| n.懊悔 | |
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wrath
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| n.愤怒，愤慨，暴怒 | |
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10
tempted
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| v.怂恿（某人）干不正当的事；冒…的险（tempt的过去分词） | |
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justified
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| a.正当的，有理的 | |
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parody
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| n.打油诗文，诙谐的改编诗文，拙劣的模仿；v.拙劣模仿，作模仿诗文 | |
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derangement
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| n.精神错乱 | |
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epoch
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| n.(新)时代；历元 | |
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incongruities
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| n.不协调( incongruity的名词复数 )；不一致；不适合；不协调的东西 | |
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supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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wield
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| vt.行使，运用，支配；挥，使用(武器等) | |
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wielded
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| 手持着使用（武器、工具等）( wield的过去式和过去分词 )； 具有； 运用（权力）； 施加（影响） | |
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rabble
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| n.乌合之众，暴民；下等人 | |
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deterioration
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| n.退化；恶化；变坏 | |
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whim
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| n.一时的兴致，突然的念头；奇想，幻想 | |
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simplicity
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| n.简单，简易；朴素；直率，单纯 | |
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monarchy
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| n.君主，最高统治者；君主政体，君主国 | |
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tout
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| v.推销，招徕；兜售；吹捧，劝诱 | |
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deity
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| n.神，神性；被奉若神明的人(或物) | |
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cult
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| n.异教，邪教；时尚，狂热的崇拜 | |
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unifying
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| 使联合( unify的现在分词 )； 使相同； 使一致； 统一 | |
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jumble
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| vt.使混乱，混杂；n.混乱；杂乱的一堆 | |
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sincerity
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| n.真诚，诚意；真实 | |
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secondly
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| adv.第二，其次 | |
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stimulated
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| a.刺激的 | |
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distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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enrolled
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| adj.入学登记了的v.[亦作enrol]( enroll的过去式和过去分词 )；登记，招收，使入伍（或入会、入学等），参加，成为成员；记入名册；卷起，包起 | |
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assassination
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| n.暗杀；暗杀事件 | |
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aggrandizement
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| n.增大，强化，扩大 | |
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rehabilitation
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| n.康复，悔过自新，修复，复兴，复职，复位 | |
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megalopolis
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| n.特大城市 | |
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sanctuary
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| n.圣所，圣堂，寺庙；禁猎区，保护区 | |
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impetus
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| n.推动，促进，刺激；推动力 | |
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soliciting
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| v.恳求( solicit的现在分词 )；（指娼妇）拉客；索求；征求 | |
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43
suffrages
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| （政治性选举的）选举权，投票权( suffrage的名词复数 ) | |
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eccentricity
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| n.古怪，反常，怪癖 | |
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45
wrangling
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| v.争吵，争论，口角( wrangle的现在分词 ) | |
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46
ointments
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| n.软膏( ointment的名词复数 )；扫兴的人；煞风景的事物；药膏 | |
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47
disintegrating
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| v.（使）破裂[分裂，粉碎]，（使）崩溃( disintegrate的现在分词 ) | |
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48
binding
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| 有约束力的，有效的，应遵守的 | |
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49
ERECTED
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| adj. 直立的，竖立的，笔直的 vt. 使 ... 直立，建立 | |
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50
impiety
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| n.不敬；不孝 | |
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51
spartan
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| adj.简朴的，刻苦的；n.斯巴达；斯巴达式的人 | |
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52
brigand
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| n.土匪，强盗 | |
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53
shrines
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| 圣地，圣坛，神圣场所( shrine的名词复数 ) | |
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54
pillaging
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| v.抢劫，掠夺( pillage的现在分词 ) | |
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55
outrageous
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| adj.无理的，令人不能容忍的 | |
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56
derisive
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| adj.嘲弄的 | |
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pretensions
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| 自称( pretension的名词复数 )； 自命不凡； 要求； 权力 | |
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58
irreconcilable
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| adj.（指人）难和解的，势不两立的 | |
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inevitable
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| adj.不可避免的，必然发生的 | |
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evoked
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| [医]诱发的 | |
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61
rigor
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| n.严酷，严格，严厉 | |
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indifference
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| n.不感兴趣，不关心，冷淡，不在乎 | |
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63
violation
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| n.违反(行为)，违背(行为)，侵犯 | |
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64
outlet
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| n.出口/路；销路；批发商店；通风口；发泄 | |
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persecution
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| n. 迫害,烦扰 | |
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66
offense
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| n.犯规，违法行为；冒犯，得罪 | |
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volition
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| n.意志；决意 | |
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68
pillage
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| v.抢劫；掠夺；n.抢劫，掠夺；掠夺物 | |
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massacre
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| n.残杀，大屠杀；v.残杀，集体屠杀 | |
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rumor
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| n.谣言，谣传，传说 | |
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discomfiture
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| n.崩溃；大败；挫败；困惑 | |
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extermination
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| n.消灭，根绝 | |
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interval
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| n.间隔，间距；幕间休息，中场休息 | |
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74
obnoxious
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| adj.极恼人的，讨人厌的，可憎的 | |
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undertaking
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| n.保证，许诺，事业 | |
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opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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77
continental
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| adj.大陆的，大陆性的，欧洲大陆的 | |
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repression
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| n.镇压，抑制，抑压 | |
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notably
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| adv.值得注意地，显著地，尤其地，特别地 | |
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preservation
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| n.保护，维护，保存，保留，保持 | |
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81
abjure
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| v.发誓放弃 | |
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82
forsake
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| vt.遗弃，抛弃；舍弃，放弃 | |
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83
monstrous
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| adj.巨大的；恐怖的；可耻的，丢脸的 | |
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84
jurisdiction
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| n.司法权，审判权，管辖权，控制权 | |
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extirpate
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| v.除尽，灭绝 | |
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immoral
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| adj.不道德的，淫荡的，荒淫的，有伤风化的 | |
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pretext
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| n.借口，托词 | |
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88
brotherhoods
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| 兄弟关系( brotherhood的名词复数 )； （总称）同行； （宗教性的）兄弟会； 同业公会 | |
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sanctuaries
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| n.避难所( sanctuary的名词复数 )；庇护；圣所；庇护所 | |
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instigated
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| v.使（某事物）开始或发生，鼓动( instigate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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systematic
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| adj.有系统的，有计划的，有方法的 | |
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obliteration
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| n.涂去，删除；管腔闭合 | |
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distinctively
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| adv.特殊地，区别地 | |
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monarchies
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| n. 君主政体, 君主国, 君主政治 | |
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construed
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| v.解释（陈述、行为等）( construe的过去式和过去分词 )；翻译，作句法分析 | |
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bloody
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| adj.非常的的；流血的；残忍的；adv.很；vt.血染 | |
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extirpating
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| v.消灭，灭绝( extirpate的现在分词 )；根除 | |
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undoubtedly
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| adv.确实地，无疑地 | |
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gusts
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| 一阵强风( gust的名词复数 )； （怒、笑等的）爆发； （感情的）迸发； 发作 | |
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vindictiveness
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| 恶毒；怀恨在心 | |
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determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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102
devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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attachment
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| n.附属物，附件；依恋；依附 | |
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104
radically
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| ad.根本地，本质地 | |
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eradicated
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| 画着根的 | |
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indigenous
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| adj.土产的，土生土长的，本地的 | |
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initiation
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| n.开始 | |
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108
phenomena
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| n.现象 | |
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109
faction
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| n.宗派，小集团；派别；派系斗争 | |
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vengeance
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| n.报复，报仇，复仇 | |
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111
waning
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| adj.（月亮）渐亏的，逐渐减弱或变小的n.月亏v.衰落( wane的现在分词 )；（月）亏；变小；变暗淡 | |
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systematically
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| adv.有系统地 | |
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113
wholesale
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| n.批发；adv.以批发方式；vt.批发，成批出售 | |
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114
proscription
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| n.禁止，剥夺权利 | |
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115
impelling
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| adj.迫使性的，强有力的v.推动、推进或敦促某人做某事( impel的现在分词 ) | |
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116
motive
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| n.动机，目的；adv.发动的，运动的 | |
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117
solely
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| adv.仅仅，唯一地 | |
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118
rancor
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| n.深仇，积怨 | |
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119
apostates
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| n.放弃原来信仰的人( apostate的名词复数 )；叛教者；脱党者；反叛者 | |
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virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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paradox
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| n.似乎矛盾却正确的说法；自相矛盾的人(物) | |
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122
philosophic
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| adj.哲学的，贤明的 | |
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123
hereditary
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| adj.遗传的，遗传性的，可继承的，世袭的 | |
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124
aloofness
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| 超然态度 | |
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125
chaos
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| n.混乱，无秩序 | |
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126
sane
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| adj.心智健全的，神志清醒的，明智的，稳健的 | |
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127
diminution
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| n.减少；变小 | |
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128
fervor
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| n.热诚；热心；炽热 | |
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129
stimulation
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| n.刺激，激励，鼓舞 | |
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130
noted
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| adj.著名的，知名的 | |
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131
attaining
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| （通常经过努力）实现( attain的现在分词 )； 达到； 获得； 达到（某年龄、水平、状况） | |
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132
futile
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| adj.无效的，无用的，无希望的 | |
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133
variance
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| n.矛盾，不同 | |
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134
interpretation
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| n.解释，说明，描述；艺术处理 | |
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