The Mishnah gives in considerable detail the laws that governed the life of the Jew at this period, and also those that regulated the intercourse2 of Jew and non-Jew. But the Mishnah may after all have been the expression of an ideal as often as it was the record of real occurrences, and the range of its influence during the time of its compilation3 may have been more limited than its necessarily general phraseology indicates. The Mishnah of Rabbi Judah became the standard text-book in the Jewish academies of Palestine and Babylonia, although not to the total exclusion4 of other sources of Halakah. That did not occur at once; and even when it was complete, the authority of the presidents of the schools over the Jews resident throughout the world is more or less problematic.
For that reason it is especially necessary to note the invaluable5 records of actual life that appear in the papyri and inscriptions6, especially where they show that the intercourse between Jews and pagans was far from being as precisely7 limited as the Mishnah would compel us to suppose, and men who are at no pains to conceal8 329their Jewish origin permitted themselves certain indulgences that would certainly not have met with the approval of the doctors at Jamnia and Tiberias.
The tractate of the Mishnah which is called Aboda Zara, “Idolatry” or “Foreign Worship,” lays down the rules under which Jew and heathen may transact10 such business as common citizenship11 or residence made inevitable12. The essential point throughout is that the Jew must not either directly or indirectly13 take part, or seem to take part, in the worship accorded the Abomination. Nor are the seemingly trivial regulations despicable for their anxious minuteness. In all probability they are decisions of actual cases, and derive14 their precision from that fact.[354]
Certain passages in Aboda Zara (ii. 1) would unquestionably have made intercourse between Jew and pagan practically impossible except in public or semi-public places. But in the very same treatise15 it is implied that a pagan might be a guest at the Jew’s table (v. 5); and indeed much of the detail of the entire tractate would be unnecessary if the provision contained in ii. 1 were literally16 followed out.
The Epigrams of Martial17 (above, p. 326), if we believe them, indicate that so far from fleeing the society of pagans for its sexual vices19, some Jews at least sought it for the sake of these vices, as was the case with the rival of the Syrian Greek Meleager, more than two centuries before Martial. But it will be noticed that the subject of the last Epigram (xi. 94) is a renegade, who swears strange oaths, and is taunted20 by 330Martial with what he is obviously trying to conceal. Besides, as to the particular vice18 there mentioned, it rests on the malice21 of the satirist22 alone. The victim of his wit denies his guilt23.
Indeed it is just this particular vice, so widely prevalent in the Greek and Roman world, that the Jewish antagonists24 of the pagans seized upon at all times. It unquestionably characterized continental25 Greece and Italy much more than the eastern portions of the empire. For the Jews it seemed to justify26 the application of the words “Sodom and Gomorrah,” particularly to the general city life of the Greeks. Some Jew or Christian27 scratched those names on a house wall of Pompeii.[355]
It is quite untrue to say that unnatural28 sexual excesses were so prevalent as to pass without comment among Greeks and Romans generally. However large they loom29 in the writings of extant poets, we may remember that poets are emotionally privileged people. The sober Roman and Greek did not find any legal or moral offense30 in illicit31 love, but unnatural lust32 was generally offensive from both points of view, and, however widely practised, it was at no time countenanced33. Still, Jews and Christians34 would be justified35 in comparing their own unmistakable and specific condemnations in this matter with the mere37 disapproval38 with which decent heathens regarded it. For the Greek legend that made the fate of Laius, father of Oedipus,[356] a punishment of his crime in first bringing pederasty into the world, the Jews had the much more drastic punishment of Sodom; 331and, in many passages of the Apocrypha39, the fact of this vice’s prevalence is dwelt upon as a characteristic difference between Jewish and gentile life.[357]
In many other matters there are evidences that not all the regulations of Aboda Zara were carried out by all Jews. In the Tosefta[358] we meet the express prohibition40 of theatrical41 representations to the Jews, a prohibition which, in view of the fact that dramatic performances were at all times theoretically and actually festivals in honor of Dionysus, seems perfectly42 natural. But in spite of that, in the great theater at Miletus, some extremely desirable seats in the very front rows are inscribed43 τ?πο? τ?ν Ε?ουδα?ων φιλοσεβ?στων, “Reserved for His Imperial Majesty’s most loyal Jews.”[359] It will therefore not be safe to assume that the Halakic provision which forbade Jews to attend the theater actually meant that Jews as a class did not do so.
But we find even stronger evidences of the fact that the amenities44 of social life in Greek cities seemed to some Jews to override45 the decisions of the law schools in Palestine. In Asia Minor46 a Jew leaves money not merely for the usual purposes of maintaining his monument, but also for the astounding47 purpose of actually assisting a heathen ceremonial.[360] The instance is a late one, but perhaps more valuable for that reason, because the spread of the schools’ influence increased constantly during the third century.
At the fall of the temple the voluntary tax of the shekel or didrachm, which had formerly48 been paid to the temple at Jerusalem, and which was a vital factor 332in the very first instances of conflict between the Jews and the Roman authorities (comp. above, p. 226), was converted into an official tax for the support of the central sanctuary49 of the Roman state on the Capitoline Hill. Whether Roman citizens who were Jews paid it, does not appear. All others however did. The bureau that enforced it was known as the fiscus Iudaicus, the word fiscus indicating here, as always, that the sums so collected were considered as belonging to the treasury50 of the reigning51 prince during the time of his reign9, rather than to the public treasury.
It does not seem that this tax, except for its destination, was believed by the Jews to be an act of notable oppression, nor was its enforcement more inquisitorial than that of other taxes; but it became an especial weapon of blackmail52 in Rome and in all Italy, and this blackmail grew into dimensions so formidable that action had to be taken to suppress it.
In Rome, we may remember, there was no officer at all resembling our public prosecutor53 or district-attorney. The prosecution54 of criminals was an individual task, whether of the person aggrieved55 or of a citizen acting56 from patriotic57 motives59. Indeed it had at one time been considered a duty of the highest insistence60, and innumerable Romans had won their first distinction in this way. The delators of the early empire were in theory no different, though the reward of their activity was not the glory or popularity achieved, but the substantial one of a lump sum, or a share in the fine imposed, a practice still in vogue61 in our own jurisdictions62. 333Plainly, under such circumstances, there were temptations to a form of blackmail which the Greeks knew as συκοφαντ?α, and the Romans as calumnia; i.e. the bringing of suits known to be unjustified, or with reckless disregard of their justification63, for the purpose of sharing in some reward for doing this quasi-public service. Private prosecutors64 at Roman law were required to swear that they were not proceeding65 calumniae causa, “with blackmailing66 intent.”[361]
The opportunities presented to delators by the fiscus Iudaicus consisted in the fact that anyone of Jewish origin, with the possible exception noted67 above, was liable to the tax, and that there must have been many who attempted to conceal their Jewish origin in order to evade68 it. In view of the wide extent of the spread of the Jewish propaganda, the delation was plausible69 from the beginning. Suetonius tells us at first-hand recollection of a case in which the charge of evading70 the tax was made and successfully established.[362] In a very large number of cases, however, the charge was not established, but in these cases it was often apparently71 the policy of prudence72 to buy off the accuser rather than risk the uncertainties73 of a judicial74 decision. It is upon people who act in just such a way that blackmailers, συκοφαντ?α, calumniatores, grew fat. And the charge of evading the Jewish tax was easily made, and disproved with difficulty, since all who followed Jewish customs were amenable75 to it, and many Jewish customs so closely resembled the practices of certain philosophic76 sects77 that confusion on the subject was perfectly 334natural. We have seen this in the case of Seneca some years before this (comp. above, p. 310).
The emperor Nerva, in 96-98 C.E., removed the occasion of this abuse. Coins are extant with the legend Fisci Iudaici calumnia sublata, “To commemorate78 the suppression of blackmail arising from the Jewish tax.” The fiscus Iudaicus itself continued into much later times, but blackmail by means of it was ended. How this was done we are not told. But an obvious and natural method would be to abolish the money reward which the delator or prosecuting79 witness received for every conviction. Plainly there would be no blackmail if there was no incentive80 thereto.
But this reform of Nerva affected81 rather those who were not Jews than those who were, since in the case of actual Jews, whether by birth or conversion82, the tax was enforceable and the accusation83 of evading it was not calumnia, but patriotic zeal84. It is likely enough that the measure of Nerva discouraged prosecution, even where it was justified, but the losses which the imperial fiscus sustained by reason of the successful evasion85 of the tax on the part of some individuals cannot have been great, since the Jews not only publicly professed87 their faith, but openly and actively88 spread it.
In the epitome89 of the sixty-eighth book of Cassius Dio (i. 2), we read that this measure of Nerva was one of general amnesty for the specific crime of “impiety90,” or ?σ?βεια: “Nerva ordered the acquittal of those on trial for impiety, and recalled those exiled for that crime.... He permitted no one to bring charges of impiety or of Jewish method of living.”
335Unfortunately this passage is extant only in the epitome made of this book by Xiphilinus, a Byzantine monk91 of the eleventh century. We have no means of knowing to what extent the epitomator is stating the impression he received from his reading, largely colored by his time and personality, and to what extent he is stating the actual substance of the book. If there really was in Rome an indictable offense which consisted in adopting Jewish customs as distinguished92 from the general charge of impiety, such an offense does not appear elsewhere in our records. We must remember that there is no indication that the men freed by Nerva had been suffering under the despotic caprice of Domitian, but on the contrary there is the specific statement that they were being duly prosecuted93 under recognized forms.
It is highly likely that the two accusations94 which Xiphilinus gives are really one: that Nerva discouraged prosecutions95 for impiety, and that among the instances of men acquitted96, which Dio gave, were some who were converts to Judaism, or believed to be so. In one instance, a constantly cited one, that is precisely what is the case, and that is the condemnation36, in the last year of Domitian’s reign, of Flavius Clemens and Flavia Domitilla, both of them kinsmen97 of the emperor.[363]
In the case of these, we hear that Clemens was executed for “atheism98,” and that under this charge many others who had lapsed99 into the customs of the Jews were condemned100, some of them to death, others to loss of their property, Domitilla to exile.
336In Suetonius we have a wholly different version (Dom. 15). Flavius Clemens, we read, was a man contemptissimae inertiae, “of thoroughly101 contemptible102 weakness of character,” but enjoying till the very last year of Domitian’s life the latter’s especial favor. Clemens’ two children were even designated for the succession. The emperor was, during this year, a prey103 to insane suspicions, which amounted to a real mania104 persecutoria, and on a sudden fit had Clemens executed. The context and general tone of the passage suggest that the charge, real or trumped105 up, against Clemens was one of treason, not impiety.
Clemens’ relationship, his undoubted connection with the palace conspiracy106 that ultimately resulted in the assassination107 of Domitian, make this account the more likely one, but the “many” mentioned in the epitome of Xiphilinus require us to assume that at least some of the men actually prosecuted for “impiety,” or atheism, were so charged upon the evidence of Jewish practices.
It has been stated, and it must be constantly reiterated108, that impiety was a negative offense, that it implied deliberate refusal to perform a religious act of legal obligation, rather than the actual doing of some other religious act. If “impiety” were really the offense here, the “many” that were charged with it under Domitian and Nerva must have been so charged because they neglected certain ceremonies which the laws made obligatory109. In Greek communities ?σ?βεια was a relatively110 common offense, and indictment111 for it of frequent occurrence. But it is doubtful whether 337there was such an indictment at Roman law. There is no Latin term for ?σ?βεια. The word impietas is generally used in a different sense. The Greek Dio or his late Byzantine epitomator has evidently used that term here to describe in his own words what seemed to him to be the substance of the accusation rather than to give a technically112 exact account of the charge against these men.
In later law writers certain offenses114 are discussed under which forms of impiety or ?σ?βεια might be included. But these offenses are treated either as sedition115 or as violations117 of the Sullan Lex Cornelia de Sicariis et Veneficis, “Statute118 of Assassins and Poisoners.” The latter law seems to have been a general statute containing a varied119 assortment120 of provisions, but all of them relating to acts that tended to the bodily injury of anyone, whatever the motive58 or pretext121 of that injury.[364]
The “many,” then, who, as Xiphilinus says, were prosecuted for “impiety,” because they lapsed into Jewish rites122, may have been indicted123 under the Lex Cornelia—no doubt as a pretext—or charged with treason upon proof of Jewish proclivities124. The Palestinian Jews, we may remember, were until recently in arms against Rome. In all these cases, the indictments125 were probably far-fetched pretexts126 devised by the morose127 and suspicious Domitian during his last year of veritable terror in order to get rid of men whom he suspected (often justly) of plotting his assassination. These are the men whom Nerva’s act of amnesty freed.
338The famous jurist Paul, who wrote in the first part of the third century, discusses the restrictions128 imposed upon the spread of Jewish rites, under the heading of “sedition” or “treason.” The justification for that treatment lies in the series of insurrections of the Eastern Jews of which the rebellion of 68 C.E. was merely the beginning. Our sources for the events of these rebellions are remote and uncertain, and the transmission is more than usually troubled; but a chance fragment, as well as the kernel130 of the lurid131 account presented by Xiphilinus’ epitome of Dio, leaves no doubt that the struggle was carried on with memorable132 ferocity, and left a lasting133 impression on the people whom it concerned.
If Dio is to be believed, the outbreak that took place in the reign of Trajan (115 C.E.) in Cyprus, Cyrene, and Egypt (Ep. lxviii. 32) was marked by scenes of indescribable horror. In Cyrene, Dio states, the Jews devoured134 the flesh of their victims, clothed themselves in their skins, threw them to wild beasts, or compelled them to engage in gladiatorial combats. In Cyrene, two hundred and twenty thousand men perished; in Cyprus, two hundred and forty thousand. One may say with Reinach, Les chiffres et les détails de Dion inspirent la méfiance.[365]
It will not be possible to assign the responsibility for these statements to the epitomator Xiphilinus. Unless they were found in Dio, he could not have ventured to place them here, since the epitome and the text were extant together for a long time.
339In the Church History of Eusebius (IV. ii.) the revolt is described somewhat differently. Eusebius mentions the Cyprian revolt in his Chronicon (ii. 164). Here however he speaks only of the insurrection in Cyrene and Egypt. The name of the leader is given as Lucua, not Andreas, as Dio has it, and the whole event is described as an ordinary revolt, a στ?σι?, reviving the revolt of 68 C.E. At first the Jews were generally successful, driving their opponents to take refuge in the city of Alexandria, while they harried135 the land. At last the Roman prefect, Q. Marcius Turbo, crushed them completely.
As far as Egypt is concerned, many papyri mention the revolt. Appian Arab. Liber (Fg. hist. gr. v. p. 65) gives us a first-hand view of the situation.
Both the papyri and Appian are in complete accordance with Eusebius’ account, and emphasize the extent of the Jewish insurrection and the impression it produced upon others.
In Jewish writings the references to what must have been a matter of prime importance to all Jews are vague and confused. The punishment of the Mesopotamian Jews by Lusius Quietus[366] is mentioned, but beyond that we have only much later statements, in which a deal of legend-making has been imbedded. The “day of Trajan,” which appears as a festival day, is connected by a persistent136 tradition with the permission to rebuild the temple, alleged137 to have been given by that emperor. The Roman and Greek writers know nothing of this, and in Jewish tradition likewise the permission is represented 340as abortive138, and the “day of Trajan” ceased, according to another story, to be observed when the martyrs139 Papius and Lollianus were executed.[367]
However, it must be noted that for Palestine in particular details are lacking. Indeed we might well believe that Palestine itself took no part in it whatever. The expedition of Quietus to Mesopotamia may have been an ordinary military expedition against the Parthians’ territory, with whom the Romans had been then at war. There is evidence that the Jews of Parthia were almost autonomous140, and a foray into the section which they happened to control would not be considered as anything more than an attack on other Parthian dominions141. The Mesopotamian provinces of Parthia were then under the theoretical rule of Rome, but the precarious143 character of the conquest was apparent to everyone, so that the first act of the conqueror’s successor, Hadrian, was to abandon both Mesopotamia and Armenia. The revolt of the Mesopotamian Jews was, in consequence, a somewhat different thing from that of the Jews in Cyprus or Cyrene.
Perhaps the difficulties in Cyprus, Cyrene, and Egypt are to be considered nothing more than magnified race riots, which, however, assumed the dimensions of a real war, and demanded systematic144 military operations to suppress them. But the friction145 between the Jews and Greeks of Salamis or Alexandria could scarcely have resulted in such serious outbreaks, if the conditions that led to the revolt of 68 C.E. were not still operative. The fall of the temple did not paralyze the 341Jewish propaganda. We find it as vigorous afterward146 as before. The Messianic hopes, which were one form of the prevailing147 spiritual unrest, had not died out in the East among Jews or non-Jews.[368] The calamity148 of the empire, which the death of Nero seemed to bring with it, did not after all take place.
Our sources represent the era begun by Vespasian, except for a few years of Domitian’s reign, as one of general and increasing felicity. These sources, however, are in the highest degree suspect, and while the period between Vespasian and Marcus Aurelius represents an undoubted rise in administrative149 and legal development, they represent a deterioration150 in the economic condition due to the gathering151 pressure of the huge state machinery152 itself. The increase of the more degraded forms of superstition153 marks the spiritual destitution154 of the time.
The Jewish communities in Cyprus, Egypt, and Cyrene consisted largely of craftsmen155 and small merchants. Perhaps among them were a number of former Palestinian rebels, sold as slaves in the neighboring markets, and since ransomed156. The conditions, the active Messianic hope, the presence of former soldiers, were themselves provocative157 of riot, and the outbreaks in the places indicated are scarcely surprising. We hear only of those that became formidable insurrections. It is possible that slighter ones have failed wholly to be recorded.
But during the reign of Hadrian there broke out an unmistakable insurrection in Palestine, which more 342clearly than its predecessors158 showed the motive force of these movements. In 131 C.E. a certain Simeon bar Kosiba led his people again to war on the all-overwhelming power of the empire. The occasion for the revolt is variously given, but that it was in the eyes of those that fought in it vastly more than an attempt to shake off a foreign yoke160 is shown by the Messiahship to which Simeon openly laid claim, and for which he had the invaluable support of the head of the Palestinian schools, the eloquent161 and passionate162 Akiba.[369]
Dio[370] states that the immediate163 instigation of the revolt was the building on the ruins of Jerusalem the new city and temple that were to be the official home of the colony of Aelia Capitolina, a community founded by Hadrian and composed perhaps of native Syrians, since it did not possess the ius Italicum, the full rights of citizenship.[371] This statement is much more probable than that of Eusebius, which reverses the order of events, and makes the founding of the Colonia Aelia Capitolina a consequence and not the cause of the revolt.[372]
The rebellion of 68 had enormously depopulated Judea. Those that were left had neither the power nor the inclination164 to try conclusions with the legionaries again, and, as we have seen, remained passive when closely related communities rose in arms. But the hopes they nourished, no doubt systematically165 fostered by the powerful communities in Mesopotamia and the Parthian lords of the latter, were none the less real for their suppression. The erection of Aelia was the 343signal. Just as the desecration166 of the temple by Epiphanes was the last measure of oppression, which brought upon the king the vengeance167 of Heaven, so this second desecration, the dedication168 of the holy hill to one of the elillim, one of the Abominations of the heathen, roused the frenzy169 of the people that witnessed it to such a pitch that the chances of success could no longer be considered. At the same time, assurances of ultimate help from Parthia were perhaps not lacking. Among those who streamed to aid the rebellious170 Jews were doubtless many of Rome’s hereditary171 enemies, since of other rebellions within the empire at that time we have no evidence.
The Jewish tradition speaks of a systematic and cruel persecution172 instituted by Hadrian. The details mentioned are very much like the remembered incidents of the persecution by Epiphanes. We must keep in mind that every one of the statements connected with this persecution is late, and is in so far of dubious173 historical value.[373] As a matter of fact the character of Hadrian makes the reality of the persecution in the highest degree improbable. No doubt the revolt was punished with ruthless severity, and for the permanent prohibition against the entrance of a Jew into Aelia Capitolina there is excellent evidence;[374] but to attempt to root out Judaism as Antiochus had done is something that simply cannot be credited to Hadrian, if only for the fact that the overwhelming majority of Jews did not dwell in Palestine at all, and all the alleged persecutions of Hadrian are localized only in Palestine. 344In Hadrian’s letter of 134 C.E., to his brother-in-law Servianus, the Jews of Egypt are referred to in a manner quite irreconcilable174 with the theory that Judaism was then a proscribed175 religion.[375]
In this connection we may mention a decree which, according to Jewish tradition, constituted one of the most deeply resented of Hadrian’s persecutions—the prohibition of circumcision. Here again the late biographer of Hadrian, Spartianus, makes this edict precede and not follow the war; but the reliability176 of the Historia Augusta, of which Spartianus’ biography is part, is not very high. We have the Historia Augusta, if it is not wholly a fabrication of the fourth century, only in a recension of that time, so that its testimony177 on such a detail is practically valueless.[376]
As a matter of fact, all bodily mutilation had been under the ban of the Roman law, but that prohibition applied178 only to Roman citizens. In practice circumcision had been openly carried on both by Jews who were Roman citizens and by their converts, in disregard of this provision, probably under the tacit assumption that the privileges of the Jewish corporations covered this as well. Primarily the prohibition was directed against castration, but it was quite general. The only formulation which the edict against these practices had received was in the Sullan Lex Cornelia de Sicariis et Veneficis (above, p. 241). This was a lex per saturam, or miscellaneous statute. Under one of its captions179, any act, perhaps any act performed with a weapon or instrument of any kind, that resulted in 345bodily injury, was prohibited. A senatorial decree of the year 83 C.E. specified180 castration as one of the mutilations referred to; similarly abortion181 was punished as a violation116 of the Lex Cornelia.[377]
Hadrian’s rescripts seem to have dealt on several occasions with this law. His obvious intention to extend the statute may have caused him to use terms of general effect. Perhaps an isolated182 case of the practice of circumcision among people outside of those to whom it was an ancient custom may have been followed by indictment and punishment. If Hadrian really had attempted to carry out this prohibition generally, he would have provoked a rebellion in Egypt as well as in Judea, since in Egypt the priests practised it likewise.[378] The rescript of Antoninus, a few years later, which expressly exempted183 Jews from the broad condemnation of the practice, simply restated established law.[379] Indeed it may well be that the occasion of Pius’ rescript was rather one that restricted the Jews than one that enlarged their privileges. Even in the case of the severest form of mutilation, it is forbidden if it is done promercii aut libidinis causa. A similar insistence on criminal intent must have been present in the case of the lesser184 mutilation involved in the Jewish rite113. There could of course never have been any question that circumcision was not performed promercii aut libidinis causa, and therefore there seems to be little reason for the rescript of Pius, unless we assume it to have been a direct attempt to check the spread of Judaism by making the performance of the rite in the case of non-Jews 346criminal per se, without proof of wrongful intent.
Paul, writing about seventy-five years later, states the limitation on the performance of the rite even more broadly, by including within it slaves of non-Jewish origin.[380] In all circumstances there does not seem to have been any real effort to enforce it. The Jewish propaganda went on in spite of it, not surreptitiously, as in the case of the still-proscribed Christians, but quite frankly185. The statement of Paul is the stranger because of the open favor shown by Paul’s master, the Syrian Severus Alexander, toward all foreign cults186, including that of the Jews. The Sentences of Paul may have been written before the decree of the emperor which his biographer mentions, by which, he says, Severus strengthened the privileged position of the Jews, Iudaeis privilegia reservavit.[381] When one contrasts this with the immediately following statement, Christianos esse passus est, “He allowed the Christians to profess86 their faith,” it is plain that in the case of the Jews there is no question of mere toleration, but of the recognition of an established position, and that is not quite in accord with the statement in Paul’s Sentences, according to which the spread of Judaism was rigorously checked, even to the extent of modifying one of the fundamental concepts of the law—the unlimited187 character of the master’s dominion142 over his slaves.
As has been said, the authenticity188 of the Historia Augusta is dubious, but the number of details offered to show the interest of both Alexander and his predecessor159 Elagabalus in Judaism and Christianity is too 347great to be ignored. The Sentences of Paul, it must be noted, have come down to us only in the abridged189 and perhaps interpolated form in which they are found in the Lex Romana Wisigothorum, a code issued by Alaric II in 506, and called therefore the Breviarium Alaricianum. At that time, however, proselytizing190 on the part of the Jews had been expressly prohibited by a rescript of Theodosius (Cod. Theod. 16, 8, 9, 19) of 415. Even then it was completely ineffective, but at any rate the rite of circumcision was definitely under a legal ban.[382]
Whether or not a qualified191 restriction129 on the spread of Judaism has been changed in our texts of the Sentences into a general and all-embracing one, it is impossible to say, but that some such change has taken place may be called even likely, by reason of the point just raised; viz., that it is wholly contrary to the spirit and principles of the Roman law to impose any restrictions whatever on the master’s authority.
We have examined the decrees that regulated the rite of circumcision, merely because general inferences have been drawn192 from it—inferences that are in no sense justified. The Roman law regarded bodily mutilation, when practised as part of a religious rite, and especially for sordid193 purposes, as against public policy. It was a privilegium of the Jews, that to the members of their organizations the general rule of the law did not apply, and the various statements quoted from the jurists were simply judicial decisions limiting, 348by a well-known principle of interpretation194, the exercise of the privilege to the narrowest possible bounds.
The rebellion of Bar-Kosiba was probably the last time that the Jews confronted the Roman troops on issues that were even partly national. We hear that between 150 and 161, under Antoninus Pius, another rebellion broke out, but we have no other record of it than the notices in the Historia Augusta,[383] upon which little reliance can be placed. After the death of Commodus and Pertinax,[384] the eastern empire, including Palestine, sided with the local claimant Pescennius Niger, and Palestine became the scene of battles sufficiently195 important to justify the decreeing of a “Jewish triumph” to Caracalla. It is likely that these various “rebellions” were the more or less serious insurrections of bandits, who terrorized the countryside until suppressed by the authorities. This view derives196 some support from the fact that of one of these bandits who submitted to Severus we know the name, Claudius (Dio Cass. Ep. lxxv. 2). There is even no certainty as to whether those who took part in them were wholly or mainly Jews. At any rate, there were no national ends which they attempted to serve.
A fact, which may be accidental, and is certainly noteworthy, is that, of all the struggles of the Jews with their surroundings, after 68, none are localized in Asia Minor.
It was, however, in Asia Minor that the Jews were especially numerous and influential197. To a certain extent their propaganda had become most firmly established 349there, and their position was so intrenched that even the hostile legislation of the later Byzantine emperors found them in successful resistance. We find evidences of certain laxity in the practice of Jewish rites, but neither in 68 nor under Trajan or Hadrian did the Asiatic Jews take part in the movements that convulsed that section of the Jews of the empire. And yet it was in the cities of Asia that the Jews in earlier days did meet hostility198 and direct attacks, and needed the assistance of the Roman central government, to be maintained in the position which they claimed for themselves.[385] However, in that most ancient and fertile nursery of beliefs and mysteries, the Jewish mystery evidently found a grateful soil and, as we have seen, sent its roots deep.
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partially
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| adv.部分地，从某些方面讲 | |
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intercourse
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compilation
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exclusion
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| n.拒绝，排除，排斥，远足，远途旅行 | |
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invaluable
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inscriptions
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| （作者）题词( inscription的名词复数 )； 献词； 碑文； 证劵持有人的登记 | |
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precisely
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conceal
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reign
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transact
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citizenship
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| n.市民权，公民权，国民的义务(身份) | |
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12
inevitable
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| adj.不可避免的，必然发生的 | |
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indirectly
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| adv.间接地，不直接了当地 | |
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14
derive
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| v.取得；导出；引申；来自；源自；出自 | |
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15
treatise
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| n.专著；(专题)论文 | |
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literally
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| adv.照字面意义，逐字地；确实 | |
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martial
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| adj.战争的，军事的，尚武的，威武的 | |
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18
vice
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| n.坏事；恶习；[pl.]台钳，老虎钳；adj.副的 | |
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19
vices
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| 缺陷( vice的名词复数 )； 恶习； 不道德行为； 台钳 | |
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taunted
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| 嘲讽( taunt的过去式和过去分词 )； 嘲弄； 辱骂； 奚落 | |
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malice
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| n.恶意，怨恨，蓄意；[律]预谋 | |
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22
satirist
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| n.讽刺诗作者，讽刺家，爱挖苦别人的人 | |
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23
guilt
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| n.犯罪；内疚；过失，罪责 | |
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24
antagonists
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| 对立[对抗] 者，对手，敌手( antagonist的名词复数 )； 对抗肌； 对抗药 | |
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25
continental
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| adj.大陆的，大陆性的，欧洲大陆的 | |
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26
justify
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| vt.证明…正当(或有理)，为…辩护 | |
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27
Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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28
unnatural
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| adj.不自然的；反常的 | |
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29
loom
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| n.织布机，织机；v.隐现，(危险、忧虑等)迫近 | |
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30
offense
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| n.犯规，违法行为；冒犯，得罪 | |
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31
illicit
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| adj.非法的，禁止的，不正当的 | |
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32
lust
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| n.性(淫)欲；渴(欲)望；vi.对…有强烈的欲望 | |
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33
countenanced
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| v.支持，赞同，批准( countenance的过去式 ) | |
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34
Christians
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| n.基督教徒( Christian的名词复数 ) | |
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35
justified
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| a.正当的，有理的 | |
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36
condemnation
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| n.谴责; 定罪 | |
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37
mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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38
disapproval
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| n.反对，不赞成 | |
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39
apocrypha
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| n.伪经，伪书 | |
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40
prohibition
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| n.禁止；禁令，禁律 | |
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41
theatrical
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| adj.剧场的，演戏的；做戏似的，做作的 | |
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42
perfectly
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| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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43
inscribed
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| v.写，刻( inscribe的过去式和过去分词 )；内接 | |
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44
amenities
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| n.令人愉快的事物；礼仪；礼节；便利设施；礼仪( amenity的名词复数 )；便利设施；（环境等的）舒适；（性情等的）愉快 | |
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45
override
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| vt.不顾，不理睬，否决；压倒，优先于 | |
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46
minor
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| adj.较小(少)的，较次要的；n.辅修学科；vi.辅修 | |
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47
astounding
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| adj.使人震惊的vt.使震惊，使大吃一惊astound的现在分词) | |
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48
formerly
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| adv.从前，以前 | |
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49
sanctuary
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| n.圣所，圣堂，寺庙；禁猎区，保护区 | |
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50
treasury
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| n.宝库；国库，金库；文库 | |
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51
reigning
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| adj.统治的，起支配作用的 | |
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52
blackmail
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| n.讹诈，敲诈，勒索，胁迫，恫吓 | |
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53
prosecutor
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| n.起诉人；检察官，公诉人 | |
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54
prosecution
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| n.起诉，告发，检举，执行，经营 | |
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55
aggrieved
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| adj.愤愤不平的，受委屈的；悲痛的；（在合法权利方面）受侵害的v.令委屈，令苦恼，侵害( aggrieve的过去式)；令委屈，令苦恼，侵害( aggrieve的过去式和过去分词) | |
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56
acting
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| n.演戏，行为，假装；adj.代理的，临时的，演出用的 | |
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57
patriotic
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| adj.爱国的，有爱国心的 | |
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58
motive
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| n.动机，目的；adv.发动的，运动的 | |
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59
motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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60
insistence
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| n.坚持；强调；坚决主张 | |
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61
Vogue
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| n.时髦，时尚；adj.流行的 | |
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62
jurisdictions
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| 司法权( jurisdiction的名词复数 )； 裁判权； 管辖区域； 管辖范围 | |
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63
justification
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| n.正当的理由；辩解的理由 | |
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64
prosecutors
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| 检举人( prosecutor的名词复数 )； 告发人； 起诉人； 公诉人 | |
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65
proceeding
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| n.行动，进行，(pl.)会议录，学报 | |
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66
blackmailing
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| 胁迫，尤指以透露他人不体面行为相威胁以勒索钱财( blackmail的现在分词 ) | |
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67
noted
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|
| adj.著名的，知名的 | |
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68
evade
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| vt.逃避，回避；避开，躲避 | |
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69
plausible
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| adj.似真实的，似乎有理的，似乎可信的 | |
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70
evading
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| 逃避( evade的现在分词 )； 避开； 回避； 想不出 | |
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71
apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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72
prudence
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| n.谨慎，精明，节俭 | |
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73
uncertainties
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|
| 无把握( uncertainty的名词复数 )； 不确定； 变化不定； 无把握、不确定的事物 | |
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74
judicial
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|
| adj.司法的，法庭的，审判的，明断的，公正的 | |
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75
amenable
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| adj.经得起检验的；顺从的；对负有义务的 | |
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76
philosophic
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|
| adj.哲学的，贤明的 | |
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77
sects
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|
| n.宗派，教派( sect的名词复数 ) | |
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78
commemorate
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| vt.纪念，庆祝 | |
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79
prosecuting
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| 检举、告发某人( prosecute的现在分词 )； 对某人提起公诉； 继续从事（某事物）； 担任控方律师 | |
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80
incentive
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| n.刺激；动力；鼓励；诱因；动机 | |
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81
affected
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|
| adj.不自然的，假装的 | |
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82
conversion
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| n.转化，转换，转变 | |
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83
accusation
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| n.控告，指责，谴责 | |
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84
zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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85
evasion
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| n.逃避，偷漏(税) | |
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86
profess
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| v.声称，冒称，以...为业，正式接受入教，表明信仰 | |
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87
professed
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| 公开声称的，伪称的，已立誓信教的 | |
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88
actively
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| adv.积极地，勤奋地 | |
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89
epitome
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| n.典型，梗概 | |
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90
impiety
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| n.不敬；不孝 | |
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91
monk
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| n.和尚，僧侣，修道士 | |
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92
distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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93
prosecuted
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| a.被起诉的 | |
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94
accusations
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| n.指责( accusation的名词复数 )；指控；控告；（被告发、控告的）罪名 | |
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95
prosecutions
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| 起诉( prosecution的名词复数 )； 原告； 实施； 从事 | |
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96
acquitted
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| 宣判…无罪( acquit的过去式和过去分词 )； 使（自己）作出某种表现 | |
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97
kinsmen
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| n.家属，亲属( kinsman的名词复数 ) | |
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98
atheism
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| n.无神论，不信神 | |
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99
lapsed
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| adj.流失的，堕落的v.退步( lapse的过去式和过去分词 )；陷入；倒退；丧失 | |
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100
condemned
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| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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101
thoroughly
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| adv.完全地，彻底地，十足地 | |
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102
contemptible
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| adj.可鄙的，可轻视的，卑劣的 | |
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103
prey
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| n.被掠食者，牺牲者，掠食；v.捕食，掠夺，折磨 | |
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104
mania
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| n.疯狂；躁狂症，狂热，癖好 | |
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105
trumped
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| v.（牌戏）出王牌赢（一牌或一墩）( trump的过去分词 )；吹号公告，吹号庆祝；吹喇叭；捏造 | |
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106
conspiracy
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| n.阴谋，密谋，共谋 | |
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107
assassination
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| n.暗杀；暗杀事件 | |
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108
reiterated
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| 反复地说，重申( reiterate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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109
obligatory
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| adj.强制性的，义务的，必须的 | |
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110
relatively
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| adv.比较...地，相对地 | |
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111
indictment
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| n.起诉；诉状 | |
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112
technically
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| adv.专门地，技术上地 | |
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113
rite
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| n.典礼，惯例，习俗 | |
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114
offenses
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| n.进攻( offense的名词复数 )；（球队的）前锋；进攻方法；攻势 | |
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115
sedition
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| n.煽动叛乱 | |
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116
violation
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| n.违反(行为)，违背(行为)，侵犯 | |
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117
violations
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| 违反( violation的名词复数 )； 冒犯； 违反（行为、事例）； 强奸 | |
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118
statute
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| n.成文法，法令，法规；章程，规则，条例 | |
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119
varied
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| adj.多样的，多变化的 | |
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120
assortment
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| n.分类，各色俱备之物，聚集 | |
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121
pretext
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| n.借口，托词 | |
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122
rites
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| 仪式，典礼( rite的名词复数 ) | |
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123
indicted
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| 控告，起诉( indict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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124
proclivities
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| n.倾向，癖性( proclivity的名词复数 ) | |
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125
indictments
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| n.（制度、社会等的）衰败迹象( indictment的名词复数 )；刑事起诉书；公诉书；控告 | |
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126
pretexts
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| n.借口，托辞( pretext的名词复数 ) | |
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127
morose
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| adj.脾气坏的，不高兴的 | |
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128
restrictions
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| 约束( restriction的名词复数 )； 管制； 制约因素； 带限制性的条件（或规则） | |
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129
restriction
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| n.限制，约束 | |
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130
kernel
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| n.(果实的)核，仁；(问题)的中心，核心 | |
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131
lurid
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| adj.可怕的；血红的；苍白的 | |
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132
memorable
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| adj.值得回忆的，难忘的，特别的，显著的 | |
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133
lasting
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| adj.永久的，永恒的；vbl.持续，维持 | |
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134
devoured
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| 吞没( devour的过去式和过去分词 )； 耗尽； 津津有味地看； 狼吞虎咽地吃光 | |
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135
harried
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| v.使苦恼( harry的过去式和过去分词 )；不断烦扰；一再袭击；侵扰 | |
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136
persistent
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| adj.坚持不懈的，执意的；持续的 | |
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137
alleged
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| a.被指控的，嫌疑的 | |
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138
abortive
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| adj.不成功的，发育不全的 | |
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139
martyrs
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| n.martyr的复数形式；烈士( martyr的名词复数 )；殉道者；殉教者；乞怜者（向人诉苦以博取同情） | |
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autonomous
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| adj.自治的；独立的 | |
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141
dominions
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| 统治权( dominion的名词复数 )； 领土； 疆土； 版图 | |
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142
dominion
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| n.统治，管辖，支配权；领土，版图 | |
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143
precarious
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| adj.不安定的，靠不住的；根据不足的 | |
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systematic
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| adj.有系统的，有计划的，有方法的 | |
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friction
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| n.摩擦，摩擦力 | |
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afterward
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| adv.后来；以后 | |
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prevailing
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| adj.盛行的；占优势的；主要的 | |
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148
calamity
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| n.灾害，祸患，不幸事件 | |
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149
administrative
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| adj.行政的，管理的 | |
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150
deterioration
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| n.退化；恶化；变坏 | |
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151
gathering
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| n.集会，聚会，聚集 | |
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152
machinery
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| n.(总称)机械，机器；机构 | |
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153
superstition
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| n.迷信，迷信行为 | |
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154
destitution
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| n.穷困，缺乏，贫穷 | |
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155
craftsmen
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| n. 技工 | |
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156
ransomed
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| 付赎金救人，赎金( ransom的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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provocative
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| adj.挑衅的，煽动的，刺激的，挑逗的 | |
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predecessors
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| n.前任( predecessor的名词复数 )；前辈；（被取代的）原有事物；前身 | |
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predecessor
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| n.前辈，前任 | |
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160
yoke
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| n.轭；支配；v.给...上轭，连接，使成配偶 | |
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161
eloquent
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| adj.雄辩的，口才流利的；明白显示出的 | |
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passionate
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| adj.热情的，热烈的，激昂的，易动情的，易怒的，性情暴躁的 | |
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163
immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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inclination
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| n.倾斜；点头；弯腰；斜坡；倾度；倾向；爱好 | |
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systematically
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| adv.有系统地 | |
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desecration
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| n. 亵渎神圣, 污辱 | |
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vengeance
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| n.报复，报仇，复仇 | |
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dedication
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| n.奉献，献身，致力，题献，献辞 | |
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169
frenzy
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| n.疯狂，狂热，极度的激动 | |
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rebellious
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| adj.造反的，反抗的，难控制的 | |
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hereditary
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| adj.遗传的，遗传性的，可继承的，世袭的 | |
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persecution
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| n. 迫害,烦扰 | |
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173
dubious
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| adj.怀疑的，无把握的；有问题的，靠不住的 | |
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irreconcilable
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| adj.（指人）难和解的，势不两立的 | |
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175
proscribed
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| v.正式宣布（某事物）有危险或被禁止( proscribe的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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reliability
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| n.可靠性，确实性 | |
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testimony
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| n.证词；见证，证明 | |
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applied
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| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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captions
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| n.标题，说明文字，字幕( caption的名词复数 )v.给（图片、照片等）加说明文字( caption的第三人称单数 ) | |
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specified
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| adj.特定的 | |
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181
abortion
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| n.流产，堕胎 | |
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182
isolated
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| adj.与世隔绝的 | |
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183
exempted
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| 使免除[豁免]( exempt的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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184
lesser
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| adj.次要的，较小的；adv.较小地，较少地 | |
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frankly
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| adv.坦白地，直率地；坦率地说 | |
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186
cults
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| n.迷信( cult的名词复数 )；狂热的崇拜；（有极端宗教信仰的）异教团体 | |
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187
unlimited
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| adj.无限的，不受控制的，无条件的 | |
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188
authenticity
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| n.真实性 | |
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189
abridged
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| 削减的，删节的 | |
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proselytizing
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| v.（使）改变宗教信仰[政治信仰、意见等]，使变节( proselytize的现在分词 ) | |
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qualified
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| adj.合格的，有资格的，胜任的，有限制的 | |
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192
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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sordid
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| adj.肮脏的，不干净的，卑鄙的，暗淡的 | |
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interpretation
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| n.解释，说明，描述；艺术处理 | |
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195
sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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196
derives
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| v.得到( derive的第三人称单数 )；（从…中）得到获得；源于；（从…中）提取 | |
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197
influential
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| adj.有影响的，有权势的 | |
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198
hostility
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| n.敌对，敌意；抵制［pl.］交战，战争 | |
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