We have been concerned so far almost wholly with Greeks and the Greek attitude toward the Jews. It will be necessary at this point to turn our attention to a very different people, the Romans.
If we desire to trace the development of this all-overwhelming factor in our reckoning, it will not be possible to go back very far. During the fifth century B.C.E., in which Greek genius is believed to have reached its apogee2, it is doubtful whether even the faintest whisper had reached Greeks that told of the race of Italic barbarians3 destined4 so soon to dominate the world. Little as was known of the Jews by Greeks of this period, the Romans were still less known. The eyes of men were persistently5 turned east.
Rome, however, even then was not wholly insignificant7. Many centuries before, there had grown up, on the south bank of the Tiber, a town of composite racial origin. It is possible to consider it an outpost of the Etruscans against Sabine and Latin, or a Latin outpost against the Etruscans. Whatever its origin, at an indeterminate time, when the Etruscan hegemony over central Italy was already weakened, this town of Rome became a member of the Latin Confederation, a group 211of cities of which the common bond was the shrine8 of Jupiter Latiaris on the Alban Mount.
There may have been rude hamlets upon this site from times very ancient indeed. But from the beginning of its existence as a real city Rome must have been a considerable community. Her strategic position upon seven hills, the commercial advantages of her location upon a navigable stream, conspired9 to this end.
The Latin Confederation had long been under the real or titular10 presidency11 of the city of Alba. At some time before our records become reliable, Rome had obtained a decidedly real leadership in the league, and unscrupulously used the latter’s resources for the furtherance of her own power and wealth. Without a definite programme of conquest, and with military skill and personal hardihood very little, if at all, superior to that of their neighbors, the Romans had, by steadfastness12 and native shrewdness, developed a policy which it is difficult to put in precise terms, because it was never even approximately formulated14, but which may be said to consist of unremitting vigilance and long memory, combined with special alertness to profit by the mistakes or division of the foe15. It may be that the indubitably mixed character of Rome’s population produced that result. Certainly in these respects no other ancient community was its equal.
The legendary16 history of Rome is as generally familiar as the commonest household stories of the race. Modern investigators17 have abandoned the attempt to find out even partially18 the line at which its history 212ceases to be legendary. Fairly correct accounts of Rome begin with the permanent contact of the city with a literate20 community of which the records have survived, namely, the Greeks.[230]
The Greeks had founded cities along the southern coast of Italy and the eastern half of Sicily as early as the ninth century B.C.E. With some of these cities it was inevitable21 that Rome should be in frequent communication, but the communication did not impress itself for many years upon that class of Greeks which, in the extant books, speaks for the whole people. Not till the time of Alexander (330 B.C.E.) do our Greek records begin to deal with Romans. At that time Rome was already the dominant23 power in central and in the interior of southern Italy, succeeding roughly to the empire of that great Tuscan League of which she was once the subject. And yet, Alexander’s teacher, the encyclopedically learned Aristotle, had only vaguely24 heard of Rome as an Italian city overrun by marauding Gauls.[231]
The position occupied then by Rome would of itself have made active participation25 in Mediterranean26 affairs a necessity. The embroilment27 of Romans in the conflicts in which international politics is expressed was precipitated28 by the ambition of the restless Diadochi and their successors. It was a kinsman29 of the lurid30 Demetrius the Besieger31, the Epirote prince Pyrrhus, who undertook to save the Greek civilization of the coast cities from the Italian barbarians. Pyrrhus ultimately retired32 with his tail between his legs, after having 213dragged the Romans into Sicily and brought them face to face with the Carthaginians. The succeeding three generations were occupied in the mortal grapple between these two. It ended with the triumph of Rome.
So far Rome had dealt only with the West, but with the permanent eastward33 bent34 of men’s minds the lord of the Western Mediterranean was, as such, a power in the East as well. Scarcely a single generation passed before it became the sole power in the East, so that future political history becomes the act of officially recording35 successive realizations36 of that fact. And yet, this extraordinary people, which had in an astoundingly short time secured the primacy over a considerable fraction of the earth, was apparently37 possessed38 of slighter intellectual endowments than many of its subjects. It had not succeeded in giving such culture as it had developed any artistic40 form. And before it had taken any steps in that direction, it came into immediate41 contact with nations of much older culture, which had done so; in one case, a nation which had carried artistry of form to a degree never subsequently attained42 by any single people. First, the Etruscans had given in bulk a mass of finished cultural elements, especially in religion and constructive43 crafts, and had otherwise exercised an influence now wholly undeterminable. Secondly44, by Etruscan mediation45 and afterwards directly, the Romans became the intellectual vassals46 of the Greeks, a fact that lends some justification47 to the modern tendency to treat classical antiquity48 as a single term.
214The Romans obtained their very earliest knowledge of the Jews when the political and social development just outlined was practically complete.
The treaty cited in I Macc. viii. 22 seq. is perhaps apocryphal49, but the substantial accuracy of the chapter is scarcely doubtful. “And Judas had heard the name of the Romans,” we read, and this statement is followed by a lengthy50 recital51 of the recent conquests of Rome. After the first Hasmonean successes the little knowledge that Roman and Jew had of each other may be so summed up. On the Roman side, the responsible senatorial oligarchy52 learned with undisguised satisfaction that a previously53 unknown tribe of Syrian mountaineers, grouped about a famous temple-rock not far from the Egyptian frontier, had successfully maintained themselves against a troublesome and unaccountable tributary54 king. On the Jewish side, the leaders of the victorious55 rebels, conscious of the precarious56 nature of their success, turned at once to that mighty57 people—known as yet scarcely by report—which from far off directed men’s destinies. Even at that time the Roman policy of divide et impera, “divide and rule,” was well understood and consciously exploited by all who could do so. The embassy sent by Judas—there is no real reason for questioning its authenticity—presented to curious Romans in 162 B.C.E. an aspect in no way different from that of other Syrian embassies long familiar to the capital. And if it is true that some of that train or of a later embassy of Simon took up 215permanent residence in Rome, that fact was probably scarcely noticed from sheer lack of novelty.
Generally speaking, the Roman attitude to the Jews, as to all other peoples, was that of a master: the attitude of the Goth in Spain, the Manchu in China, the English in India. No one of these analogues58 is exact, but all have this common feature, that individuals of the dominant race can scarcely fail to exhibit in their personal relations with the conquered an arrogance59 that will vary inversely60 with the man’s cultivation61. It is so very easy to assume for oneself the whole glory of national achievements. No doubt every Italian peasant and artisan believed that it was qualities existing in himself that commanded the obedience62 of the magnificent potentates63 of the East. The earliest attitude of Roman to Jew could not have been different from that toward Syrians or foreigners in general. If in 150 B.C.E. the term Iudaei had reached the ears of the man in the street, it denoted a Syrian principality existing like all other principalities at sufferance and upon the condition of good behavior.
For nearly a hundred years this state of things remained unchanged. Then the inevitable happened. Syria became Roman, and the motives64 that had won Roman support for the Jews no longer existed. Roman sufferance was withdrawn65, and Judea’s good behavior ceased. That Gnaeus Pompey encountered serious resistance on his march from Antioch to Jerusalem is doubtful. The later highly-colored versions of his storming of the temple are probably rhetorical inventions. 216The Psalms68 of Solomon, which are very plausibly69 referred to this period, are outbursts of passionate70 grief at the loss of the national independence; for no recognition of Hyrcanus’ rank could disguise the fact of the latter’s impotent dependence71 upon the senate, and the limitations openly placed upon the vassal-king’s authority show that the Romans were at no pains to disguise the fact.[232]
When the Romans added Asia to their dominions72, as they had in the generation preceding the occupation of Jerusalem, they annexed73 with Asia many hundreds of Jewish synagogues in the numerous cities of Asia. Jews lived also in Greece, in Italy and Rome itself, and in Carthage. Egypt, which contained many hundreds of thousands, was still nominally74 independent. Roman officials had long known how to distinguish the Iudaei from others of those ubiquitous Syrians who, as slaves, artisans, physicians, filled every market-place of the empire. More than one provincial75 governor must have collected a few honest commissions from a people indiscreet enough to collect sums of considerable magnitude, as the Jews did for the support of the temple.
RUINS OF AN ANCIENT SYNAGOGUE AT MEROM, GALILEE, PALESTINE
(Roman Period)
(? Underwood and Underwood)
That they were classed as Syrians did not raise the Jews in general, and particularly in Roman, esteem76. The Syrians, to be sure, were one of the most energetic, perhaps mentally the quickest, of the races then living, but they were the slave race par19 excellence77; i.e. the largest number of slaves were and had long been derived78 from among them. The vices79 of slavery, low cunning, physical cowardice80, lack of self-respect, were apparent 217enough in those Syrians who were actually slaves, and were transferred to all men of that nation. “Syri” is nothing less than a term of contempt applied81 to any people of unwarlike habits.[233]
Unwarlike the Jews of that day were not. All that had commended them to Roman notice was their military successes over the troops of Antiochus and Demetrius. Pompey may not have found Aristobulus and his Nabatean allies really formidable, but he did have to fight, and did not meet that docile82 crawling at his feet which he had encountered elsewhere. That made considerable difference in Roman eyes, and may have caused the unusual tenderness they manifested as a rule for what they loftily termed the Jewish superstition83.
As has been said, we have reason to believe that a Jewish community already existed at Rome, and we shall see that it must have been fairly numerous. As a city, Rome was probably the least homogeneous in the world. It may have contained at this time something less than a million people, perhaps much less; but this population was of the most diverse origin. Not only had the capital of the world attracted to it all manner of adventurers; not only was it teeming85 with slaves of every imaginable blood and speech; but the thronging86 of the city with the refuse of the world had been a conscious policy of the democratic and senatorial rings, to whom modern “colonization” was a familiar and simple process. When we recall that the accepted governmental theory was still that of the city-state, we shall see that mere87 residence made to a certain extent 218a Roman of everyone who lived within the walls. Various measures of expulsion, such as the Lex Junia Penni and the Lex Papia of 65 B.C.E., were wholly ineffective.
As a matter of fact, the governmental apparatus88 of the city-state was quite unable to cope with the situation that presented itself. Until 200 B.C.E., the turning-point in Roman history, the city was small and mean; the population, though composite, was still almost wholly Italian in character. A rapid increase in wealth and a consequent increase in glaring inequalities of fortune began at this point. The governing council of ex-magistrates, whose office had in practice become almost hereditary89, found itself confronted by a needy90 and exigent proletariat, which it could neither overawe nor purchase.
The urban tendency of the population of Italy was due largely to the failure of the small farms to support their man. Free labor91 was subjected to the constant drain of military levies92, and temporary suspension of cultivation was ruinous. The obvious remedy was a forced and unprofitable sale to the agrarian93 capitalists, whose leasehold94 interest in the great public lands had long been so nearly vested that it was almost sacrilege to attack it. To migrate to the city was then the only course open to the peasant, but in the city the demand for free labor was never great. The new arrivals joined the great mass of landless rabble95, sinking soon into an idle and pauperized mob.
219But at the same time infusions96 of foreign blood came into the city. The rapid rise in wealth and power had poured into Rome a constant stream of the commonest of wares97, viz. human chattels99. These slaves, Greek, Thracian, but above all Syrian, were directly consequent upon the imperative100 demand for skilled labor, which they alone could satisfy. But the very number of these slaves, and the changes in personal fortunes, which were then even more frequent than now, made them often a liability rather than an asset to their master.
Enfranchisement101 was encouraged by another consideration. The Roman law, determined103 by a very ancient patriarchal system, was apparently very rigid104 as to the extent of the master’s dominium. The slave was, in law and logic105, a sentient106 chattel98 indistinguishable from ox and ass22. But in other respects the Roman law was extraordinarily107 liberal. For practical purposes the slave could and did acquire property, the so-called peculium, and could and did use it to purchase his freedom.
Further, the newly-made freeman became a full citizen, a civis Romanus. His name was enrolled108 in the census109 books; he possessed full suffrage110, and lacked only the ius honorum, the right of holding office. Even this, however, his children acquired. Sons of slaves who held magistracies are frequent enough to furnish some notable examples; e.g. Cn. Flavius, the secretary to Appius Claudius; P. Gabinius, the proposer of the Lex Tabellaria of 139 B.C.E.[234] It is for this reason that indications of servile origin have been found in names nothing less than illustrious in Roman history.[235]
220With this steady influx111 of dispossessed peasants and enfranchised112 Greek and Asiatic slaves, the urban population was a sufficiently113 unaccountable quantity; and in this motley horde114, constantly stirred to riot by the political upheavals115, which quickly followed each other from the Gracchan period onward116, all manner of strange and picturesque117 foreigners lived and worked. To the Roman of cultivation they were sometimes interesting, more often repellent, especially if he found himself compelled to reckon with them seriously on the basis of a common citizenship118. Even for foreigners Roman citizenship was not very difficult to acquire, and was, as we have seen, obtained with especial facility through slavery. The emancipated119 slave was as such a civis Romanus. His son had even the ius honorum; he might be a candidate for the magistracy. This process had been accelerated after the Social War, which admitted an enormous and quite unmanageable number into citizenship. The popular leaders were especially lavish120, and no doubt many ward1 politicians took it upon themselves to dispense121 with the formalities when a few votes were needed.
We are very fortunate in possessing for this period records of quite unusual fulness and variety. The last century of the Roman republic was rich in notable men, with some of whom we are especially familiar. In literary importance and in permanent charm of personality, no one of them can compare with the country squire’s son, Marcus Tullius Cicero, who achieved the impossible in his lifetime, and attained posthumous122 221fame far beyond his wildest dreams. He was consul123 of Rome in the very year in which Jerusalem was captured, and was in the throes of the same political uncertainty124 that marked his whole later career. The most brilliant pleader in the city or the world, he was feared, loved, and hated for his mordant125 wit, his torrential fluency126 of speech, and his remarkable127 power and skill in invective128. Although his personal instincts had always inclined him to the gentlemanly aristocracy that made up the majority of the senate, he had won his first successes in politics on the other side, and reached the summit of his ambition, the consulship129, as a popular candidate, receiving the support of the senate only because he was deemed the least dangerous of three.
In the year 59 B.C.E. Cicero, concededly the leader of the Roman bar and still more concededly the social lion of the day, undertook the defense130 of Lucius Valerius Flaccus, former governor of Asia, who was charged with maladministration and oppression. The counts in the indictment131 were numerous. Among them was the following allegation: That Flaccus as praetor had seized certain sacred funds; to wit, the moneys which Asiatic provincials132, Jews in origin, had, in accordance with ancient custom, collected and were about to transfer to the temple at Jerusalem. By so doing Flaccus had doubled embezzlement133 upon sacrilege, for the sanctity of the temple was established by its antiquity, and confirmed by the conduct of Pompey, who had ostentatiously spared it and its appurtenances.
222It will be necessary to examine in some detail the circumstances of the entire case. Flaccus was a member of the reactionary134 wing of the senatorial party, which until recently had held Cicero aloof135 as an upstart provincial. His birth and training were those of an aristocrat136. A certain portion of Cicero’s defense is occupied in descanting on the glories of the Valerian house, to which Flaccus belonged. The prosecution137 of Flaccus, again, was a political move of the popular opposition138, now at last, after the futile139 essays of Lepidus and Catiline, finding voice and hand in the consummate140 skill of Gaius Julius Caesar.
Shortly before this date a powerful combination had been made, which enlisted142 in the same scheme the glamour143 of unprecedented144 military success in the person of Gnaeus Pompey, the unlimited146 resources of the tax-farmers and land-capitalists represented by Marcus Crassus, and the personal popularity of the demagogue Caesar. Each no doubt had his own axe147 to grind in this coalition148, and the bond that held them was of an uncertain nature, opposition to the senatorial oligarchy. Further, only in the case of Caesar was the opposition a matter of policy. In the case of the other two, it was the outcome of nothing loftier than pique149. None the less, when the strings150 were pulled by Caesar, this variously assembled machine moved readily enough.
In 59 B.C.E. this cabal151 had been successful in winning one place in the consulship, that of Caesar himself. Lucius Flaccus had earned Caesar’s enmity by his vigorous action against the Catilinarians in 63 B.C.E. 223E., so that when an influential152 financier, C. Appuleius Decianus, complained of Flaccus’ treatment of him, the democratic leader found an opportunity of gratifying his allies, of posing as the protector of oppressed provincials, and wreaking153 political spite at the same time. A certain Decimus Laelius appeared to prosecute154 the ex-governor of Asia.
Of Flaccus’ guilt155 there seems to be no reasonable question. He was plainly one of the customary type of avaricious156 nobles to whom a provincial governorship was purely157 a business proposition. No doubt he was no worse than his neighbors. His guilt seems to have been especially patent. “Cicero,” says Macrobius, “secured the acquittal of Flaccus by an apposite jest, although the defendant’s guilt of the charges made was perfectly158 apparent.”[236] And indeed on the principal counts Cicero has no evidence except exaltation of Flaccus’ personal character, and abuse of the witnesses against him, whom he characterizes as lying and irresponsible Greeks. His peroration159 is a flaming denunciation of the prosecution and an appeal to the jury not to permit the supporters of the dead traitor160 Catiline to win a signal triumph.
The speech was successful. Flaccus was acquitted161, and the acquittal may have hastened Cicero’s own banishment162. But for us the particularly interesting part of this brilliant effort is contained in §§ 66-69. After he has disposed of the various charges of peculation163 and extortion, he turns to the charges made by the Jews:
224Next comes the malicious164 accusation165 about the gold of the Jews. No doubt that is the reason why this case is being tried so near the Aurelian terrace. It is this count in the indictment, Laelius, that has made you pick out this place, and that is responsible for the crowd about us. You know very well how numerous that class is, with what unanimity166 they act, and what strength they exhibit in the political meetings. But I shall frustrate167 their purpose. I shall speak in a low tone, just loud enough for the jury to hear. There is no lack of men, as you very well know, to stir these fellows up against me and every patriotic168 citizen; and I have no intention of making the task of such mischief-makers lighter39 by any act of mine.
The facts are these: Every year it has been customary for men representing the Jews to collect sums in gold from Italy and all our provinces for exportation to Jerusalem. Flaccus in his provincial edict forbade this to be done in Asia.
Now, gentlemen, is there a man who can honestly refuse commendation to this act? That gold should not be exported is a matter which the senate had frequently voted, and which it did as recently as my own consulship. Why, it is a proof of Flaccus’ vigorous administration that he took active steps against a foreign superstition, as it is an indication of a lofty sense of duty that he dared defy, where the public weal was concerned, the furious mass of Jews that frequently crowd our meetings.
But, we are told, when Jerusalem was captured, the conqueror169 Gn. Pompey touched nothing in that shrine. And that was very wisely done on Pompey’s part, as in so many other acts of that commander. In so suspicious and slanderous170 a city as ours, he would leave nothing for his detractors to take hold of. But I do not believe, and I cannot suppose you do, that it was the religion of such a nation as the Jews, recently in arms against Rome, that deterred171 our illustrious general. It was rather his own self-respect.
In view of these considerations, just wherein does the accusation lie? You do not anywhere charge theft; you do not attack the edict; you admit due process of law; you do not deny that the moneys were openly confiscated172 upon official investigation173. The testimony174 itself discloses that the whole 225matter was carried on by men of rank and position. At Apamea, Sextus Caesius, a Roman knight175 and a gentleman of whose honor and integrity there can be no question, openly seized and weighed out in the forum176 at the feet of the praetor a little less than a hundred pounds of gold. At Laodicea an amount somewhat more than twenty was seized by Lucius Peducaeus, a member of this very jury; at Adramytus, ... by the governor’s representative, L. Domitius. A small quantity was also seized at Pergamon. The accounts of the gold so seized have been audited177. The gold is in the treasury178. There is no charge of theft. The purpose of the charge is to excite odium against my client. It is not the jury that the prosecution is addressing, but the audience, the crowd about us.
Religious scruples179, my dear Laelius, are primarily national concerns. We have our own, and other states have theirs. And as a matter of fact, even while Jerusalem was standing180, and the Jews were at peace with us, there was very little in common between the religious customs of which their rites181 are examples and those which befit an empire as splendid as ours, or a people of our character and dignity. Our ancestral institutions are as different from theirs as they well can be. Now, however, there surely can be all the less obligation upon us to respect Jewish religious observances when the nation has demonstrated in arms what its feelings are toward Rome, and has made clear how far it enjoyed divine protection by the fact that it has been conquered, scattered182, enslaved.
There are a number of difficulties with the passage. The text of the final sentence is doubtful—but the discussion of that point will be reserved for the Notes.[237]
We cannot suppose that Cicero was guilty of deliberate misstatement on matters about which he could be immediately confuted. We must therefore accept his assertion that this count in the indictment did not charge theft or malversation, but merely public confiscation183 of the funds in question. It is undoubtedly184 a 226fact that the exportation of the precious metals had been frequently forbidden, although the senatorial resolution to this effect was far from being a law, but with this precedent145 and even without it no one could very well deny that it was within the imperium of a proconsul to make such a regulation if he saw fit.[238]
One may well ask with Cicero, Ubi ergo crimen est? The point seems to be that previous officials had interpreted the rule to refer to exportation for commercial purposes, and had exempted185 from its operation contributions for religious purposes. Doubtless the self-imposed temple tax of the Jews was not the only one of its kind. If custom had sanctioned that exemption186, Flaccus’ act would be felt as an act of oppression, since the strict or lenient187 enforcing of the edict on this point was purely a matter of discretion188.[239] Flaccus’ successor, Quintus Cicero, a brother of the orator189, seems to have reverted190 to the former practice.
In one other respect the seizure191 of these sums may have seemed an act of arbitrary tyranny. The sum seized at Apamea was said to be one hundred pounds of gold—about 72 English pounds—and must have equaled about 75,000 Roman denarii or Athenian drachms. As the temple tax was a didrachm, that would imply over 35,000 heads of families, or a total Jewish population for Apamea of 170,000. That number is quite impossible. It is, however, very likely that the Jews of the various synagogae paid their didrachm with their other dues to the corporation arca, or treasury, and that it was the whole treasury that was seized. 227That would give the Jews of these cities a very real grievance192, and make their animus193 against Flaccus easy to explain.
The importance of the passage, however, is in no way concerned with the justice or injustice194 of the accusation against Flaccus. It lies first in its picture of the Jewish community at Rome, and secondly in its indication of Cicero’s personal views.
The very insertion of the charge proves that a considerable Jewish element existed, whose aid the prosecution was anxious to enlist141. Cicero’s own statements show this directly. Here and here only in his speech he refers to the popular odium sought to be incited195 against his client, and speaks of the number and power of the Jews in contionibus,[240] “in the political meetings,” and in the crowd about him. Part of this, the summissa voce, “low tone,” for example, is the veriest acting196. Cicero was really not afraid to say loudly what he wished to say, and if the jury could hear him, part of the crowd could hear as well. But although the Roman Jews were probably not so redoubtable197 as Cicero would have his jury believe, they must have formed a large contingent198. Where did they come from?
We have the statement of Philo that it was not until the capture of Jerusalem by Pompey in 63 B.C.E. that Jews were brought to Rome in large numbers.[241] These, it is supposed, were enfranchised shortly after, and are the people here referred to. That may be said to be the general view.
228There are, however, serious difficulties in it that escape those who hold it, simply because they fail to follow in detail the implications of their view. Pompey did not arrive in Rome till January, 61 B.C.E. His army had been previously dismissed, but was to assemble for the great triumph that took place in September, 61. The trial of Flaccus was held in August, 59 B.C.E. Some months must have been spent in preparing the case against him. Accordingly we are to suppose that thousands of Jewish captives were brought to Rome, sold there, enfranchised, learned Latin, became politically organized, and developed formidable voting strength, all within less than two years! The mere question of language makes the hypothesis impossible. Pompey’s captives were Palestinian Jews, of most of whom the native language was Aramaic, not Greek.[242] Without command of Greek or Latin the ready acquisition of either was nothing short of miraculous199, and the immediate political activity is only less so.
But the chief difficulty lies in another matter. The phrase “taken prisoners” immediately suggests the conditions of modern warfare200, in which whole armies are surrendered and transferred in bulk great distances for safe-keeping. It is to be feared that some such idea was suggested to modern writers by the words of Philo. But that is not at all what occurred in ancient times. Prisoners taken on the field of battle were sold immediately at the nearest market. Slave-dealers followed the army. Caesar’s account of his campaign in Gaul affords numerous instances of this immediate disposal 229of captured foes201; e.g. the case of the Atuatuci and Veneti.[243] If they were assigned as loot to individual soldiers, they were disposed of in the same way. Here and there a soldier would, for one reason or another, retain his prisoner as a personal slave, but in general he had almost no facilities for providing or caring for a number of them. A few of the distinguished202 captives were reserved by the commander for a triumph.
Now Pompey’s army had just finished a five years’ campaign. It had marched through Asia and Syria, winning battles that were not very bloody203, but must have been immensely lucrative204. The Jews formed only a small portion of the total prisoners taken. If all those prisoners actually accompanied their captors to Rome, the question of transportation and provision for such a horde must have been tremendous. What could have induced a general or private to assume this enormous expense and care, when the greatest slave-market in the world, viz. that at Alexandria, was relatively205 near by, is inconceivable. If they got to Rome, the city’s population must have swelled206 visibly under the process. There is no record that it did, and it could scarcely have escaped notice, had such a thing taken place.
And finally, even if we assume that such a wholly unprecedented and inexplicable207 incident occurred, how are we to explain the immediate and wholesale208 enfranchisement of so large a number? Ransom209 by wealthy coreligionists at Rome is excluded by the hypothesis. Similar action by Jews outside the city would demand a much longer time. The reasons generally 230assigned are based upon the assumed uselessness of Jewish slaves for ordinary purposes because of their dietary laws and religious intransigeance. But that is a purely dogmatic assertion. Papyri and inscriptions210 have shown that in spite of a bitter racial opposition and perhaps economic strife211 as well, Jew and non-Jew could live quite peaceably together. The dietary laws would not render his master’s meals obnoxious212 to a Jewish slave, because he did not eat at his master’s table, and might consume his scanty213 vegetable food where and how he pleased. If a master actually chose to force attendance at the sacrifice, the compulsion of necessity would have been a valid214 excuse for all but those of martyr215 stuff, and we cannot suppose that every Jewish soldier had in him the zeal216 of a martyr. Besides, for such compulsion the slave would in no sense be responsible, and it is with disadvantages moving from him that we are concerned.
It is simply impossible to imagine what could have induced Pompey’s soldiers or those who purchased from them to enfranchise102 immediately slaves transported from such a distance and at such expense.
Philo’s statement is at best a conjecture217, made without any better acquaintance with the facts than we ourselves possess, and contradicted by the necessary inference from Cicero’s words.
We must therefore assign the settlement of Jews in Rome to a much earlier date. The tradition that some of the train of Simon’s embassy had remained in Rome is, as we have seen, probable enough. To that nucleus218 231there was added, by a perfectly natural and even inevitable infiltration219, a group of Jewish freedmen, artisans, and merchants who were establishing themselves all over the Mediterranean. Jews are met with at Delphi a hundred years before the delivery of this speech.[244]
We have therefore, in 59 B.C.E., an established Jewish community, necessarily organized in synagogues and chiefly of servile origin. The use of foreigners at the polls by the political leaders had led to the Lex Junia Penni of 80 B.C.E. and the Lex Papia of 65 B.C.E., which ordered foreigners to leave the city. But these measures were wholly ineffective, and in any case could have only partly served those who proposed them, since the mass of the democratic strength lay in the proletariat, and the proletariat was largely composed of undoubted citizens, although freedmen. The Jews formed, as we see, an active and troublesome element in the turbulent city populace. Their attachment220 to the democratic leader, Caesar, is well attested221, and Caesar’s marked favor toward them has all the appearance of the payment of a political debt, as in the case of the Cisalpine Gauls.[245]
As far as Cicero was concerned personally, we may assume that his attitude was the contempt which he no doubt honestly felt for the infima plebs and for Syrian barbarians in particular. He probably voices the sentiments of the optimates,[246] with whom, though still hesitant, he had already cast his fortunes. The abuse arises from the necessities of the case. As previously pointed222 out, it is in this very speech that we have fine examples 232of the device of abusing your opponent’s witnesses when arguments give out. These phrases show no special animus. Just as Greeks are liars223 if they are on the other side, and men of honor on his own, as exhibited almost in successive paragraphs of this speech,[247] so we may be sure if Cicero were prosecuting224 Flaccus, a few eloquent225 periods would extol226 the character of those ancient allies and firm friends of Rome, the Jews.
How much Cicero really knew of the Jews is not certain. He is aware that in point of religious observance the Jews are strikingly different from other tribes. The contrast he emphasizes in his speech may be an allusion227 to the imageless cult13 of the Jews and the inference of meanness and poverty of ceremonial which Romans would draw from it. And the taunt228 quam dis cara, “how dear to the gods,” seems an unmistakable fling at the claim of the Jews, loudly voiced in their propaganda, to possess in a high degree the favor of the Divinity, or even a special communion with the Deity229 in their mysteries.
All this Cicero might have learned from his surroundings. It is doubtful that he learned it from Posidonius and Molo, both of whom he knew well. In these two appear stories which Cicero could hardly have overlooked if he knew them. When we remember what he says of Sardinians in the Scauriana, of Gauls in the Fonteiana,[248] he surely would not have omitted to catalogue the tales treasured up by these two Greek teachers of his; to wit, the ass-god, the scrofulous 233prophet, the savage230 inhospitality and absurd fanaticism231 Molo and Posidonius ascribe to the Jews.
One other phrase which Cicero applies to Jews would deserve little attention if it were not for the extraordinary general inferences some have drawn66 from it. In May, 56 B.C.E., Cicero has an opportunity to vent67 his venom232 on his enemy Gabinius, consul in 59 B.C.E., whom he held personally responsible for the humiliation233 of his exile. Gabinius, in 56, was governor of Syria, and seems to have been rather short with the tax-farmers, whom, to the delight of the provincials, he treated with contumely and no doubt with gross injustice. The persistent6 favor he showed to all provincial claims against these men, many of them Cicero’s personal friends and at all times his supporters, caused the orator to exclaim:
As far as the unfortunate tax-farmers are concerned—and I count myself equally unfortunate to be compelled to relate their misfortunes and sufferings—Gabinius made them the chattel-slaves of Jews and Syrians, races themselves born to be slaves.
The concluding phrase is simply the application of the rhetorical commonplace of Greeks that barbarians as such were slaves by nature. It was applied to Syrians with a certain justice, as the slave name Syrus testifies. From that standpoint, however, it was obviously absurd to assert that it was true of Jews. Cicero’s inclusion of them is due to the fact that, as governor of Syria, Gabinius would have had many occasions to favor Jewish litigants234 against the publicans, probably in pursuance of his party’s policy. Gabinius, 234we may recall, was a very obedient servant of his masters, the triumvirs, and the interest of the leading spirit of the coalition in the provinces has been previously pointed out.[249]
Allusions235 of this type made in the course of vehement236 advocacy or invective are really of little meaning even as an indication of personal feeling. It is true, however, that Cicero shows very little sympathy in general with the Roman masses or with the provincials, despite the Verrine prosecution. That he could have felt any interest or liking237 for Syrian barbarians in or out of the city is very improbable.
None the less, within Cicero’s own circle, the same elements in Jewish customs which had impressed Greeks, such as Theophrastus and Clearchus, could not fail to strike such Romans as made philosophic238 pretensions239. The fame of the shrine at Jerusalem had reached Rome a century earlier, as we have seen from Polybius. Pompey’s capture of the city formed no inconsiderable item in his exploits. Cicero refers to him jestingly as noster Hierosolymarius, “Our Hero of Jerusalem.”[250] We can tell from Cicero’s own words the emphasis that Laelius had laid on the fame of the temple and its sanctity when he denounced Flaccus. As a matter of fact it was a constant practice of Romans to find, in those institutions of barbarians which could be called severe or simple, the image of their own golden age of simplicity240, before the advent84 of Greek luxury. So Cicero’s learned friend and correspondent Varro is quoted by Augustine[251] as referring to the Jews among 235others as a people whose imageless cult still maintains what the Romans had abandoned. There may be very little sincerity241 in this regret of a simple-living past, but it is an indication that the exceptional character of Jewish religious customs might in Cicero’s own entourage be characterized in terms somewhat different from those of the Flacciana.
We shall have reason to distinguish very sharply between the attitude of Romans of rank and cultivation and that of the great mass. However, that is true not only in this relatively minor242 detail but in thousands of other matters as well. The Roman gentleman was distinct from the mass, not merely in political principles, but in his very speech. In the following generations social readjustments of all sorts frequently modified the position of the Jews in Rome, but until the increasing absolutism of the monarchy243 practically effaced244 distinctions, the cleavage just indicated largely determined the point of view and even the terms used.
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1
ward
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| n.守卫，监护，病房，行政区，由监护人或法院保护的人（尤指儿童）；vt.守护，躲开 | |
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apogee
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| n.远地点；极点；顶点 | |
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barbarians
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| n.野蛮人( barbarian的名词复数 )；外国人；粗野的人；无教养的人 | |
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destined
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| adj.命中注定的；(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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5
persistently
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| ad.坚持地；固执地 | |
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persistent
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| adj.坚持不懈的，执意的；持续的 | |
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insignificant
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| adj.无关紧要的，可忽略的，无意义的 | |
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shrine
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| n.圣地，神龛，庙；v.将...置于神龛内，把...奉为神圣 | |
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conspired
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| 密谋( conspire的过去式和过去分词 )； 搞阴谋； （事件等）巧合； 共同导致 | |
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titular
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| adj.名义上的，有名无实的；n.只有名义（或头衔）的人 | |
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presidency
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| n.总统(校长，总经理)的职位(任期) | |
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steadfastness
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| n.坚定，稳当 | |
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cult
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| n.异教，邪教；时尚，狂热的崇拜 | |
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14
formulated
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| v.构想出( formulate的过去式和过去分词 )；规划；确切地阐述；用公式表示 | |
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15
foe
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| n.敌人，仇敌 | |
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legendary
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| adj.传奇（中）的，闻名遐迩的；n.传奇（文学） | |
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investigators
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| n.调查者，审查者( investigator的名词复数 ) | |
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18
partially
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| adv.部分地，从某些方面讲 | |
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par
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| n.标准，票面价值，平均数量；adj.票面的，平常的，标准的 | |
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20
literate
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| n.学者；adj.精通文学的，受过教育的 | |
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21
inevitable
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| adj.不可避免的，必然发生的 | |
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22
ass
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| n.驴；傻瓜，蠢笨的人 | |
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23
dominant
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| adj.支配的，统治的；占优势的；显性的；n.主因，要素，主要的人(或物)；显性基因 | |
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24
vaguely
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| adv.含糊地，暖昧地 | |
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participation
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| n.参与，参加，分享 | |
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26
Mediterranean
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| adj.地中海的；地中海沿岸的 | |
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27
embroilment
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| n.搅乱，纠纷 | |
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28
precipitated
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| v.（突如其来地）使发生( precipitate的过去式和过去分词 )；促成；猛然摔下；使沉淀 | |
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29
kinsman
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| n.男亲属 | |
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30
lurid
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| adj.可怕的；血红的；苍白的 | |
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31
besieger
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| n. 围攻者, 围攻军 | |
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32
retired
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| adj.隐退的，退休的，退役的 | |
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33
eastward
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| adv.向东；adj.向东的；n.东方，东部 | |
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34
bent
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| n.爱好，癖好；adj.弯的；决心的，一心的 | |
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recording
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| n.录音，记录 | |
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36
realizations
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| 认识，领会( realization的名词复数 )； 实现 | |
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37
apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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38
possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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39
lighter
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| n.打火机，点火器；驳船；v.用驳船运送；light的比较级 | |
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40
artistic
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| adj.艺术(家)的，美术(家)的；善于艺术创作的 | |
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41
immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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42
attained
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| （通常经过努力）实现( attain的过去式和过去分词 )； 达到； 获得； 达到（某年龄、水平、状况） | |
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43
constructive
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| adj.建设的，建设性的 | |
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44
secondly
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| adv.第二，其次 | |
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45
mediation
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| n.调解 | |
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46
vassals
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| n.奴仆( vassal的名词复数 )；（封建时代）诸侯；从属者；下属 | |
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47
justification
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| n.正当的理由；辩解的理由 | |
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48
antiquity
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| n.古老；高龄；古物，古迹 | |
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49
apocryphal
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| adj.假冒的，虚假的 | |
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50
lengthy
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| adj.漫长的，冗长的 | |
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51
recital
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| n.朗诵，独奏会，独唱会 | |
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52
oligarchy
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| n.寡头政治 | |
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53
previously
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| adv.以前，先前（地） | |
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54
tributary
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| n.支流；纳贡国；adj.附庸的；辅助的；支流的 | |
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55
victorious
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| adj.胜利的，得胜的 | |
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56
precarious
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| adj.不安定的，靠不住的；根据不足的 | |
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57
mighty
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| adj.强有力的；巨大的 | |
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58
analogues
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| 相似物( analogue的名词复数 )； 类似物； 类比； 同源词 | |
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59
arrogance
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| n.傲慢，自大 | |
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60
inversely
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| adj.相反的 | |
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61
cultivation
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| n.耕作，培养，栽培（法），养成 | |
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62
obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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63
potentates
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| n.君主，统治者( potentate的名词复数 )；有权势的人 | |
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64
motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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65
withdrawn
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| vt.收回；使退出；vi.撤退，退出 | |
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66
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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67
vent
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| n.通风口，排放口；开衩；vt.表达，发泄 | |
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68
psalms
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| n.赞美诗( psalm的名词复数 )；圣诗；圣歌；(中的) | |
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69
plausibly
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| 似真地 | |
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70
passionate
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| adj.热情的，热烈的，激昂的，易动情的，易怒的，性情暴躁的 | |
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71
dependence
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| n.依靠，依赖；信任，信赖；隶属 | |
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72
dominions
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| 统治权( dominion的名词复数 )； 领土； 疆土； 版图 | |
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73
annexed
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| [法] 附加的，附属的 | |
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74
nominally
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| 在名义上，表面地； 应名儿 | |
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75
provincial
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| adj.省的，地方的；n．外省人，乡下人 | |
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76
esteem
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| n.尊敬，尊重；vt.尊重，敬重；把…看作 | |
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excellence
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| n.优秀，杰出，(pl.)优点，美德 | |
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78
derived
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| vi.起源；由来；衍生；导出v.得到( derive的过去式和过去分词 )；（从…中）得到获得；源于；（从…中）提取 | |
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79
vices
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| 缺陷( vice的名词复数 )； 恶习； 不道德行为； 台钳 | |
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80
cowardice
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| n.胆小，怯懦 | |
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81
applied
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| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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82
docile
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| adj.驯服的，易控制的，容易教的 | |
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83
superstition
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| n.迷信，迷信行为 | |
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84
advent
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| n.(重要事件等的)到来，来临 | |
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85
teeming
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| adj.丰富的v.充满( teem的现在分词 )；到处都是；（指水、雨等）暴降；倾注 | |
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86
thronging
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| v.成群，挤满( throng的现在分词 ) | |
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87
mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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88
apparatus
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| n.装置，器械；器具，设备 | |
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89
hereditary
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| adj.遗传的，遗传性的，可继承的，世袭的 | |
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90
needy
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| adj.贫穷的，贫困的，生活艰苦的 | |
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91
labor
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| n.劳动，努力，工作，劳工；分娩；vi.劳动，努力，苦干；vt.详细分析；麻烦 | |
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92
levies
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| （部队）征兵( levy的名词复数 )； 募捐； 被征募的军队 | |
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93
agrarian
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| adj.土地的，农村的，农业的 | |
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94
leasehold
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| n.租赁，租约，租赁权，租赁期，adj.租(来)的 | |
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95
rabble
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| n.乌合之众，暴民；下等人 | |
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96
infusions
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| n.沏或泡成的浸液（如茶等）( infusion的名词复数 )；注入，注入物 | |
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97
wares
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| n. 货物, 商品 | |
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98
chattel
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| n.动产；奴隶 | |
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99
chattels
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| n.动产，奴隶( chattel的名词复数 ) | |
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100
imperative
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| n.命令，需要；规则；祈使语气；adj.强制的；紧急的 | |
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101
enfranchisement
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| 选举权 | |
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102
enfranchise
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| v.给予选举权，解放 | |
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103
determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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104
rigid
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| adj.严格的，死板的；刚硬的，僵硬的 | |
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105
logic
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| n.逻辑(学)；逻辑性 | |
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106
sentient
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| adj.有知觉的，知悉的；adv.有感觉能力地 | |
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107
extraordinarily
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| adv.格外地；极端地 | |
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108
enrolled
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| adj.入学登记了的v.[亦作enrol]( enroll的过去式和过去分词 )；登记，招收，使入伍（或入会、入学等），参加，成为成员；记入名册；卷起，包起 | |
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109
census
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| n.(官方的)人口调查，人口普查 | |
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110
suffrage
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| n.投票，选举权，参政权 | |
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111
influx
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| n.流入，注入 | |
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112
enfranchised
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| v.给予选举权( enfranchise的过去式和过去分词 )；（从奴隶制中）解放 | |
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113
sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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114
horde
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| n.群众，一大群 | |
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115
upheavals
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| 突然的巨变( upheaval的名词复数 )； 大动荡； 大变动； 胀起 | |
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116
onward
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| adj.向前的，前进的；adv.向前，前进，在先 | |
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117
picturesque
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| adj.美丽如画的，（语言）生动的，绘声绘色的 | |
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118
citizenship
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| n.市民权，公民权，国民的义务(身份) | |
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119
emancipated
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| adj.被解放的，不受约束的v.解放某人（尤指摆脱政治、法律或社会的束缚）( emancipate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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120
lavish
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| adj.无节制的；浪费的；vt.慷慨地给予，挥霍 | |
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121
dispense
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| vt.分配，分发；配(药)，发(药)；实施 | |
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122
posthumous
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| adj.遗腹的；父亡后出生的；死后的，身后的 | |
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123
consul
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| n.领事；执政官 | |
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124
uncertainty
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| n.易变，靠不住，不确知，不确定的事物 | |
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125
mordant
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| adj.讽刺的；尖酸的 | |
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126
fluency
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| n.流畅，雄辩，善辩 | |
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127
remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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128
invective
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| n.痛骂，恶意抨击 | |
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129
consulship
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| 领事的职位或任期 | |
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130
defense
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| n.防御，保卫；[pl.]防务工事；辩护，答辩 | |
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131
indictment
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| n.起诉；诉状 | |
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132
provincials
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| n.首都以外的人，地区居民( provincial的名词复数 ) | |
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133
embezzlement
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| n.盗用，贪污 | |
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134
reactionary
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| n.反动者，反动主义者；adj.反动的，反动主义的，反对改革的 | |
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135
aloof
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| adj.远离的；冷淡的，漠不关心的 | |
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136
aristocrat
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| n.贵族，有贵族气派的人，上层人物 | |
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137
prosecution
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| n.起诉，告发，检举，执行，经营 | |
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138
opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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139
futile
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| adj.无效的，无用的，无希望的 | |
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140
consummate
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| adj.完美的；v.成婚；使完美 [反]baffle | |
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141
enlist
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| vt.谋取(支持等)，赢得；征募；vi.入伍 | |
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142
enlisted
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| adj.应募入伍的v.（使）入伍， （使）参军( enlist的过去式和过去分词 )；获得（帮助或支持） | |
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143
glamour
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| n.魔力，魅力；vt.迷住 | |
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144
unprecedented
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| adj.无前例的，新奇的 | |
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145
precedent
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| n.先例，前例；惯例；adj.在前的，在先的 | |
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146
unlimited
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| adj.无限的，不受控制的，无条件的 | |
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147
axe
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| n.斧子；v.用斧头砍，削减 | |
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148
coalition
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| n.结合体，同盟，结合，联合 | |
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149
pique
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| v.伤害…的自尊心，使生气 n.不满，生气 | |
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150
strings
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| n.弦 | |
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151
cabal
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| n.政治阴谋小集团 | |
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152
influential
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| adj.有影响的，有权势的 | |
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153
wreaking
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| 诉诸（武力），施行（暴力），发（脾气）( wreak的现在分词 ) | |
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154
prosecute
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| vt.告发；进行；vi.告发，起诉，作检察官 | |
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155
guilt
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| n.犯罪；内疚；过失，罪责 | |
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156
avaricious
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| adj.贪婪的，贪心的 | |
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157
purely
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| adv.纯粹地，完全地 | |
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158
perfectly
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| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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159
peroration
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| n.（演说等之）结论 | |
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160
traitor
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| n.叛徒，卖国贼 | |
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161
acquitted
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| 宣判…无罪( acquit的过去式和过去分词 )； 使（自己）作出某种表现 | |
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162
banishment
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| n.放逐，驱逐 | |
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163
peculation
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| n.侵吞公款[公物] | |
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164
malicious
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| adj.有恶意的，心怀恶意的 | |
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165
accusation
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| n.控告，指责，谴责 | |
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166
unanimity
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| n.全体一致，一致同意 | |
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167
frustrate
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| v.使失望；使沮丧；使厌烦 | |
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168
patriotic
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| adj.爱国的，有爱国心的 | |
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169
conqueror
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| n.征服者，胜利者 | |
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170
slanderous
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| adj.诽谤的，中伤的 | |
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171
deterred
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| v.阻止，制止( deter的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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172
confiscated
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| 没收，充公( confiscate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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173
investigation
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| n.调查，调查研究 | |
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174
testimony
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| n.证词；见证，证明 | |
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175
knight
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| n.骑士，武士；爵士 | |
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176
forum
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| n.论坛，讨论会 | |
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177
audited
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| v.审计，查账( audit的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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178
treasury
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| n.宝库；国库，金库；文库 | |
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179
scruples
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| n.良心上的不安( scruple的名词复数 )；顾虑，顾忌v.感到于心不安，有顾忌( scruple的第三人称单数 ) | |
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180
standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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181
rites
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| 仪式，典礼( rite的名词复数 ) | |
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182
scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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183
confiscation
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| n. 没收, 充公, 征收 | |
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184
undoubtedly
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| adv.确实地，无疑地 | |
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185
exempted
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| 使免除[豁免]( exempt的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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186
exemption
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| n.豁免，免税额，免除 | |
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187
lenient
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| adj.宽大的，仁慈的 | |
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188
discretion
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| n.谨慎；随意处理 | |
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189
orator
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| n.演说者，演讲者，雄辩家 | |
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190
reverted
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| 恢复( revert的过去式和过去分词 )； 重提； 回到…上； 归还 | |
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191
seizure
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| n.没收；占有；抵押 | |
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192
grievance
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| n.怨愤，气恼，委屈 | |
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193
animus
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| n.恶意；意图 | |
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194
injustice
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| n.非正义，不公正，不公平，侵犯（别人的）权利 | |
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195
incited
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| 刺激，激励，煽动( incite的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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196
acting
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| n.演戏，行为，假装；adj.代理的，临时的，演出用的 | |
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197
redoubtable
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| adj.可敬的；可怕的 | |
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198
contingent
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| adj.视条件而定的；n.一组，代表团，分遣队 | |
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199
miraculous
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| adj.像奇迹一样的，不可思议的 | |
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200
warfare
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| n.战争(状态)；斗争；冲突 | |
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201
foes
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| 敌人，仇敌( foe的名词复数 ) | |
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202
distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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203
bloody
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| adj.非常的的；流血的；残忍的；adv.很；vt.血染 | |
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204
lucrative
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| adj.赚钱的，可获利的 | |
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205
relatively
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| adv.比较...地，相对地 | |
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206
swelled
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| 增强( swell的过去式和过去分词 )； 肿胀； （使）凸出； 充满（激情） | |
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207
inexplicable
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| adj.无法解释的，难理解的 | |
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208
wholesale
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| n.批发；adv.以批发方式；vt.批发，成批出售 | |
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209
ransom
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| n.赎金，赎身；v.赎回，解救 | |
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210
inscriptions
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| （作者）题词( inscription的名词复数 )； 献词； 碑文； 证劵持有人的登记 | |
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211
strife
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| n.争吵，冲突，倾轧，竞争 | |
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212
obnoxious
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| adj.极恼人的，讨人厌的，可憎的 | |
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213
scanty
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| adj.缺乏的，仅有的，节省的，狭小的，不够的 | |
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214
valid
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| adj.有确实根据的；有效的；正当的，合法的 | |
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215
martyr
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| n.烈士，殉难者；vt.杀害，折磨，牺牲 | |
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216
zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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217
conjecture
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| n./v.推测，猜测 | |
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218
nucleus
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| n.核，核心，原子核 | |
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219
infiltration
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| n.渗透；下渗；渗滤；入渗 | |
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220
attachment
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| n.附属物，附件；依恋；依附 | |
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221
attested
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| adj.经检验证明无病的，经检验证明无菌的v.证明( attest的过去式和过去分词 )；证实；声称…属实；使宣誓 | |
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222
pointed
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| adj.尖的，直截了当的 | |
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223
liars
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| 说谎者( liar的名词复数 ) | |
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224
prosecuting
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| 检举、告发某人( prosecute的现在分词 )； 对某人提起公诉； 继续从事（某事物）； 担任控方律师 | |
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225
eloquent
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| adj.雄辩的，口才流利的；明白显示出的 | |
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226
extol
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| v.赞美，颂扬 | |
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227
allusion
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| n.暗示，间接提示 | |
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228
taunt
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| n.辱骂，嘲弄；v.嘲弄 | |
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229
deity
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| n.神，神性；被奉若神明的人(或物) | |
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230
savage
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| adj.野蛮的；凶恶的，残暴的；n.未开化的人 | |
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231
fanaticism
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| n.狂热，盲信 | |
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232
venom
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| n.毒液，恶毒，痛恨 | |
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233
humiliation
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| n.羞辱 | |
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234
litigants
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| n.诉讼当事人( litigant的名词复数 ) | |
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235
allusions
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| 暗指，间接提到( allusion的名词复数 ) | |
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236
vehement
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| adj.感情强烈的；热烈的；(人)有强烈感情的 | |
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237
liking
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| n.爱好；嗜好；喜欢 | |
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238
philosophic
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| adj.哲学的，贤明的 | |
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239
pretensions
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| 自称( pretension的名词复数 )； 自命不凡； 要求； 权力 | |
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240
simplicity
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| n.简单，简易；朴素；直率，单纯 | |
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241
sincerity
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| n.真诚，诚意；真实 | |
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242
minor
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| adj.较小(少)的，较次要的；n.辅修学科；vi.辅修 | |
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243
monarchy
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| n.君主，最高统治者；君主政体，君主国 | |
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244
effaced
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| v.擦掉( efface的过去式和过去分词 )；抹去；超越；使黯然失色 | |
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