Most Greek states made ?σ?βεια, “impiety6,” a criminal offense7. But just what acts or omissions8 constituted impiety was in each case a question of fact, to be determined9 specially10 in every instance. At Athens various persons of greater and less distinction were prosecuted11 under that indictment—Socrates, Theophrastus, Phryne. In every one of these cases, the gravamen of the charge was that the defendant12 did not regard as gods those whom the state so regarded (μ? νομ?ζειν θεο?? ο?? ? π?λι? νομ?ζει, 164Plat. Apol. 24B and 26B), and taught so. In general, individual prosecutions13 such as these were deemed sufficient to repress the spread of dangerous doctrines15. It was not believed necessary to consider membership in any sect16 or community as prima facie evidence of such impiety, punishable without further investigation17. In later times, however, even this step was taken. Certain philosophic18 sects—which, we may remember, were corporately19 organized—were believed to be essentially20 impious. The city of Lyctos in Crete forbade any Epicurean to enter it under penalty of the most frightful21 tortures.[164]
We shall have to distinguish these police measures, which, when aimed at religious bodies, constitute an undoubted religious persecution22, from the mutual23 animosity with which hostile races in any community regarded each other and the bloody24 riots that resulted from it. In the new city of Seleucia in Babylonia, the Syrians, Jews, and Greeks that lived there were very far from realizing the purpose of the city’s founder25 and coalescing26 into a single community. Sanguinary conflicts, probably on very slight provocation27, frequently took place. Sometimes the Jews and Syrians combined against the Greeks; sometimes the Greeks and Syrians against the Jews, as recounted by Josephus.[165] The situation in Alexandria, where Egyptians hated Greeks, Jews, and doubtless all foreigners with a scarcely discriminating28 intensity29, is peculiar30 only because we are well informed of conditions there by the papyri. When any one of these nationalities gained the upper hand, 165there was likely to be a bloody suppression of its foes32, often followed by equally bloody reprisals33. Salamis, in Cyprus, is a grim witness of the frenzy34 with which neighbors could attack each other, when years of hostility35 culminated36 in a violent outbreak.[166]
The attitude of Greek states toward the Jewish congregations in their midst was certainly not uniformly hostile. But in many cases there could not help being a certain resentment37, owing to the fact that these congregations were by special grant generally immune from prosecution14 for impiety, although as a matter of fact they very emphatically “did not regard as gods those whom the state so regarded.” Of itself this circumstance might have been neglected, but the active and successful propaganda they undertook made them a source of real danger to the state. We therefore hear of attempts made sporadically38 to abrogate39 the immunity40, to compel the Jewish corporations to conform to the local law of ?σ?βεια. Nearly always, however, the immunity was a royal grant, and therefore unreachable by local legislation, a fact that did not tend to alleviate41 friction42 where it existed.[167]
At Rome police measures to suppress irreligion were long in existence. However, the Roman attitude toward any form of communion with gods or daemonia was so uniformly an attitude of dread43, that prohibition44 of religious rites45 and punishment of participants in them were not a task lightly assumed by a Roman magistrate47. The suppression of the Bacchanalia in 186 B.C.E. was nothing short of a religious persecution, but the 166utmost care was taken to make it appear to be directed against certain licentious48 practices alleged49 against the Bacchae, and the senate’s decree expressly authorizes50 the Bacchic rites, under certain restrictions51 deemed necessary to insure their harmlessness.[168] Very early the Isiac mysteries and other Eastern cults52 came within the animadversion of the urban police.[169] Here too the theory was that the crimes and immorality53 of the communicants were the sole objects of punishment, especially that species of fraud which took the form of magic and unofficial fortune-telling. In reality, however, all these pretexts54 covered the fact that the Romans felt their state ritual endangered, not by the presence, but by the spread, of such rituals among Romans; and in this their alarm was very well grounded indeed. But to proceed openly and boldly against any manifestation55 of a divine numen, was more than the average Roman board of aediles ventured to do.
If the official attitude of various communities toward outside cults and toward the Jews in particular can be brought under no general rule, we may be sure that the personal attitude of individual Greeks toward them varied56 from enthusiastic veneration57 to indifference58 and determined antagonism59. In certain cities the Jews as foreigners could not hope to escape odium nor the jealousy60 of competing individuals and organizations. In Egypt particularly, the feud61 between Egyptians and Jews existed before the coming of the Greeks there, and grew in intensity as time went on. As far as definite attacks upon the Jews and their institutions went, many 167of them had an Egyptian origin, and many others were wholly confined to that country.
These attacks are not essentially different from the methods that generally obtained when one group of men found itself in frequent opposition62 to another group on the field of battle or otherwise. The populace needs no rhetorical stimulation63 to represent its enemies as wicked, cowardly, and foolish. That is a human weakness which exists to-day quite as it has existed for many centuries. However, even for the populace, such phrases were accepted conventions. They were not quite seriously meant, and could be conveniently forgotten whenever the former foe31 became an ally.
Among professional rhetoricians this particular method of argumentation formed a set rhetorical device, one of the forms of vituperatio[170] as classified in the text-books. Certain τ?ποι, “commonplaces,” were developed concerning all nations, and used as occasion required. Historical facts, popular gossip, freely imagined qualities, were all equally used to support the statements made or to illustrate64 them. Now it is in the works of professional rhetoricians that most of the attacks on the Jews are to be found. Further, we have their works wholly in the form of citations66 taken from the context. We cannot even be sure to what extent the authors themselves were convinced of what they said. Wherever we meet what is plainly a rhetorical τ?πο?, we have little ground for assuming that it corresponds to any feeling whatever on the writer’s part. Often it was mechanically inserted, and has all the effect of an exercise in composition.
168With a laughter-loving people one of the first resources in controversy67 is to render the opponent ridiculous. It was especially on the side of religion that the Jews maintained their difference from their neighbors, and claimed a great superiority to them. A Greek enemy would be much inclined to heap ridicule68, first on the pretensions69 to superiority, and then on the religious form itself. That may be the basis of a story, which soon became widely current, to the effect that the Jews worshiped their god in the form of an ass46.
The story is of Egyptian origin. Just where and when it began, cannot be discovered. Josephus in combating Apion refers to a writer whose name the copyists have hopelessly jumbled70. It is not unlikely that he was a certain Mnaseas, perhaps of Patara in Lycia, or Patras in the Peloponnesus, a highly rhetorical historian of the second century B.C.E.[171] He wrote therefore before the establishment of the Maccabean state. Wherever he was born, he was a pupil of Eratosthenes, and therefore a resident of Alexandria.[172]
We have his words only at third hand, in Josephus’ account of Apion’s reference. Each citation65 is of substance, not the ipsissima verba; and, besides, of this part of Josephus we have only a Latin translation, not the original. The story, whether it is Mnaseas’ or Apion’s, is to the effect that a certain Idumean, named Zabidus, duped the Jews into believing that he intended to deliver his god, Apollo,[173] into their hands, and contrived71 to get into the temple and remove “the golden head of the pack-ass.”
169The uncertainty72 and indirectness of the citation makes it dubious73 whether Mnaseas understood this ass to be the actual divine symbol or, as others said, merely one of the figures of a group. The absurdity75 of the story seems so patent that its existence is almost incredible. It indicates the extreme strictness with which gentiles were excluded from even the approach to the temple at Jerusalem that the baselessness of the ass-legend was not immediately discovered.[174]
Josephus’ indignation and his frequent reference to the “pretended wit” of Apion or of Mnaseas make the tone and intention of the story quite plain. It can have had no other purpose than that of holding the Jews up to ridicule. But just what the point of the jest is, is by no means quite so easy to discover. We cannot reconstruct even approximately the words of Mnaseas. It is, however, at least likely that if he had attributed the adoration76 of an ass to the Jews, a somewhat less equivocal statement to that effect would appear. Other writers do make that statement plainly enough. The point of Mnaseas’ raillery seems rather to be the easy credulity of the people, a characteristic that was at all times attributed to them in the ancient world, from the earliest references, as they are found in Hecataeus, to the latest. It is curious that this quality, which to Greeks and Romans seemed the most striking trait of the Jews, is the very last that modern observers would ascribe to them.
If we follow the story as it appears in later writers, we shall meet it next in the history of the Syrian Posidonius, 170who lived about 100 B.C.E. Again, we have his statement only in quotation77, this time in a fragment of the work of Diodorus, a Sicilian contemporary of Augustus. Posidonius does no more than make the assertion that the innermost shrine78 of the temple contained the statue of a long-bearded man, assumed to be Moses, riding on an ass (λ?θινον ?γαλμα ?νδρ?? βαθυπ?γωνο? καθ?μενον [sic] ?π’ ?νου.[175] This is very far from accusing the Jews of worshiping an ass. Indeed it is likely enough that nothing was further from the mind of the writer. Perhaps Mnaseas too told the same or a very similar story, since his anecdote79 would fit in just as well with the account of Posidonius as with the later version.
The story appears again in the writings of Molo, the tutor of Caesar and Cicero; but Molo’s statement is wholly lost. In the next generation we find it in the writings of the Egyptian Apion, and in Damocritus, of whom we know nothing, but who, it is likely enough, was a resident of Alexandria.[176]
Here the statements are unmistakable. According to Damocritus, if he is accurately80 cited by the late Byzantine lexicographer81 Suidas, the Jews adored the gilded82 head of an ass (χρυσ ? ν ?νου κεφαλ?ν προσεκ?νουν). Apion, in the Latin translation of Josephus, asserts that the Jews “adored this ass’ head, and worshiped it with much ceremony” (id [i.e. asini caput] colere ac dignum facere tanta religione).[177]
Probably from Apion it got to Tacitus, 120 C.E., who in his Histories (v. 4) uses the words, effigiem [asini] 171penetrali sacravere, “they consecrated83 the figure of an ass in their inner shrine.” Tacitus expressly avoids the allegation of worshiping this statue. He probably intentionally84 modified the words of Apion to fit the statement into the then abundantly proven fact that the Jews worshiped an imageless and abstract deity85 (Hist. v. 5).
The Greek essayist Plutarch, almost a generation before Tacitus, makes a similar reference, though in his case without the least hostile or satiric86 intention. The ass is according to him the animal most honored among the Jews (τ? τιμ?μενον ?π α?τ?ν μ?λιστα θηρ?ον), a statement which, it may be said incidentally, is by no means without foundation.[178]
It is generally assumed that the use of an ass as an object of adoration necessarily aroused derision. That would probably be true of our own times in Europe or in America, but it would not obtain in the ancient world. Veneration of an ass was no more extraordinary to a Greek than veneration of any other animal symbol. Nor was the ass associated in men’s minds only with contemptuous and derisive87 images. He played a large part in the economy of the people, and was in many places correspondingly esteemed88. The very first reference to him in Greek literature is in the Iliad (xi. 558), where Ajax’s slow retreat is compared to the stubborn and effectual resistance of an ass in the fields—surely no dishonoring simile89. The ass was a part of the sacred train of Dionysus,[179] long before the latter was identified with the Phrygian Sabazios. Again, the ass was transferred 172to heaven, where he still shines as a constellation90. At Lampsacus and Tarentum he was a sacrificial animal.[180] At Rome he was associated with Vesta, and crowned at the Consualia.
Among the Jews, as among all the people of that portion of Asia, his importance is such as to justify91 in a large measure the words of Plutarch. Generally in the Bible he is preferred to the horse (Prov. xxvi. 3; Psalm92 xxxii. 9). In the ancient song of Deborah (Judges v. 10) those who sit on white asses93 are the princes of the people. The Anointed of God would ride into the city upon an ass. It is not without meaning that asses, but not horses, appear on Assyrian sculpture.
In Egypt, however, the ass was a symbol of evil. He was associated with the demoniac Typhon, and was an object of superstitious94 fear and hatred95.[181]
For most of the Mediterranean96 nations the worship of an ass was only in so far contemptible97 as the worship of any animal was so considered. Romans and Greeks take very lofty ground indeed when they speak of Egyptian theriolatry, although innumerable religious practices of their own were associated in some way or other with animals.[182] It is not likely accordingly that the allegation of this form of fetichism against the Jews arose among Greeks or Romans or Syrians or Palestinians. For Egyptians, on the contrary, this particular story would charge the Jews with “devil-worship,” or, at least, the veneration of a deity hostile to them. In Egypt, and in Egypt alone, the story would have a special point.
173It may further be noted98 that in Manetho’s account the Jews are brought to Avaris, a site consecrated to Typhon.
As it appears in Posidonius, perhaps in Mnaseas and Molo, and certainly in Plutarch, the story is based upon a real Jewish tradition and actual custom. In Damocritus and Apion, on the other hand, it is a malicious99 slander100, needing no basis in observed fact. It is one of the many developments of the mutual hatred of Jew and Egyptian, of which there is such a wealth of other evidence.
This story has been dealt with in some detail because it illustrates101 in very many ways the character, sources, and methods of the literary anti-Semitism of ancient times. Wholly without basis from the beginning, it becomes almost an accepted dogma, as well grounded as many another facile generalization102 in those days and ours. Further, it will be observed that it does not everywhere necessitate103 the inference of hostility on the part of the writer. The historians of those days were ex professo rhetoricians. Every form of literary composition had as its prime object a finished artistic104 product. Since the subject of literature, or artistic verbal expression, was human life, history, which is the record of human life, was eminently105 the province of the word-fancier, the rhetorician. The trained historian has no words of sufficient contempt for the mere74 logographer whose object is the recording106 of facts. That “pretty lies” do not in the least disfigure history, is the opinion of the Stoic107 Panaetius and his pupil and 174admirer Cicero. And that was particularly the case when the history was, as it often became, an expanded plea or invective108, in which case the tricks of trade of the advocate were not only commendable109 but demanded.[183]
Most of the accounts of the Jews or the fragments of such accounts come to us from just these rhetorical historians. If the whole book were extant in any case, we should be in a position to determine the occasion for the account and the source of its color. As it is, we are on slippery ground when we endeavor to interpret the fragments in such a way as to discover the facts of which they present so distorted an image.
Not all historians, however, were of this type. Even among the rhetors, many had, or at any rate professed110 to have, a passion for truth. And among the others there is manifested from time to time a distinct historical conscience, a qualm as to the accuracy of the assertion so trippingly written.
It is for this reason an especially painful gap in our sources to find that portion of Polybius missing in which he promised to treat at length of the Jews. Polybius of Megalopolis111, a Greek who lived as an Achean hostage in Rome, in the second third of the second century B.C.E., was the nearest approach the ancient world had to an historian in the modern sense, one whose primary object was to ascertain112 the truth and state it simply. Polybius could, for example, feel and express high admiration113 for Roman institutions and at the same time do justice to the bitter hater of the Romans, Hannibal. And this too in the lifetime of men 175who may themselves have heard the dreadful news of Trasimene and Cannae.
In his sixteenth book, Polybius briefly114 relates the conquest of Judea among other parts of Coele-Syria, first by Ptolemy Philometor’s general, then by Antiochus the Great. “A little while after this, he [Antiochus] received the submission115 of those of the Jews who lived around the temple known as Jerusalem. About this I have much more to tell, particularly because of the fame of the temple, and I shall reserve that narrative116 for later.”
An evil chance has deprived us of that later narrative. If we possessed117 it, we should probably have a very sane118 and, as far as his sources permitted, an accurate account of the condition of the Jews during the generation between Antiochus the Great and the Maccabees. Polybius, however, wrote before the establishment of the Jewish state and the spread of its cult had focused attention upon the people, and roused opposition. And he wrote, too, at the very beginning of Roman interference in the East, which reduced Egypt to a protectorate before another generation. When he speaks therefore of the “great fame of the temple” (? περ? τ? ?ερ?ν ?πιφ?νεια), he is an especially important witness of what the name meant to the Romans and Greeks, for whom he wrote.
点击
收听单词发音
收听单词发音 |
1
cult
|
|
| n.异教，邪教；时尚，狂热的崇拜 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
2
impair
|
|
| v.损害，损伤；削弱，减少 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
3
maxim
|
|
| n.格言，箴言 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
4
cynical
|
|
| adj.(对人性或动机)怀疑的，不信世道向善的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
5
witticism
|
|
| n.谐语，妙语 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
6
impiety
|
|
| n.不敬；不孝 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
7
offense
|
|
| n.犯规，违法行为；冒犯，得罪 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
8
omissions
|
|
| n.省略( omission的名词复数 )；删节；遗漏；略去或漏掉的事（或人） | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
9
determined
|
|
| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
10
specially
|
|
| adv.特定地；特殊地；明确地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
11
prosecuted
|
|
| a.被起诉的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
12
defendant
|
|
| n.被告；adj.处于被告地位的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
13
prosecutions
|
|
| 起诉( prosecution的名词复数 )； 原告； 实施； 从事 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
14
prosecution
|
|
| n.起诉，告发，检举，执行，经营 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
15
doctrines
|
|
| n.教条( doctrine的名词复数 )；教义；学说；（政府政策的）正式声明 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
16
sect
|
|
| n.派别，宗教，学派，派系 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
17
investigation
|
|
| n.调查，调查研究 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
18
philosophic
|
|
| adj.哲学的，贤明的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
19
corporately
|
|
| adv.团结地，共同地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
|
20
essentially
|
|
| adv.本质上，实质上，基本上 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
21
frightful
|
|
| adj.可怕的；讨厌的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
22
persecution
|
|
| n. 迫害,烦扰 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
23
mutual
|
|
| adj.相互的，彼此的；共同的，共有的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
24
bloody
|
|
| adj.非常的的；流血的；残忍的；adv.很；vt.血染 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
25
Founder
|
|
| n.创始者，缔造者 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
26
coalescing
|
|
| v.联合，合并( coalesce的现在分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
27
provocation
|
|
| n.激怒，刺激，挑拨，挑衅的事物，激怒的原因 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
28
discriminating
|
|
| a.有辨别能力的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
29
intensity
|
|
| n.强烈，剧烈；强度；烈度 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
30
peculiar
|
|
| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
31
foe
|
|
| n.敌人，仇敌 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
32
foes
|
|
| 敌人，仇敌( foe的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
33
reprisals
|
|
| n.报复（行为）( reprisal的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
34
frenzy
|
|
| n.疯狂，狂热，极度的激动 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
35
hostility
|
|
| n.敌对，敌意；抵制［pl.］交战，战争 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
36
culminated
|
|
| v.达到极点( culminate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
37
resentment
|
|
| n.怨愤，忿恨 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
38
sporadically
|
|
| adv.偶发地，零星地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
39
abrogate
|
|
| v.废止，废除 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
40
immunity
|
|
| n.优惠；免除；豁免，豁免权 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
41
alleviate
|
|
| v.减轻，缓和，缓解(痛苦等) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
42
friction
|
|
| n.摩擦，摩擦力 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
43
dread
|
|
| vt.担忧，忧虑；惧怕，不敢；n.担忧，畏惧 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
44
prohibition
|
|
| n.禁止；禁令，禁律 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
45
rites
|
|
| 仪式，典礼( rite的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
46
ass
|
|
| n.驴；傻瓜，蠢笨的人 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
47
magistrate
|
|
| n.地方行政官，地方法官，治安官 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
48
licentious
|
|
| adj.放纵的，淫乱的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
49
alleged
|
|
| a.被指控的，嫌疑的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
50
authorizes
|
|
| 授权，批准，委托( authorize的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
51
restrictions
|
|
| 约束( restriction的名词复数 )； 管制； 制约因素； 带限制性的条件（或规则） | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
52
cults
|
|
| n.迷信( cult的名词复数 )；狂热的崇拜；（有极端宗教信仰的）异教团体 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
53
immorality
|
|
| n. 不道德, 无道义 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
54
pretexts
|
|
| n.借口，托辞( pretext的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
55
manifestation
|
|
| n.表现形式；表明；现象 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
56
varied
|
|
| adj.多样的，多变化的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
57
veneration
|
|
| n.尊敬，崇拜 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
58
indifference
|
|
| n.不感兴趣，不关心，冷淡，不在乎 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
59
antagonism
|
|
| n.对抗，敌对，对立 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
60
jealousy
|
|
| n.妒忌，嫉妒，猜忌 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
61
feud
|
|
| n.长期不和；世仇；v.长期争斗；世代结仇 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
62
opposition
|
|
| n.反对，敌对 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
63
stimulation
|
|
| n.刺激，激励，鼓舞 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
64
illustrate
|
|
| v.举例说明，阐明；图解，加插图 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
65
citation
|
|
| n.引用，引证，引用文；传票 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
66
citations
|
|
| n.引用( citation的名词复数 )；引证；引文；表扬 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
67
controversy
|
|
| n.争论，辩论，争吵 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
68
ridicule
|
|
| v.讥讽，挖苦；n.嘲弄 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
69
pretensions
|
|
| 自称( pretension的名词复数 )； 自命不凡； 要求； 权力 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
70
jumbled
|
|
| adj.混乱的；杂乱的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
71
contrived
|
|
| adj.不自然的，做作的；虚构的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
72
uncertainty
|
|
| n.易变，靠不住，不确知，不确定的事物 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
73
dubious
|
|
| adj.怀疑的，无把握的；有问题的，靠不住的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
74
mere
|
|
| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
75
absurdity
|
|
| n.荒谬，愚蠢；谬论 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
76
adoration
|
|
| n.爱慕，崇拜 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
77
quotation
|
|
| n.引文，引语，语录；报价，牌价，行情 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
78
shrine
|
|
| n.圣地，神龛，庙；v.将...置于神龛内，把...奉为神圣 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
79
anecdote
|
|
| n.轶事，趣闻，短故事 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
80
accurately
|
|
| adv.准确地，精确地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
81
lexicographer
|
|
| n.辞典编纂人 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
82
gilded
|
|
| a.镀金的，富有的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
83
consecrated
|
|
| adj.神圣的，被视为神圣的v.把…奉为神圣，给…祝圣( consecrate的过去式和过去分词 )；奉献 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
84
intentionally
|
|
| ad.故意地，有意地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
85
deity
|
|
| n.神，神性；被奉若神明的人(或物) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
86
satiric
|
|
| adj.讽刺的，挖苦的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
87
derisive
|
|
| adj.嘲弄的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
88
esteemed
|
|
| adj.受人尊敬的v.尊敬( esteem的过去式和过去分词 )；敬重；认为；以为 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
89
simile
|
|
| n.直喻，明喻 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
90
constellation
|
|
| n.星座n.灿烂的一群 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
91
justify
|
|
| vt.证明…正当(或有理)，为…辩护 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
92
psalm
|
|
| n.赞美诗，圣诗 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
93
asses
|
|
| n. 驴，愚蠢的人，臀部 adv. (常用作后置)用于贬损或骂人 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
94
superstitious
|
|
| adj.迷信的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
95
hatred
|
|
| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
96
Mediterranean
|
|
| adj.地中海的；地中海沿岸的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
97
contemptible
|
|
| adj.可鄙的，可轻视的，卑劣的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
98
noted
|
|
| adj.著名的，知名的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
99
malicious
|
|
| adj.有恶意的，心怀恶意的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
100
slander
|
|
| n./v.诽谤，污蔑 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
101
illustrates
|
|
| 给…加插图( illustrate的第三人称单数 )； 说明； 表明； （用示例、图画等）说明 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
102
generalization
|
|
| n.普遍性，一般性，概括 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
103
necessitate
|
|
| v.使成为必要，需要 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
104
artistic
|
|
| adj.艺术(家)的，美术(家)的；善于艺术创作的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
105
eminently
|
|
| adv.突出地；显著地；不寻常地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
106
recording
|
|
| n.录音，记录 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
107
stoic
|
|
| n.坚忍克己之人，禁欲主义者 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
108
invective
|
|
| n.痛骂，恶意抨击 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
109
commendable
|
|
| adj.值得称赞的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
110
professed
|
|
| 公开声称的，伪称的，已立誓信教的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
111
megalopolis
|
|
| n.特大城市 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
112
ascertain
|
|
| vt.发现，确定，查明，弄清 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
113
admiration
|
|
| n.钦佩，赞美，羡慕 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
114
briefly
|
|
| adv.简单地，简短地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
115
submission
|
|
| n.服从，投降；温顺，谦虚；提出 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
116
narrative
|
|
| n.叙述，故事；adj.叙事的，故事体的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
117
possessed
|
|
| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
118
sane
|
|
| adj.心智健全的，神志清醒的，明智的，稳健的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
| 欢迎访问英文小说网 |