But, as a matter of fact, they did change them. And the change was often effected consciously by the planned efforts of a group of worshipers, and in all the ways that have been used since—preaching, emotional revivals4, and forcible conquest. One such carefully planned effort was that of the Jews, but only one of them. The circumstances in which this propaganda was carried out need close investigation6.
149In discussing Greek religion (above, p. 34) it has been suggested that there was in every community a large number of men who found no real satisfaction in the state cult7, and that it was chiefly among them that the proselytes of new and foreign religions were to be found. But that does not make us understand why these foreign religions should have sought proselytes, why they should have felt themselves under obligations to assume a mission. The stranger within the gates might reasonably be expected to do honor to the divine lord of the city: if he remained permanently8, his inclusion in the civic9 family in some way is natural. But what was it that impelled10 Isis to seek worshipers so far from the Nile, where alone she could be properly adored, or the mysterious Cabiri to go so far from the caves where their power was greatest and most direct?[143]
The movement of which these special missions are phases was old and extensive. It covered the entire Eastern Mediterranean, and went perhaps further west and east than we can at present demonstrate. Its beginnings probably antedated12 the Hellenes. The religious unrest of which Christian13 missionaries14 made such excellent use was a phenomenon that goes back very far in the history of Mediterranean civilization. At certain periods of that history and in different places it reached culminating waves, but it is idle to attempt to discover a sufficient cause for it in a limited series of events within a circumscribed15 area of Greece or of Asia.
The briefest form in which the nature of this unrest can be phrased is the following—the quest for personal salvation16.
150We shall do well to remember that the ancient state was a real corporation, based not upon individuals but upon smaller family corporations. The rights of these corporations were paramount17. It was only gradually that individuals were recognized at all in law.[144] The desire for personal salvation is a part of the growing consciousness of personality, and must have begun almost as soon as the state corporation itself became fixed18.
Within a state only those individuals can have relatively19 free play who are to a certain extent the organs of the state; that is, those individuals who by conquest, wealth, or chance have secured for themselves political predominance in their respective communities. But these could never be more than a small minority. For the great majority everyday life was hemmed20 in by conventions that had the force of laws, and was restricted by legal limits drastically enforced. And this narrow and pitifully poor life was bounded by Sheol, or Hades, by a condition eloquently21 described as worse at its best than the least desirable existence under the face of the insufferable sun.[145]
The warrior22 caste, for whom and of whom the Homeric poems were written, were firmly convinced that the bloodless and sinewless life in the House of Hades was the goal to which existence tended. But they found their compensation in that existence itself. What of those who lacked these compensations, or had learned to despise them? In them the prospect23 of becoming lost in the mass of flitting and indistinguishable 151shadows must have produced a profound horror, and their minds must have dwelt upon it with increasing intensity24.
It is one of the most ancient beliefs of men in this region that all the dead become disembodied spirits, sometimes with power for good or evil, so that their displeasure is to be deprecated, sometimes without such power, as the Homeric nobles believed, and the mass of the Jews in the times of the monarchy25. These spirits or ghosts had of themselves no recognizable personality, and could receive it only exceptionally and in ways that violated the ordinary laws of the universe. Such a belief is not strictly26 a belief in immortality27 at all, since the essence of the latter is that the actual person of flesh and blood continues his identity when flesh and blood are dissolved and disappear, and that the characteristics which, except for form and feature, separated him from his fellows in life still do so after death. The only bodiless beings who could be said to have a personality were the gods, and they were directly styled “the Immortals28.”
However, the line that separated gods and men was not sharp. The adoration29 offered to the dead in the Spartan30 relief[146] is not really different from the worship of the Olympians. From the other side, in Homer, the progeny31 of Zeus by mortal women are very emphatically men.[147] Whether the Homeric view is a special development, it is demonstrably true that a general belief was current in Greece not long after the Homeric epoch32, which saw no impossibility in favored men 152securing the gift of immortality; that is, continuing without interruption the personal life which alone had significance. This was done by the translations—the removal of mortal men in the flesh to kinship with the gods.[148]
This privilege of personal immortality was not connected, in the myths that told of it, with eminent33 services. It was at all times a matter of grace. In the form of bodily translation it always remained a rare and miraculous34 exception. But the mere35 existence of such a belief must have strongly influenced the beliefs and practices that had long been connected with the dead.
We cannot tell where and when it was first suggested to men that the shadow-life of Hades might by the grace of the gods be turned into real life, and a real immortality secured. It may be, as has been supposed, that the incentive36 came from Egypt. More likely, however, it was an independent growth, and perhaps arose in more than one place. The favor and grace of the gods, which were indispensable, could obviously be gained by intimate association, and in the eighth and perhaps even the ninth pre-Christian century we begin to hear in Greece of means of entering into that association. One of these means was the “mystery,” of which the Eleusinian is the best-known. In these cult-societies, of the origin of which we know nothing, a close and intimate association with the god or gods was offered. The initiated37 saw with their own eyes the godhead perform certain ceremonial acts; perhaps they sat cheek by jowl with him. It is obvious that such 153familiarity involved the especial favor of the gods, and it is easy to understand that the final and crowning mark of that favor would not be always withheld38. The communion with the god begun in this life would be continued after it. To the mystae of Eleusis, and no doubt elsewhere, and to them only, was promised a personal immortality.[149]
It may not have been first at Eleusis. It may have been in the obscure corners of Thrace where what later appeared as Orphic societies was developed. But there were soon many mysteries, and there was no lack of men and women to whom the promise was inexpressibly sweet. The spread of Orphism in the sixth and fifth centuries B.C.E. bears witness to the eagerness with which the evangel was received.
Outside of Greece, in Persia, India, and Egypt, perhaps also in Babylonia, there were hereditary39 groups of men who claimed to possess an arcanum, whereby the supreme40 favor of the gods, that of eternal communion with them, was to be obtained. These hereditary castes desired no extension, but jealously guarded their privileges. But among them there constantly arose earnest and warm-hearted men, whose humanity impelled them to spread as widely as possible the boon41 which they had themselves obtained by accident. Perhaps many attempts in all these countries aborted42. Not all Gotamas succeeded in becoming Buddhas43.
The Jews seemed to the Greeks to possess just such an arcanum, and whatever interest they originally excited was due to that fact. The initiatory44 rite45 of circumcision, 154the exclusiveness of a ritual that did not brook46 even the proximate presence of an uninitiate, all pointed47 in that direction, even if we disregard the vigorously asserted claims of the Jews to be in a very special sense the people of God.
The Jews too had as far as the masses were concerned developed the belief in a personal immortality during the centuries that followed the Babylonian exile (comp. p. 70), and as far as we can see it developed among them at the same time and somewhat in the same way as elsewhere. That is to say, among them as among others the future life, the Olam ha-bo, was a privilege and was sought for with especial eagerness by those to whom the Olam ha-zeh was largely desolate48. Not reward for some and punishment for others, but complete exclusion49 from any life but that of Sheol for those who failed to acquire the Olam ha-bo, was the doctrine50 maintained, just as the Greek mystae knew that for those who were not initiated there was waiting, not the wheel of Ixion or the stone of Sisyphus, but the bleak51 non-existence of Hades.[150]
But there was a difference, and this difference became vital. Conduct was not disregarded in the Greek mysteries, but the essential thing was the fact of initiation52. Those who first preached the doctrine of a personal salvation to the Jews were conscious in so doing that they were preaching to a society of initiates53. They were all mystae; all had entered into the covenant54: all belonged to the congregation of the Lord, ??? ????. To whom was this boon of immortality, the Olam ha-bo, to 155be given? The first missionaries, whether they did or did not constitute a sect55, had a ready answer. To those to whom the covenant was real, who accepted fully5 the yoke56 of the Law.
The sects57 of Pharisees and Sadducees, whose disputes fill later Jewish history, joined issue on a number of points. No doubt there was an economic and social cleavage between them as well. But perhaps the most nearly fundamental difference of doctrine related to the Olam ha-bo. The Pharisees asserted, and the Sadducees denied, the doctrine of resurrection. It is stated by Josephus,[151] that the Sadducees called in question the Olam ha-bo itself. When and where these sects took form is uncertain. The Pharisees at least are fully developed, and form a powerful political party under John Hyrcanus.[152] It is very unlikely that they are related to the Hasidim or are a continuation of them. The latter were a national, anti-Hellenic organization, and contained men of all shades of beliefs and interests. But the Pharisees, like the Hasidim, began as a brotherhood58 or a group of brotherhoods59, however political their aims and actions were in later times. The fact is indicated by the name Haber, “comrade,” which they gave themselves, and the contemptuous Am ha-aretz, “clod,” ο? πολλο?, with which they designated those who were not members of their congregations.
Now the Haberim, who preached the World-to-Come, were not in a primitive60 stage of culture, but in a very advanced one. Their God was not master of a city, but Lord of the whole earth. And they had long maintained 156the principle that merit in the eyes of God was determined61 by conduct, both formal and moral, a distinction less profoundly separating than seems at first to be the case. If that were so, anyone, Jew or Gentile, might conceivably acquire that merit. How was the Olam ha-bo to be refused to anyone who had taken upon himself the yoke of the Law, who did all that the Lord required at his hands? Jewish tradition knew of several eminently62 righteous gentiles, such as Job, in whom God was well pleased. It was an untenable proposition to men whose cardinal63 religious doctrine had for centuries been ethical64 and universal that all but a few men were permanently excluded from the beatitude of life after death.[153]
Since, however, the promises of the sacred literature were addressed primarily to Israel, those who were not of Abraham’s seed could become “comrades” only by first becoming Jews. That conception involved no difficulty whatever. The people of the ancient world had empirically learned some of the more elementary facts of biological heredity; but membership in a community, though determined by heredity in the first instance, was not essentially65 so determined. In earlier times, when the communities were first instituted, not even the pretense66 of kinship was maintained. The essential fact was the assumption of common sacra.
That a man might by appropriate ceremonies—or without ceremonies—enter into another community, was held everywhere. If, as has been suggested (above, p. 147), the Hasidim found some of their members 157among the non-Jewish population of Syria,[154] it is not likely that the process of becoming Jews was rendered either difficult or long. Abraham, a late tradition stated, brought many gentiles under the wings of the Shekinah, the Effulgence67. If this tradition is an old one, it indicates that proselytizing68 was in early times held to be distinctly meritorious69.[155]
The first conquests of the Hasmonean rulers brought non-Jewish tribes under immediate70 political control of the Jews. Most of them, notably71 the Idumeans, were forcibly Judaized, and so successfully that we hear of only one attempted revolt.[156] There can of course have been no question here of elaborate ceremonies or lengthy72 novitiates. The Idumeans were dealt with as shortly as Charlemagne’s Saxons, and gave the most convincing demonstration73 of their loyalty74 in the time of the insurrections.[157]
This drastic way of increasing the seed of Abraham must have been viewed differently by different classes of Jews. To the Haberim the difference between a heathen and a Jewish aspirant75 to their communion lay in the fact that the heathen had undergone the fearful defilement76 of worshiping the Abomination, while the Jew had not. For the former there was accordingly necessary an elaborate series of purgations, of ceremonial cleansing77; and until this was done there was no hope that he could be admitted into the congregation of the Lord. But it might be done, and it began to be done in increasing numbers. It would have been strange if, among the many gentile seekers for salvation, Greek, 158Syrian, Cappadocian, and others, some would not be found to take the path that led to the conventicles of the Jewish Haberim. This was especially the case when, instead of an obscure Syrian tribe, the Hasmoneans had made of Judea a powerful nation, one of the most considerable of its part of the world.
All the mysteries welcomed neophytes, but none made the entrance into their ranks an easy matter. In some of them there were degrees, as in those of Cybele, and the highest degree was attained78 at so frightful79 a cost as practically to be reserved for the very few.[158] In the case of the Jews, one of the initiatory rites80 was peculiarly repellent to Greeks and Romans, in that it involved a bodily mutilation, which was performed not in the frenzy81 of an orgiastic revel82, but in the course of a solemn ritual of prayer. That fact might make many hesitate, but could not permanently deter2 those who earnestly sought for the way of life.
The Jewish propaganda was not confined to receiving and imposing83 conditions on those who came. Some at least sought converts, although it is very doubtful that the Pharisaic societies as a class planned a real mission among the heathen. The methods that were used were those already in vogue—methods which had achieved success in many fields. Books and pamphlets were published to further the purpose of the missionaries; personal solicitation84 of those deemed receptive was undertaken. Actual preaching, such as the diatribe85 commenced by the Cynics, and before them by Socrates, was probably confined to the synagogue, or meeting 159within the proseucha, and reached only those who were there assembled.[159]
The literary form of the propaganda was especially active in those communities in which Jews and Greeks spoke86 a common language and partly shared a common culture. Even books intended primarily for Jewish circulation contain polemics87 against polytheism and attacks upon heathen custom, which the avowed88 purpose of the book would not justify89.
It is not to be supposed that the literary propaganda was the most effective. It was limited by the very field for which it was intended. Such a book as the Wisdom of Solomon was both too subtle and too finished a product to appeal to other than highly cultivated tastes, and men of this stamp are not readily reached by propagandizing religions. The chief object of attack was the Greek polytheism. “Wisdom” ventures even on an historical explanation of polytheism, which is strangely like that of Herbert Spencer.[160] Now, just for the Greeks, who might read and understand such a book, to refute polytheism was destroying a man of straw. No one of them seriously believed in it. Those who were not agnostics or atheists believed in the unity3 of the Divine essence, and at most maintained the existence of certain subordinate ministerial beings, who might or might not be identical with the names of the actors in the myths. But many Jews would be ready to admit so much. Indeed that there were subordinate daemonia, helpful and harmful, was a widespread belief in Judea, even if without authoritative90 sanction. Very 160often the heathen gods were conceived to be not absolute nullities, but demons11 really existing and evil—a belief which the early Christian church firmly held and preached.[161]
Accordingly the polished society of a Greek city did not need the literary polemics against polytheism to be convinced that monotheism was an intellectually more developed and morally preferable dogma. On the other hand, it was a very difficult task to convince it that the ceremonies of the official cult, granting even their philosophic91 absurdity92, were for that reason objectionable. To make them seem so, there would have to be present the consciousness of sin, and that was not a matter which argumentation could produce.
One other point against which Jewish writers of that time address themselves is the assumed viciousness of Greek life. How much one people has with which to reproach another in that respect in ancient or in modern times need not be considered here. The fact remains93 that in many extant books sexual excesses and perversions94 are made a constant reproach to the heathen—which generally implies the Greek—and the extant Greek and Latin literature gives a great deal of color to the charge.[162] This is due not so much to the actual life depicted95 as to the attitude with which even good men regarded these particular incidents. It is true that we have contemporary evidence that many Jews in Greek communities were no paragons96 of right living or self-restraint. But it is at least significant that this accusation97, continually repeated by the Jews, is not met by 161a retort in kind. The anti-Jewish writings are not especially moderate in their condemnations. But with viciousness in their lives they do not charge the Jews, and they cannot have been unaware98 of what the Jews wrote and said.
Polytheism and immorality99, the two chief counts in the indictment100 which Jewish writers bring against heathendom, were not things Greeks were disposed to defend. But it is doubtful whether the books that inveighed101 against them were valuable weapons of propaganda. We have practically no details of how the movement grew. In the last century before the Christian era it had reached the extraordinary proportions that are evidenced by the satire102 of Horace as well as by the opposition103 which it encountered. Jewish apocalyptic104 literature confidently expects that all the heathen on the rapidly approaching Judgment105 Day will be brought within the fold.[163] The writers may be forgiven if the success of their proselytizing endeavors made them feel that such a result was well within the range of possibility.
Within the same period the worships of Cybele, of Sabazios, and of Isis, had perhaps even greater success in extending themselves over the Greek and Roman world. The communities they invaded only rarely welcomed them. Even at Rome the official introduction of Cybele was the last desperate recourse of avowed superstition106, and it was promptly107 restricted when success and prosperity returned to the Roman arms. But in all the communities great masses of men were thoroughly108 prepared 162in mind for the doctrines109 the Asiatic religions preached. A public preaching, such as the Cynics used, was rarely permitted. But if we recall how many slaves and ex-slaves as well as merchants and artisans were of Asiatic stock, the spread of these cults110, including that of the Jews, by the effective means of personal and individual conversion111 is nothing to be wondered at. The state was perforce compelled to notice this spread. Individuals had noticed it long before.
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Mediterranean
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| adj.地中海的；地中海沿岸的 | |
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deter
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| vt.阻止，使不敢，吓住 | |
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unity
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| n.团结，联合，统一；和睦，协调 | |
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revivals
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| n.复活( revival的名词复数 )；再生；复兴；（老戏多年后）重新上演 | |
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fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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investigation
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| n.调查，调查研究 | |
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cult
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| n.异教，邪教；时尚，狂热的崇拜 | |
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permanently
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| adv.永恒地，永久地，固定不变地 | |
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civic
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| adj.城市的，都市的，市民的，公民的 | |
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impelled
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| v.推动、推进或敦促某人做某事( impel的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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demons
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| n.恶人( demon的名词复数 )；恶魔；精力过人的人；邪念 | |
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antedated
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| v.（在历史上）比…为早( antedate的过去式和过去分词 )；先于；早于；（在信、支票等上）填写比实际日期早的日期 | |
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Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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missionaries
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| n.传教士( missionary的名词复数 ) | |
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circumscribed
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| adj.[医]局限的：受限制或限于有限空间的v.在…周围划线( circumscribe的过去式和过去分词 )；划定…范围；限制；限定 | |
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salvation
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| n.（尤指基督）救世，超度，拯救，解困 | |
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paramount
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| a.最重要的，最高权力的 | |
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fixed
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| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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relatively
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hemmed
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| 缝…的褶边( hem的过去式和过去分词 )； 包围 | |
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eloquently
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| adv. 雄辩地(有口才地, 富于表情地) | |
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warrior
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| n.勇士，武士，斗士 | |
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prospect
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| n.前景，前途；景色，视野 | |
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intensity
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| n.强烈，剧烈；强度；烈度 | |
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monarchy
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| n.君主，最高统治者；君主政体，君主国 | |
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strictly
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| adv.严厉地，严格地；严密地 | |
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immortality
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| n.不死，不朽 | |
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immortals
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| 不朽的人物( immortal的名词复数 )； 永生不朽者 | |
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adoration
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| n.爱慕，崇拜 | |
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spartan
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| adj.简朴的，刻苦的；n.斯巴达；斯巴达式的人 | |
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progeny
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| n.后代，子孙；结果 | |
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epoch
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| n.(新)时代；历元 | |
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eminent
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| adj.显赫的，杰出的，有名的，优良的 | |
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miraculous
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| adj.像奇迹一样的，不可思议的 | |
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mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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incentive
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| n.刺激；动力；鼓励；诱因；动机 | |
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initiated
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| n. 创始人 adj. 新加入的 vt. 开始，创始，启蒙，介绍加入 | |
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withheld
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| withhold过去式及过去分词 | |
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hereditary
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| adj.遗传的，遗传性的，可继承的，世袭的 | |
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supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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boon
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| n.恩赐，恩物，恩惠 | |
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aborted
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| adj.流产的，失败的v.（使）流产( abort的过去式和过去分词 )；（使）（某事物）中止；（因故障等而）（使）（飞机、宇宙飞船、导弹等）中断飞行；（使）（飞行任务等）中途失败 | |
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43
Buddhas
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| n.佛，佛陀，佛像( Buddha的名词复数 ) | |
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initiatory
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| adj.开始的；创始的；入会的；入社的 | |
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rite
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| n.典礼，惯例，习俗 | |
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brook
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| n.小河，溪；v.忍受，容让 | |
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pointed
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| adj.尖的，直截了当的 | |
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desolate
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| adj.荒凉的，荒芜的；孤独的，凄凉的；v.使荒芜，使孤寂 | |
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exclusion
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| n.拒绝，排除，排斥，远足，远途旅行 | |
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doctrine
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| n.教义；主义；学说 | |
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bleak
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| adj.(天气)阴冷的；凄凉的；暗淡的 | |
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52
initiation
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| n.开始 | |
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initiates
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| v.开始( initiate的第三人称单数 )；传授；发起；接纳新成员 | |
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covenant
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| n.盟约，契约；v.订盟约 | |
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sect
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| n.派别，宗教，学派，派系 | |
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yoke
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| n.轭；支配；v.给...上轭，连接，使成配偶 | |
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sects
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| n.宗派，教派( sect的名词复数 ) | |
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brotherhood
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| n.兄弟般的关系，手中情谊 | |
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brotherhoods
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| 兄弟关系( brotherhood的名词复数 )； （总称）同行； （宗教性的）兄弟会； 同业公会 | |
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primitive
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| adj.原始的；简单的；n.原(始)人，原始事物 | |
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determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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eminently
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| adv.突出地；显著地；不寻常地 | |
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cardinal
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| n.(天主教的)红衣主教；adj.首要的，基本的 | |
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ethical
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| adj.伦理的，道德的，合乎道德的 | |
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essentially
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| adv.本质上，实质上，基本上 | |
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pretense
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| n.矫饰，做作，借口 | |
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effulgence
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| n.光辉 | |
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proselytizing
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| v.（使）改变宗教信仰[政治信仰、意见等]，使变节( proselytize的现在分词 ) | |
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meritorious
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| adj.值得赞赏的 | |
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immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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notably
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| adv.值得注意地，显著地，尤其地，特别地 | |
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lengthy
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| adj.漫长的，冗长的 | |
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demonstration
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| n.表明，示范，论证，示威 | |
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loyalty
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| n.忠诚，忠心 | |
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aspirant
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| n.热望者；adj.渴望的 | |
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defilement
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| n.弄脏，污辱，污秽 | |
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cleansing
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| n. 净化(垃圾) adj. 清洁用的 动词cleanse的现在分词 | |
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attained
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| （通常经过努力）实现( attain的过去式和过去分词 )； 达到； 获得； 达到（某年龄、水平、状况） | |
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frightful
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| adj.可怕的；讨厌的 | |
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rites
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| 仪式，典礼( rite的名词复数 ) | |
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frenzy
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| n.疯狂，狂热，极度的激动 | |
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revel
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| vi.狂欢作乐，陶醉；n.作乐，狂欢 | |
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imposing
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| adj.使人难忘的，壮丽的，堂皇的，雄伟的 | |
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solicitation
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| n.诱惑；揽货；恳切地要求；游说 | |
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diatribe
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| n.抨击，抨击性演说 | |
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spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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polemics
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| n.辩论术，辩论法；争论( polemic的名词复数 )；辩论；辩论术；辩论法 | |
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avowed
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| adj.公开声明的，承认的v.公开声明，承认( avow的过去式和过去分词) | |
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justify
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| vt.证明…正当(或有理)，为…辩护 | |
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authoritative
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| adj.有权威的，可相信的；命令式的；官方的 | |
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philosophic
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| adj.哲学的，贤明的 | |
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absurdity
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| n.荒谬，愚蠢；谬论 | |
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remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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perversions
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| n.歪曲( perversion的名词复数 )；变坏；变态心理 | |
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depicted
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| 描绘，描画( depict的过去式和过去分词 )； 描述 | |
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paragons
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| n.模范( paragon的名词复数 )；典型；十全十美的人；完美无缺的人 | |
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accusation
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| n.控告，指责，谴责 | |
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unaware
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| a.不知道的，未意识到的 | |
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immorality
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| n. 不道德, 无道义 | |
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indictment
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| n.起诉；诉状 | |
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inveighed
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| v.猛烈抨击，痛骂，谩骂( inveigh的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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satire
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| n.讽刺，讽刺文学，讽刺作品 | |
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opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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apocalyptic
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| adj.预示灾祸的，启示的 | |
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judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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superstition
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| n.迷信，迷信行为 | |
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promptly
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| adv.及时地，敏捷地 | |
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thoroughly
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| adv.完全地，彻底地，十足地 | |
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doctrines
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| n.教条( doctrine的名词复数 )；教义；学说；（政府政策的）正式声明 | |
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cults
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| n.迷信( cult的名词复数 )；狂热的崇拜；（有极端宗教信仰的）异教团体 | |
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conversion
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| n.转化，转换，转变 | |
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