The modern term and the ancient partly cover each other. Both often denote the speculative7 negation8 of a supernatural direction of the world. Now it simply cannot be, in view of the wide distribution of the Jews and their successful propaganda, that even the unthinking could associate the people whose claims to direct divine guidance were so many and so emphatic9, with a term that implied the non-recognition of any god. We may remember how even the very first contact had 192seemed to emphasize the religious side of the Jewish communal10 life.
The usual explanations will not bear analysis. It is frequently asserted that “atheist” was applied11 to the Jews because of their imageless cult12. The natural inference, we are told, from the fact that there were no statues was that there were no gods. But that is to assign to the statue a larger importance in ancient religious theory than in fact belonged to it. We meet, to be sure, cases where the identification of the statue and the resident deity seems to be complete. Especially in such scoffers as Lucian,[210] or in the polemics14 of the philosophic15 sects16, or in those of Jews and Christian18 writers, Romans and Greeks are often charged with the adoration19 of the actual figure of stone or bronze. That, however, was surely not the general attitude of any class. The passages that seem to show it are generally figurative and often imply merely that the god had taken his abode22 within the statue, and might leave it at will.
Indeed, just for the masses, the most intense and direct religious emotions were always aroused, not by the great gods whose statues were the artistic23 pride of their cities, but by the formless and bodiless spirits of tree and field and forest that survived from pre-Olympian animism. And these latter, if adored in symbolic24 form, were represented generally by pillars or trees, and not by statues at all.
Nor were the Jews the only imageless barbarians26 whom the Greeks and Romans encountered. Most of the 193surrounding nations can scarcely have possessed27 actual statues at first. And the Greeks or Romans drew no such inference as atheism28 from the fact that they found no statues of gods among Spaniards, Thracians, Germans, or Celts. On the contrary, we hear of gods among all these nations, many of them outlined with sufficient clearness to be identified promptly29 with various Greek deities30. What a Greek would be likely to assume is rather that these barbarians lacked the skill to fashion statues or the artistic cultivation31 to appreciate them. If it occurred to him to explain the imageless shrine32 at Jerusalem at all, he would no doubt have offered some such statement, especially as it was quite common to assume lack of artistic skill in barbarians.
Atheism as a philosophic doctrine33 was relatively34 rare. Diagoras of Melos, a contemporary of Socrates, and Theodore of Cyrene,[211] a contemporary of the first Ptolemy, were said to have held that doctrine, and the former was known from it as “the Atheist.” However, even in this case we cannot be quite sure of our ground. Some of the poems of Diagoras seem to have a distinct, even a strong, religious feeling. Josephus asserts that Diagoras’ offense35 in Athenian eyes was scoffing36 at the mysteries.[212] If that is true, he received his sobriquet37 less from atheism, as we understand it, than from the same facts that brought Protagoras, Anaxagoras, and Socrates himself within the ban of the Athenian police. That is, he was charged rather with contempt of the actually constituted deities of the Athenian state than with a general negation of a 194divinity. The term itself, ?θεο?, is not necessarily negative. In fact, Greek had very few purely38 negative ideas. In Plato’s Euthyphro[213] the only alternatives that are admitted are θεοφιλ?? and θεομισ??, i.e. what the gods hate and what the gods love. So the various Greek adjectives compounded with “α privative,” ανωφελ??, “useless,” ?βουλο?, “thoughtless,” are really used in a positive sense contrary to that of the positive adjective. So ανωφελ?? is rather “harmful” than merely “useless”; ?βουλο? is “ill-advised”; etc. The word ?θεο? would, by that analogy, rather denote one that opposed certain gods than one who denied them. A man might be ?θεο? in one community and not in another. Indeed his “atheism” might be an especial devotion to a divine principle which was not that recognized by the state.
In ordinary literary usage ?θεο? is denuded39 even of this significance. It means little more than “wicked.” It is used so by Pindar, by Sophocles, and in general by the orators40. Often it runs in pairs with other adjectives of the same character. Xenophon calls Tissaphernes (An. II. v. 29) ?θε?τατο? κα? πανουργ?τατο?, “most godless and wicked,” in which the superlative is especially noteworthy. As a matter of fact it is often used of a man whom the gods would have none of, rather than one who rejects the gods. ?θεο?, ?φιλο? ?λο?μαν, cries the chorus in Oedipus Rex, “May I die abandoned by gods and men.”[214]
When it is first used of the Jews by Molo, it is as part of just such a group; ?θεοι κα? μισ?νθρωποι, he calls the Jews, “hateful to gods and men,” and other rhetoricians 195follow suit. As a term of abuse, ?θεο? was as good as any other.
But there may have been a more precise sense in which the Jews might by an incensed42 Greek be properly stigmatized as ?θεοι. To the thoroughgoing monotheists, the gods of the heathen are non-existent. They are not evil spirits, but have no being whatever. The prophets and the intellectual leaders of the Jews held that view with passionate43 intensity44. But even they used language which readily lends color to the view that these gods did exist as malignant45 and inferior daemonia. The “devils” of Leviticus xvii. 7 are undoubtedly the gods of other nations.[215] The name “Abomination,” which for the Jew was a cacophemism for “god,” equally implies by its very strength a common feeling of the reality of the being so referred to. Likewise the other terms of abuse which the Jews showered upon the gods of the heathen indicate a real and fiercely personal animosity.
Hatred46 and bitterness formed almost a religious duty. An implacable war was to be waged with the abominable48 thing, and it is not likely that dictates49 of courtesy would stand in the way. The retort of ?θεοι would mean no more than a summary of the fact that the Jew was the declared enemy of the constituted deity, whose anger he provoked and whose power he despised.[216]
Something of this appears in the statement of the Alexandrian Lysimachus, that the Jews were enjoined50 to overturn the altars and temples which they met 196(Josephus, Contra Ap. i. 34), and in the phrase of the elder Pliny (Hist. Nat. XIII. iv. 46), gens contumelia numinum insignis, “a race famous for its insults to the gods.”
Most of the phrases that have been quoted have been taken from works where they were little more than casual asides imbedded in matter of different purport51. Rhetoricians, in attempting to establish a point, use some phrase, either current through popular usage or a commonplace in their schools. In this respect the Jews fare no better and no worse than practically all nationalities of that time. Individual writers disliked or despised various peoples, and said so in any manner that suited them. Slurs52 against Romans, Athenians, Boeotians, Egyptians, Cappadocians are met with often enough. The Cretans were liars53, the Boeotians guzzlers, the Egyptians knaves54, the Abderitans fools; antiquity55 has furnished us with more than one entertaining example of national hate and jealousy56.[217] The epithets57 which the Acheans showered on their Aetolian rivals certainly leave nothing to be desired as far as intensity is concerned.[218] The various panders59 of Roman comedy often are represented as particularly choice specimens60 of Agrigentine character.[219] Cicero particularly knew from his rhetorical masters how to use national prejudices in the conduct of his business. If Celts are the accusers of his client, as they were in the case of Fonteius, they are perjurers, murderers, enemies of the human race. “Tribes,” he says, “so far removed from other races in character and customs 197that they fight, not for their religion, but against the religion of all men.”[220] If they are Sardinians, these are a “tribe whose worthlessness is such that the only distinction they recognize between freedom and slavery is that the former gives them unlimited61 license62 to lie.”[221]
To take this seriously is to misconceive strangely both the functions of an advocate and the license of rhetoric41. Now the abusive paragraphs directed against the Jews are quite of this type. And it is in the highest degree extraordinary that these phrases, which, in the instances just cited, are given no weight in determining national attitude, should be considered of the highest importance in the case of the Jews. Whether it was Syrian, Greek, or Celt that was attacked, the stock epithet58 means no more than the corresponding terms of our own day mean.
But besides these occasional flings there were whole books directed against the Jews, and to that fact a little attention may be given.
It is a relatively rare thing that a writer should nurse his bile against a particular people to the extent of expanding it into a whole book. We must of course remember that a “book” was sometimes, and especially in this polemical literature, a single roll, and we are not to understand it in the sense of a voluminous treatise63. However, there were such books and these we must now consider.
What such a book was like, recent anti-Semitism has made it very easy to imagine. There is no reason to suppose that this type of pamphlet was appreciably64 198different in those days. It consisted of a series of bitter invectives interspersed66 with stories as pièces justificatives. Now and then an effort is made to throw it into the form of a dispassionate examination. But even in very skilful67 hands that attitude is not long maintained.
Of several men we know such treatises68. All have already been mentioned—Apollonius Molo, Damocritus, and probably Apion.
Apollonius, either son of Molo, or himself so named, was one of the most considerable figures of his day. He taught principally, but not exclusively, at Rhodes, and numbered among his pupils both Cicero and Caesar. As a rhetorician he enjoyed an extensive and well-merited influence. It was during his time that the reaction against the florid literary style of Asia culminated69 in the equally artificial simplicity70 of the Atticists—a controversy71 of the utmost importance in the history of Latin literature no less than Greek. The doctrine of mediocritas, “the golden mean,” set forth72 by Molo, moulded the style of Cicero and through him of most modern prose writers. The refined taste and good sense which could avoid both extremes justify73 his repute and power.
He was a voluminous writer on historical and rhetorical subjects. Only the smallest fragments remain, not enough to permit us to form an independent estimate of his style or habits of thought. Just what was the incentive74 for the pamphlet he wrote against the Jews it is impossible to conjecture75. But it is not likely that it contained many of the specially13 malignant charges. To 199judge from Josephus’ defense76, it seems to have concerned itself chiefly with their unsociability, and may have been no more than a sermon on that text. Josephus’ charge against him is that of unfairness. There is none of the abuse in Josephus’ account of Molo which he heaps upon Apion. We may accordingly infer that Molo’s pamphlet was considerably77 less offensive. It may have been, in effect, a mere21 declamatio, a speech in a fictitious78 cause, or the substance of an oration20 delivered in an actual case. Or perhaps a single instance of personal friction79 produced it as an act of retaliation80. The rhetoricians of those days were essentially81 a genus irritabile, and their wrath82 or praise was easily stirred.
Of Damocritus we know almost nothing. Suidas, a late Byzantine grammarian, mentions a short work of his on Tactics, and one as short, or shorter, on the Jews. The reference to human sacrifice (above, p. 189), might be supposed to indicate a strong bias83. While it is likely enough that it was hostile in character, that single fact would not quite prove it, since we do not know whether Damocritus represented these human sacrifices as an ancient or a still-existing custom.
The third name, Apion, has become especially familiar from the apology of Josephus. The latter refers to him throughout as an Egyptian, and in spite of certain very warm and modern defenders84, he very likely was of Egyptian stock. From the Oasis85 where he was born, he came to Alexandria, where he established a great reputation. Undoubtedly possessed of fluency86 200and charm as a speaker, he was a most thoroughgoing charlatan87, a noisy pedant88 wholly devoid89 of real critical skill. He boasted of magical power, through which he was enabled to converse90 with the shade of Homer. His vanity prompted the most ludicrous displays of arrogance91. Tiberius Caesar dubbed92 him the cymbalum mundi, “the tom-tom of the world,” a characterization that seems to have been generally accepted.[222]
In the appeal of the Jewish residents of Alexandria against the maladministration of the prefect Flaccus, argued before the emperor, he represented the Alexandrian community, whose acts were the basis of the charge made by the Jews. As such he no doubt delivered an anti-Jewish invective65, and it is at least likely that this speech formed the substance of his book on the subject, just as the defense of the Jews and the attack upon Flaccus are contained in the two extensive fragments of Philo, the Legatio ad Gaium, and the In Flaccum.
It has been doubted whether he really wrote such a book, although there are express statements that he did. It is true enough that those who assert it may easily have been misled by the fact that certain books of his History of Egypt may have contained these anti-Jewish passages or most of them. None the less, the fact that he must have prepared a set speech in the case mentioned, coupled with the statements of Clemens of Alexandria and Julius Africanus, renders the older view the more probable.[223] There would of course be nothing strange if the books of the History 201of Egypt and a special monograph93 contained essentially the same material.
As to other similar pamphlets, we hear of a περ? ?ουδα?ων by a certain Nicarchus, son of Ammonius, which may have had an “Egyptian” bias, in that Moses is said to have been afflicted94 with white scales upon his body—an assertion that seems to be a revamping of Manetho’s “leprous outcasts.” But the title of the book does not point to a wholly hostile attitude, nor does the passage referred to necessarily imply such an attitude.[224]
Taking all these passages together, from Manetho to Apion, one thing must be evident: Manetho himself, Mnaseas, Agatharchidas, Chaeremo, Lysimachus, Apion, are either Egyptians or are trained in Alexandria, and represent the Egyptian side of a bitter racial strife95, as intense and lasting96 as was generally the case when the same community contained several compact groups of different political rights and privileges.
The conditions of the population of Alexandria have been previously97 discussed. It was the great market center of the East, and as such of the Mediterranean98 world, since the commercial and intellectual hegemony was always east of the Aegean Sea. The population had been a mixed one since its foundation. The warped99 notions that have often been held of the position of the Jews there are due to a failure to realize concretely how such a city would be likely to grow. The Greeks and Macedonians that were originally settled there 202undoubtedly constituted a real aristocracy, and made that attitude very thoroughly100 felt. One thing further is clear, that the native Egyptians, who probably formed the mass of the populace, looked upon these Greeks as they did upon all foreigners, with intense dislike. We have a document in which a Greek suitor in court impugns101 the credibility of Egyptian testimony102 against him because of the well-known hatred Egyptians bear toward Greeks.[225]
Egyptian animosity toward Jews had been of longer standing103 simply because intercourse104 in close proximity105 was much older. Further, the Jewish colonies from early Persian times had always represented the foreign master. It was as natural, therefore, for this animosity to express itself in street-conflicts in Alexandria as for anti-Greek feeling to be manifested there. Those modern investigators106 who have confidently asserted that Alexandrian “anti-Semitism” was of Greek origin and leadership have permitted the rattle107 of the cymbalum mundi to confuse their minds. For it is Apion and Apion alone that makes the claim that the Jews are especially embittered108 against Greeks, and seeks to create a general Greek feeling against them. His motives109 are too apparent to need comment, and there is no evidence whatever that he was successful.
Further, it is the Egyptians Manetho and Apion whose tirades110 have a fiercely personal coloring. The Greek Alexandrians make their anti-Jewish polemics on the basis of general theories, and particularly lay stress on what was to them the perfectly111 irrational112 separatism 203which the Jews had made a part of their religion. As has been frequently shown, the relatively small fragments of these writers do not enable us to say how far this Jewish characteristic is used to point a moral, much as the modern clergy113 takes chauvinistic114 commonplaces to illustrate115 the evil results of doctrines116 they are attacking.
In the case of two Greeks, Posidonius of Apamea in Syria, and Molo, no Egyptian influence can be shown. Both were among the most influential117 men of their time. Molo’s career and importance have been briefly118 sketched119. To Posidonius must be assigned a still more powerful intellectual influence over his generation and those that followed.[226] The leader of the Stoic120 school or, as it may well be called, sect17, he so reorganized its teaching that the Stoa became nothing else than the dominant121 faith among cultivated men, a situation perhaps paralleled by Confucianism in China, which is also an ethical122 philosophy that finds it possible to dwell on terms of comity123 with various forms of cruder popular belief.
What Molo’s philosophic affiliations124 were is not easy to determine. The Stoics125 were nearer than most other schools to rhetoricians and grammarians, but many men of these professions acknowledged allegiance to the Academy, to Epicureanism, or even to the revived Pythagoreanism of the first century B.C.E. Of the extensive writings of the Rhodian rhetorician there is not enough left to give even a probable answer.
204But most philosophic sects laid stress on the universality of their teachings, and were marked by an intense intellectual rationalism. The crude psychology126 of those days made the formation of categories a simple thing. Thinkers could scarcely be expected to admit that inherited instincts could qualify the truth of a philosophic dogma. More particularly, the philosophic movements were powerful solvents127 of nationalism. Even the distinction between Greek and barbarian25 did not exist in theory for them.[227] The notion of the state and the maintenance of its ancestral rites128 became for them a meaningless but innocuous form, which men of common sense would not despise, but to which one could attach no great importance.
Face to face with congregations like those of the Jews, which enforced their separation by stringent129 religious prohibitions130, the Stoics more than others found their opposition131 roused. More than others, because many Stoics adopted from the Cynical132 school the methods of the diatribe133, the popular sermon, and, indeed, made an active attempt to carry the universality of their principles into practice. And the Stoics, more than others, would find the height of irrationality134 in the stubborn insistence135 on forms for which only an historical justification136 could be found.
A highly interesting document, which gives a certain phase of the controversy, or perhaps even fragments of an actual controversy, between the general philosophic and the Jewish doctrine, has come down to us in the tract137 known as the Fourth Book of Maccabees. The 205author announces his purpose of setting forth a most philosophic thesis, to wit, whether the pious138 reason is sovereign over the passions. The philosophic argument, which fills the first three chapters, is Stoic in form and substance. Then, to illustrate his point, he cites certain vaguely139 remembered stories of II Maccabees, which he expands into highly detailed140 dramatic forms. In the mouth of Antiochus Epiphanes are placed the stock philosophic arguments against the Jews, which are triumphantly141 refuted by the aged47 Eleazar and the seven sons of Hannah.
So we hear Epiphanes reasoning with Eleazar and urging him to partake of swine’s flesh (IV Macc. v. 8 seq.):
For it is obviously a senseless proceeding142 to refrain from enjoying those pleasures of life which are free from shame: it is even wicked to deprive oneself of the bounties143 of nature. And it seems to me that your conduct will be still more senseless, if you provoke my anger because of your zeal144 for some fancied principle. Why do you not rid your mind of the silly doctrine of your people? Discard that stupidity which you call reason. Adopt a form of thought that suits your age, and let your philosophic principle be one that actually serves you.... Further consider this: If in the Deity you adore there is really a power that oversees145 our deeds, it will grant you full pardon for all transgressions146 which you have been forced to commit.
To a Greek, and no doubt to many modern men, the reasoning is conclusive147. It presents the Greek point of view very well indeed, and is doubtless the epitome148 of many conversations and even formal disputes in which these matters were discussed between Greek and 206Jew. And just as the argument of Epiphanes seems strangely modern in its appeal to common sense and expediency149, so the answer of Eleazar rings with a lofty idealism that is both modern and ancient:
We, whose state has been established by God, cannot admit that any force is more powerful than that of the Law. Even if, as you assume, our Law were not divine, yet, since we suppose that it is, we durst not set it aside without gross impiety150.
Eleazar then proceeds to elaborate upon the Stoic paradox that the slightest and the greatest transgressions are equally sinful;[228] and that in so far as abstention is a form of self-control, it is an admirable and not a contemptible152 act. After a detailed account of the hideous153 sufferings heroically endured by the priest, the author breaks out into a panegyric154 of him as a maintainer of the Law, in which the fundamental Stoic proposition with which he begins is less prominent than his intense Jewish piety151.
For us, however, the prime importance lies in the sharp contrast between the Greek and the Jewish attitude. Upon the philosophically155 cultured man, the reasoning of Epiphanes could not fail to produce a certain impression. In the case of the seven sons of Hannah, while many elements are repeated (IV Macc. viii. 17 seq.), the writer has in mind the appeal to the flesh, which Hellenism made. “Will you not change your mode of life for that of the Greeks and enjoy your youth to the full?” asks Antiochus (ibid. viii. 8); and that no doubt was the whisper that came to the heart of many a young man, surrounded by the bright and 207highly colored life of the Hellenic communities in which he dwelt. There is no exchange of vituperation. The denunciations hurled156 against Antiochus are impersonal157, indeed are generic158. He is the type of tyrant159, another Busiris or Phalaris, a bowelless despot. And the one word which alternates with “senseless” in the mouths of Antiochus and his executioners is “mad.”
The actual events described are of course quite unhistorical. But we do not find here any of the various forms in which racial animosity or personal spleen exhibited itself against the Jews. In spite of the setting, the controversy is, judged by disputation standards, quite decorous. The terms that qualify the Jewish doctrine as “irrational” are almost controversial commonplaces. The martyrs160 do not resent the epithet. They seem to accept it as the logical inference of the carnal philosophy of their oppressors and claim to be justified161 by a higher wisdom.
Jewish and Greek life began to touch each other at many points in the six or seven generations that intervened between Alexander and Caesar. Hellenism dominated the political and social culture of the Eastern Mediterranean, although the nationalities it covered were submerged rather than crushed. In Egypt the indigenous162 culture maintained itself successfully, and forced concessions163 from the conqueror164, which made the Hellenism of that country a thing quite different from that of the other lands within the sphere of Greek influence. The resistance of the Jews also took the form of successful insurrection, and in their case 208enabled an independent political entity165 to be constituted.
The dispersal of the Jews was already considerable at this time. It differed from the dispersal of the Syrians in the fact that the bond of union of the Jewish congregations existed in the common cult and the common interest in the fortunes of the mother-country. On the other hand, the Syrians of Rome and of Naples shared nothing except the quickly effaced166 memory of a common racial origin.[229]
The propaganda of the Jews was also well under way. Since it was believed that they possessed a mystery, initiation167 into which gave promise of future beatitude, they were strong rivals of the Greek and Oriental mysteries that made similar claims. It was chiefly among the half-educated or the wholly unlettered that these claims would find quickest belief. However, the Jewish propaganda had also its philosophic side, and competed with the variously organized forms of Greek philosophic thought for the adherence168 of the intellectually advanced classes as well.
Through the Diaspora and this active propaganda an opposition was invited. In Egypt the opposition was older, because the presence of Jews in Egypt was of considerably earlier date than the period we are considering. The occasions for its display were various, but the underlying169 cause was in most cases the same. That was the fact of religious separatism, which in any given community was tantamount to lack of patriotism170. It does not appear, however, that this opposition found voice generally except in Egypt. Elsewhere racial friction was relatively rare.
209The literature of the opposition falls into two classes: first, that which scarcely knows the Jews except as a people of highly peculiar171 customs, and uses these customs as illustrations of rhetorical theses; and second, that which is inspired by direct animosity, either personal or, in the case of the Egyptians, racial in its character.
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stigmatized
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| v.使受耻辱，指责，污辱( stigmatize的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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atheist
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| n.无神论者 | |
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undoubtedly
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| adv.确实地，无疑地 | |
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remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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deity
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| n.神，神性；被奉若神明的人(或物) | |
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paradox
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| n.似乎矛盾却正确的说法；自相矛盾的人(物) | |
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speculative
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| adj.思索性的，暝想性的，推理的 | |
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negation
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| n.否定；否认 | |
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emphatic
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| adj.强调的，着重的；无可置疑的，明显的 | |
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communal
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| adj.公有的，公共的，公社的，公社制的 | |
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applied
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| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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cult
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| n.异教，邪教；时尚，狂热的崇拜 | |
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specially
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| adv.特定地；特殊地；明确地 | |
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polemics
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| n.辩论术，辩论法；争论( polemic的名词复数 )；辩论；辩论术；辩论法 | |
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philosophic
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| adj.哲学的，贤明的 | |
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sects
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| n.宗派，教派( sect的名词复数 ) | |
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sect
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| n.派别，宗教，学派，派系 | |
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Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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adoration
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| n.爱慕，崇拜 | |
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oration
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| n.演说，致辞，叙述法 | |
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mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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abode
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| n.住处，住所 | |
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artistic
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| adj.艺术(家)的，美术(家)的；善于艺术创作的 | |
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symbolic
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| adj.象征性的，符号的，象征主义的 | |
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barbarian
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| n.野蛮人；adj.野蛮(人)的；未开化的 | |
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barbarians
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| n.野蛮人( barbarian的名词复数 )；外国人；粗野的人；无教养的人 | |
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possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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atheism
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| n.无神论，不信神 | |
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promptly
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| adv.及时地，敏捷地 | |
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deities
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| n.神，女神( deity的名词复数 )；神祗；神灵；神明 | |
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cultivation
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| n.耕作，培养，栽培（法），养成 | |
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shrine
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| n.圣地，神龛，庙；v.将...置于神龛内，把...奉为神圣 | |
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doctrine
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| n.教义；主义；学说 | |
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34
relatively
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| adv.比较...地，相对地 | |
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35
offense
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| n.犯规，违法行为；冒犯，得罪 | |
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36
scoffing
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| n. 嘲笑, 笑柄, 愚弄 v. 嘲笑, 嘲弄, 愚弄, 狼吞虎咽 | |
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37
sobriquet
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| n.绰号 | |
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38
purely
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| adv.纯粹地，完全地 | |
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39
denuded
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| adj.[医]变光的，裸露的v.使赤裸( denude的过去式和过去分词 )；剥光覆盖物 | |
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40
orators
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| n.演说者，演讲家( orator的名词复数 ) | |
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41
rhetoric
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| n.修辞学，浮夸之言语 | |
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42
incensed
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| 盛怒的 | |
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43
passionate
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| adj.热情的，热烈的，激昂的，易动情的，易怒的，性情暴躁的 | |
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44
intensity
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| n.强烈，剧烈；强度；烈度 | |
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45
malignant
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| adj.恶性的，致命的；恶意的，恶毒的 | |
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46
hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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47
aged
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| adj.年老的，陈年的 | |
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48
abominable
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| adj.可厌的，令人憎恶的 | |
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49
dictates
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| n.命令，规定，要求( dictate的名词复数 )v.大声讲或读( dictate的第三人称单数 )；口授；支配；摆布 | |
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50
enjoined
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| v.命令( enjoin的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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51
purport
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| n.意义，要旨，大要；v.意味著，做为...要旨，要领是... | |
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52
slurs
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| 含糊的发音( slur的名词复数 )； 玷污； 连奏线； 连唱线 | |
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53
liars
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| 说谎者( liar的名词复数 ) | |
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54
knaves
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| n.恶棍，无赖( knave的名词复数 )；（纸牌中的）杰克 | |
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55
antiquity
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| n.古老；高龄；古物，古迹 | |
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56
jealousy
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| n.妒忌，嫉妒，猜忌 | |
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57
epithets
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| n.（表示性质、特征等的）词语( epithet的名词复数 ) | |
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58
epithet
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| n.（用于褒贬人物等的）表述形容词，修饰语 | |
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59
panders
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| v.迎合（他人的低级趣味或淫欲）( pander的第三人称单数 )；纵容某人；迁就某事物 | |
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60
specimens
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| n.样品( specimen的名词复数 )；范例；（化验的）抽样；某种类型的人 | |
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61
unlimited
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| adj.无限的，不受控制的，无条件的 | |
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62
license
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| n.执照，许可证，特许；v.许可，特许 | |
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63
treatise
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| n.专著；(专题)论文 | |
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64
appreciably
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| adv.相当大地 | |
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65
invective
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| n.痛骂，恶意抨击 | |
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66
interspersed
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| adj.[医]散开的；点缀的v.intersperse的过去式和过去分词 | |
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67
skilful
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| (=skillful)adj.灵巧的，熟练的 | |
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68
treatises
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| n.专题著作，专题论文，专著( treatise的名词复数 ) | |
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69
culminated
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| v.达到极点( culminate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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70
simplicity
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| n.简单，简易；朴素；直率，单纯 | |
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71
controversy
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| n.争论，辩论，争吵 | |
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72
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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73
justify
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| vt.证明…正当(或有理)，为…辩护 | |
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74
incentive
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| n.刺激；动力；鼓励；诱因；动机 | |
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75
conjecture
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| n./v.推测，猜测 | |
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76
defense
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| n.防御，保卫；[pl.]防务工事；辩护，答辩 | |
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77
considerably
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| adv.极大地；相当大地；在很大程度上 | |
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78
fictitious
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| adj.虚构的，假设的；空头的 | |
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79
friction
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| n.摩擦，摩擦力 | |
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80
retaliation
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| n.报复，反击 | |
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81
essentially
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| adv.本质上，实质上，基本上 | |
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82
wrath
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| n.愤怒，愤慨，暴怒 | |
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83
bias
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| n.偏见，偏心，偏袒；vt.使有偏见 | |
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84
defenders
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| n.防御者( defender的名词复数 )；守卫者；保护者；辩护者 | |
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85
oasis
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| n.（沙漠中的）绿洲，宜人的地方 | |
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86
fluency
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| n.流畅，雄辩，善辩 | |
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87
charlatan
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| n.骗子；江湖医生；假内行 | |
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88
pedant
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| n.迂儒；卖弄学问的人 | |
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89
devoid
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|
| adj.全无的，缺乏的 | |
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90
converse
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|
| vi.谈话，谈天，闲聊；adv.相反的，相反 | |
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91
arrogance
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| n.傲慢，自大 | |
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92
dubbed
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| v.给…起绰号( dub的过去式和过去分词 )；把…称为；配音；复制 | |
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93
monograph
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| n.专题文章，专题著作 | |
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94
afflicted
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| 使受痛苦，折磨( afflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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95
strife
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| n.争吵，冲突，倾轧，竞争 | |
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96
lasting
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| adj.永久的，永恒的；vbl.持续，维持 | |
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97
previously
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|
| adv.以前，先前（地） | |
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98
Mediterranean
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| adj.地中海的；地中海沿岸的 | |
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99
warped
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|
| adj.反常的；乖戾的；（变）弯曲的；变形的v.弄弯，变歪( warp的过去式和过去分词 )；使（行为等）不合情理，使乖戾， | |
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100
thoroughly
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| adv.完全地，彻底地，十足地 | |
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101
impugns
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| v.非难，指谪( impugn的第三人称单数 )；对…有怀疑 | |
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102
testimony
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|
| n.证词；见证，证明 | |
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103
standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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104
intercourse
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| n.性交；交流，交往，交际 | |
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105
proximity
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|
| n.接近，邻近 | |
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106
investigators
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|
| n.调查者，审查者( investigator的名词复数 ) | |
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107
rattle
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|
| v.飞奔，碰响；激怒；n.碰撞声；拨浪鼓 | |
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108
embittered
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|
| v.使怨恨，激怒( embitter的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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109
motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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110
tirades
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| 激烈的长篇指责或演说( tirade的名词复数 ) | |
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111
perfectly
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| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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112
irrational
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| adj.无理性的，失去理性的 | |
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113
clergy
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| n.[总称]牧师，神职人员 | |
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114
chauvinistic
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| a.沙文主义(者)的 | |
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115
illustrate
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| v.举例说明，阐明；图解，加插图 | |
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116
doctrines
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| n.教条( doctrine的名词复数 )；教义；学说；（政府政策的）正式声明 | |
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117
influential
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|
| adj.有影响的，有权势的 | |
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118
briefly
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| adv.简单地，简短地 | |
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119
sketched
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| v.草拟（sketch的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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120
stoic
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| n.坚忍克己之人，禁欲主义者 | |
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121
dominant
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|
| adj.支配的，统治的；占优势的；显性的；n.主因，要素，主要的人(或物)；显性基因 | |
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122
ethical
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| adj.伦理的，道德的，合乎道德的 | |
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123
comity
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| n.礼让，礼仪；团结，联合 | |
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124
affiliations
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| n.联系( affiliation的名词复数 )；附属机构；亲和性；接纳 | |
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125
stoics
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| 禁欲主义者，恬淡寡欲的人，不以苦乐为意的人( stoic的名词复数 ) | |
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126
psychology
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| n.心理，心理学，心理状态 | |
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127
solvents
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| 溶解的，溶剂 | |
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128
rites
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| 仪式，典礼( rite的名词复数 ) | |
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129
stringent
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| adj.严厉的；令人信服的；银根紧的 | |
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130
prohibitions
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| 禁令，禁律( prohibition的名词复数 )； 禁酒； 禁例 | |
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131
opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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132
cynical
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| adj.(对人性或动机)怀疑的，不信世道向善的 | |
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133
diatribe
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| n.抨击，抨击性演说 | |
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134
irrationality
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| n. 不合理，无理性 | |
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135
insistence
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| n.坚持；强调；坚决主张 | |
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136
justification
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| n.正当的理由；辩解的理由 | |
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137
tract
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| n.传单，小册子，大片(土地或森林) | |
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138
pious
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| adj.虔诚的；道貌岸然的 | |
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139
vaguely
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| adv.含糊地，暖昧地 | |
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140
detailed
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| adj.详细的，详尽的，极注意细节的，完全的 | |
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141
triumphantly
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| ad.得意洋洋地；得胜地；成功地 | |
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142
proceeding
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| n.行动，进行，(pl.)会议录，学报 | |
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143
bounties
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| （由政府提供的）奖金( bounty的名词复数 )； 赏金； 慷慨； 大方 | |
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144
zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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145
oversees
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| v.监督，监视( oversee的第三人称单数 ) | |
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146
transgressions
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| n.违反，违法，罪过( transgression的名词复数 ) | |
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147
conclusive
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| adj.最后的，结论的；确凿的，消除怀疑的 | |
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148
epitome
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| n.典型，梗概 | |
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149
expediency
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| n.适宜；方便；合算；利己 | |
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150
impiety
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| n.不敬；不孝 | |
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151
piety
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| n.虔诚，虔敬 | |
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152
contemptible
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| adj.可鄙的，可轻视的，卑劣的 | |
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153
hideous
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|
| adj.丑陋的，可憎的，可怕的，恐怖的 | |
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154
panegyric
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| n.颂词，颂扬 | |
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155
philosophically
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| adv.哲学上；富有哲理性地；贤明地；冷静地 | |
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156
hurled
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| v.猛投，用力掷( hurl的过去式和过去分词 )；大声叫骂 | |
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157
impersonal
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| adj.无个人感情的，与个人无关的，非人称的 | |
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158
generic
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| adj.一般的，普通的，共有的 | |
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159
tyrant
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| n.暴君，专制的君主，残暴的人 | |
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160
martyrs
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|
| n.martyr的复数形式；烈士( martyr的名词复数 )；殉道者；殉教者；乞怜者（向人诉苦以博取同情） | |
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161
justified
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| a.正当的，有理的 | |
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162
indigenous
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| adj.土产的，土生土长的，本地的 | |
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163
concessions
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| n.（尤指由政府或雇主给予的）特许权( concession的名词复数 )；承认；减价；（在某地的）特许经营权 | |
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164
conqueror
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| n.征服者，胜利者 | |
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165
entity
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| n.实体，独立存在体，实际存在物 | |
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166
effaced
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| v.擦掉( efface的过去式和过去分词 )；抹去；超越；使黯然失色 | |
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167
initiation
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| n.开始 | |
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168
adherence
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| n.信奉，依附，坚持，固着 | |
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169
underlying
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| adj.在下面的，含蓄的，潜在的 | |
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170
patriotism
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| n.爱国精神，爱国心，爱国主义 | |
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171
peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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