Corpus Juris, Livy, Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Niebuhr, Arnold, Savigny, Puchta, Mommsen, Jhring, Clinton, Carl Hegel, Zumpt, etc.
The primitive1 occupants of the Mediterranean2 peninsula—anciently, and at the present time, called Italy—issued from the same Aryan stock as peopled Greece. These immigrants, almost from the first moment of their arrival, seem to have devoted3 themselves to agriculture, as all the relics4 still dimly visible in prehistoric5 twilight6 certify7 to this fact. Thus, the domestic legend of the Samnites makes an ox the leader of the primitive colonies, which is only a different version of another tradition, according to which Vitulus or Italus—a legendary8 king, from whom the name of "Italy" is derived—brought about among his subjects the transition from shepherds to farmers. The name Italia, in ancient Latin, signified a country full of cattle. The oldest of the Latin tribes has the name of Siculi, Sicani, reapers9, and another, Opsci, or field-laborers11. Among the Italians (or Italos, Italiots), the legends, creeds13, laws, and manners all originate in agriculture; while every one knows the use of the plough in the distant background of the legendary foundation of Rome. The oldest Roman matrimonial rite14, the confarreatio, also has its name[Pg 126] from rye. With agriculture is primarily connected a fixed15 abode16, and thus springs up the love of home and family. From agricultural life arises the tribe or clan17, which is simply a community of individuals descending18 from the same ancestor. In this primitive condition the field-labors19 and domestic occupations were performed by various members, first of the family, and then of the clan. The servus or servant of that epoch20 was no more a chattel21 in the Latin agricultural family and community than was the primitive servant in the tent of the patriarchs (see "Hebrews" and "Aryas"), or than were the servants of the first colonists22 in New England, Virginia, or the Carolinas. In these primitive households there were no duties for a chattel, for from the earliest time agricultural and household occupations were as sacred to the yeomen and peasants of Latium and Rome as were the domestic hearth24, the father, and the family.
From the left bank of the Tiber to the Volscian mountains, and over the plains of the Campagna, lived the Latins—the prisci Latini. They were divided into numerous distinct families or clans25, which afterward26 were the generators27 of the Roman people. The region where they first appear, in the most ancient times, was therefore settled by separate families, and divided into separate townships and villages. These clans it was which afterward in "the city" constituted the primitive tribus rustic28? or rural tribes.
The Ramnes, Ramneis, Romaneis, Romani or Romans, the founders29 of Rome, were, in all probabil[Pg 127]ity, bold rovers and adventurers from the various tribes and villages of Latium. They lived among the bushes and groves30 of the Palatine Mount, and what they acquired by depredation31 was common property. These primitive legendary Romans had no use for slaves; they had no mart in which to sell them, and it is probable that they neither kidnapped nor enslaved any of the neighboring villagers. Neither legend nor history fixes positively32 how long these Ramnenses or Romans persevered33 in their wild mode of life. The legend very soon unites them with other settled families, such as the Sabine farmers and peasantry. Then began the specific organized existence of the Romans.
The whole soil of the Roman community constituted an ager Romanus or publicus. Every citizen, as a part of the populus or state, received therefrom a share of the public land for his private use. When the Romans extended their dominions34 by subduing35 the neighboring villages and districts, the lands of such districts, their pasturages, etc., were incorporated into the ager Romanus, and the inhabitants were sometimes obliged to settle in Rome or in lands in its vicinity. From these originated the plebeians37, who, under certain conditions, received shares or lots in the ager publicus or Romanus. The aim of these primitive wars was neither to kidnap nor enslave the subdued38 tribes, nor even to transform them into serfs or Helots, at the utmost to make them tributaries39.
To the legendary Romulus were attributed the[Pg 128] regulations or laws which forbade the massacre40 or enslavement of the male youth of conquered villages or districts, and prohibited also the transformation41 of the conquered lands into pasturages, and provided that they should be parcelled into small homesteads for Roman citizens. At first two acres, and afterward seven, constituted such a civic42 patrimony43 or homestead. It was the abandonment of this law in after ages which generated slavery and the ruin of the populace.
Only the prisoners made on the battle-field and counted among the spoils, were sold by the state at public auction44: sub hasta, "under the spear," and sub corona45, "the citizen wearing a crown"—to the citizens or members of the community. Such prisoner, like all other vended46 booty, became a mancipium, res mancipia, (from manu capere, "taken, caught by the hand.") Such slaves, in all probability, were not numerous. A more prolific47 source of slavery was the right to enslave a debtor48 for life. The debtor became a mancipium; and even when the right to enslave him was abolished, the legal formality of catching49 him or touching50 by the hand, was maintained.
The power of the father or chief of the household—patria potestas—was limitless, in the precincts of the house, over both the family and the servants. The father, be he patrician51 or plebeian36, could sell his son into slavery, but the right was very seldom used. So also, the father had the right of life and death over all his family and household. Manumission of slaves was common; it existed from the most ancient[Pg 129] times. The slave could also buy his liberty. Subsequently, in the last centuries of the republic and under the emperors, a slave could be emancipated52 by various positive enactments53, and the status of the manumitted slave often passed through various gradations before reaching absolute independence. The fortieth book of the Pandects contains several chapters relating to manumission.
Sometimes, though rarely, under the kings, the public slaves—or those of the state, exclusively war prisoners—were employed on public works, or to take care of public buildings, or to attend on magistrates54 or priests. The condition of public slaves was preferable to that of the private slaves; indeed, the former subsequently had the right to dispose by will of half of their property.
The land was tilled by the hands of the senators themselves, patricians55 though they were. If a patrician (pater) possessed56 more land than he could cultivate himself, he divided it among small free cultivators, or let it out; and no servile hand desecrated57 the plough. The slaves employed in the house were not numerous.
King Servius Tullius inaugurated a political reform, intended to alleviate58 the condition of the plebeians oppressed by the patricians; and in preparation for it he took a census59. At that time Rome had eighty-four thousand able-bodied citizens between the ages of eighteen and sixty years, or a total population of about four hundred thousand free persons of all ages[Pg 130] and sexes. To this number must be added the plebeians, who were not yet citizens. The artisans, operatives, clients and strangers perhaps doubled this estimate of the population of Rome, the limits of which then stretched from the Tiber to the Anio, including, probably, the lands of Alba, and making in all, an area of about one hundred and twenty or one hundred and forty square miles. There would thus be more than five thousand five hundred inhabitants to a square mile; so that there could have remained but very little room for slaves.
In the first stages of the republic, the patricians continually increased their landed estates, and by renting these to tenants60, they acquired power over the poor free laborers, and by lending them money, got a claim on their bodies and also on the free yeomen and rustics61. The patricians were hard creditors62, and rigorously availed themselves of their legal rights, and their ergastula—caves or vaulted63 prisons—were almost continually filled with poor debtors64. This impoverishment65 of the free yeomanry increased after the terrible devastations perpetrated by the Gauls under Brennus. Finally, these financial oppressions generated those revolts of the plebeians which terminated in their obtaining political rights and full citizenship66, together with the jurisprudential reform known as the Twelve Tables.
During the first three or four centuries of the republic, the number of slaves who were non-debtors was very limited. At the census made in the[Pg 131] year of Rome 280, the free population amounted to over four hundred and ten thousand persons, and there were then only seventeen thousand slaves.
Few, if any, women were originally enslaved. If the nursling of a Roman family often drew its milk from the paps of a slave woman, the Roman matron, in turn, often gave her breast to the babe of a slave.
In those early times the slaves were kindly67 treated; they were regarded rather as members of the family than as chattels68; they took their meals with their masters, and participated in the sacrifices and worship of the gods. They were not considered dangerous elements in the household or the state. From that early epoch also date certain privileges conceded to the slaves—such as their earnings69 or peculium, which, at first established only by common usage, became afterward defined and specified70 by the civil law, in which originally the slave was almost entirely71 ignored.
Plebeians, proletarians, clients, free artisans—almost all of whom were Romans—formed, in the first centuries, the bulk of the slaves kept in the ergastula of the patricians. Frequently, when a consul72 wanted soldiers, he would order the creditors to open their vaults73 and disgorge the victims for his service in a campaign. And sometimes, though rarely, a consular74 edict quashed the debts and set them free.
In these earliest times of the Republic the name of a proletarius, or procreator of children, was held in honor. It was to an increase of the number of its freemen, not of its slaves, that the Republic hoped for duration and[Pg 132] power. To be called colonus, or a cultivator, was also an honor to a Roman citizen, whether patrician or plebeian, in the times of Cincinnatus, Dentatus, and Regulus. Labor12 was then a high distinction, nay75 it was sacred; and a slave may almost be considered an accident in domestic pursuits. Scaurus, then one of the wealthiest and most powerful senators, had six slaves, Curius Dentatus one, Regulus one, when he commanded the Roman legions against Carthage, while Cincinnatus may have had one, but most probably none.
The three hundred patrician Fabii, who left Rome, crossed the Tiber and settled at the utmost limits of the state, to guard and defend it from the inroads of invaders—were yeomen, ploughmen, and farmers. And without intending to offend or disparage76 the ennobled pro-slavery militants77 of this age and country, one may surely suppose that they have at least a little respect for the names and the character of a Dentatus, a Cincinnatus, and a Regulus.
However, the patricians and many of the rich plebeians continued uninterruptedly to increase their lands in the ager publicus at the cost of the smaller yeomen, and that at a time when rural slavery may be said to have been in its infancy79. And it was the object of the celebrated80 agrarian81 laws to restore the balance between the rich and the poor in the possession of the public lands.
The wars carried on by Rome with the Greek cities in Italy, which were crowded with slaves, and the[Pg 133] wars carried on beyond the borders of Italy, were the great nurseries of slavery. In such wars free citizens were of course killed in vast numbers, and slave war-prisoners were brought back to Rome in their stead. The Punic wars are the turning point in the political history and in the social and moral development of the Romans. These wars gave the first great stimulus82 both to urbane83, and rustic slavery. Urbane slaves were those employed in houses and villas84 for personal service; rustic slaves were those engaged in working the estates.
Rome became more and more a maritime85 and commercial emporium, and slaves were now imported as merchandise, besides the continually increasing number of prisoners of war. Thus Regulus brought over twenty thousand Carthaginians of all conditions of life, who were sold into slavery. But even at the time of the second Punic war, the number of slaves of all kinds must have been comparatively very small; for after the terrible defeat at Cann?, the Roman senate ordered the slaves to be armed, and only eight thousand were inscribed86 on the military roll. The census taken about that time gave, in all the state, two hundred and thirty-seven thousand Roman adult citizens, or 1,185,000 free persons of all sexes and ages; making in all, 770,000 Romans, with their Italian allies, fit for military duty.
The victorious87 Hannibal sold into slavery thousands of Roman citizens; while the final conquest of the Carthaginian empire and of Sicily poured many thou[Pg 134]sands of slaves into Rome from Africa, from Sicily, and from Spain. Thus thirty thousand inhabitants of Palermo and twenty-five thousand of Agrigentum, were sold into slavery. Among those brought by Scipio from Africa, were two thousand artisans whom he promised he would not sell, but would keep as slaves of the state.
Henceforth conquests in and out of Italy became a social and political necessity for Rome. The spoils and lands rapidly increased the wealth of the citizens, but principally of the patricians. The habits of luxury, the contempt of manual and especially agricultural labor, became general; and with it the demand increased for slaves to work the estates and to cater88 to the other wants of the rich and effeminate Romans. So now again, war and rapine, the annexation89 of Mexico, Central America, Cuba and Hayti, are the aims of the militant78 American slaveocracy.
In course of time Rome became a mart for slaves, as great as were Carthage, Corinth, Athens and Syracuse. The slave market, like all the other markets in the city, was superintended by the ?diles. The municipal regulations compelled the vender90 to hang a scroll91 around the neck of the slave, containing a description of his character, in which his defects were declared and his health warranted, especially his freedom from epilepsy and violent diseases. The nativity of the slave was considered important and was also to be declared. When the Romans conquered Asia, the Syrians (who belonged to the Caucasian race) were considered to[Pg 135] be especially adapted for slavery, just as the negroes are at the present day. An incalculable majority of the Roman slaves were of the Caucasian or Japhetic race. Where, oh, where, during these almost countless92 centuries, slept the Scriptural curse of Ham?
The Hannibalian war was eminently93 destructive to the yeomanry and to their small homesteads. Internal domestic economy was shaken from the foundation and almost entirely destroyed; the arable94 lands were rapidly turned into wild sheep pastures, with wild slaves on them as shepherds; the patricians no longer considered agriculture their first occupation, when they found that the slaves of Sicily, Africa, and afterward Egypt, were able to nourish both them and the people; and any land still in culture, was worked by poor farmers, by colonists and slaves. The term colonist23, also, now acquired a somewhat degraded signification, for they were now but poor proletarians and plebeians. Now also came into more common use the legal denomination95 familia rustica, or rural chattels; and perhaps at this time, or soon after, originated in Rome the proverb: "As many slaves, so many enemies."
In the course of the sixth century, U.C., there burst out in great force the antagonism96 between the free rural laborer10 and the slave. The struggle for life and death between the large land and slave holders97 and the yeomanry or freeholders, became more and more active. That which had taken root but slowly in the previous centuries, became strengthened by contact[Pg 136] with nations of older and more corrupt98 civilizations. The influence of Carthage appeared in the rural economy of the Romans, and they began to model their agriculture on the Carthaginian slave husbandry. The book on "Agriculture," written by Magon, a Carthaginian, was translated into Latin by order of the senate. The country was rapidly filled with slaves, and now originated that reckless cruelty in dealing99 with them which was reflected soon after in the laws. The large slaveholders continually enlarged their estates by buying or seizing under various pretexts100 the small homesteads. In the times of Publicola and of the Twelve Tables, the small freeholders had been driven to despair by debts and executions; but now they were ruined and utterly101 destroyed by slave labor. The patricians, who had formerly102 been mortgagees of homesteads, and for whom the freeholder had worked to quash his indebtedness, now became large planters. Thus in Rome and throughout Italy, as well as in the conquered provinces, the slave tide rose higher and higher. These provinces constituted the estates of the sovereign Roman people; but in their administration the patricians applied103 the same discipline, the same iron rod that they held over their slaves. They kept the ironed chattels in walled courts and prisons, and it became proverbial that "A good mastiff should show no mercy to slaves"—a proverb still applicable to the bloodhounds of slavery.
The poor freemen, expelled from the country and deprived of employment, crowded more and more into[Pg 137] Rome, increasing, to a fearful extent, the Roman proletariate. For more than three centuries the best men of Rome, Crassus, Licinius, Emilianus, Drusus, and the Gracchi, made various efforts, to arrest by agrarian laws, the destruction of freeholds, first by the large estates, and then by slaveholders. These efforts were the principal causes of the internal struggles and civil wars of the Roman republic, and their failure proved the destruction of the Roman world. Scipio ?milianus Africanus prophecied the downfall of liberty and of the Roman state, if this substitution of plantation104 economy for the old yeomanry and freeholds did not cease. About the year 620 U.C., scarcely any freeholds for yeomen existed in Etruria; and Plutarch says, "When Tiberius Gracchus went through Tuscany to Numantia he found the country almost depopulated, there being scarcely any free husbandmen or free shepherds, but for the most part imported slaves. He then first conceived the course of policy," etc. An account almost precisely105 similar of the present condition of Virginia may be found in a speech made a few years ago by one of her own sons—one, too, of the most ardent106 upholders of slavery, whether as governor of the state, as active politician, or as a private citizen. The Roman planter desolated107 Etruria by devoting it to the breeding of cattle; the Virginian desolates108 her prolific soil and his own manhood by devoting them to the breeding of "niggers." But here the analogy ceases. The Virginian savior will stand in history the antipodes of the Gracchi.
[Pg 138]
The Roman oligarchs, slaveholders and slave-traders, baffled the sublime109 efforts of the Gracchi, who attempted not only to preserve but to increase the number of freeholders. The Gracchi were murdered by the oligarchs and the degraded rabble110. Publius Scipio Nasica and other senators, fomented111 and incited112 Publius Satureius and Lucius Rufus, who, armed with bludgeons or legs of broken chairs, struck down and murdered Tiberius Gracchus. With similar barbarity Senator Sumner was assaulted in his chair of office; and Senators Toombs and Mason, as well as Hons. Keitt and Brooks113, had thus their bloody114 prototypes in Rome. The murder of the Gracchi was applauded by the degraded Roman rabble; so also did the "poor whites" in the South applaud the assault on Sumner, as well as every other act of savage115 violence perpetrated in Washington or elsewhere in the interests of slavery. The Roman men and matrons, however, did not present cudgels of honor to Publius Satureius and Lucius Rufus.
The current of slavery now flowed in unchecked course, ever enlarging as it advanced. The free citizens, deprived of their homes and property, though now inspired no more by the antique Roman virtue116, nevertheless preserved somewhat of their former bravery, and the legions extended the Roman sway over Greece and Asia. The captives taken from the cities and districts were no longer colonized117, as formerly, but were sold into slavery like prisoners made on the battle-field, and the most vigorous and[Pg 139] patriotic119 portion of the population of other countries was sold as chattels. The depopulation of Macedon, Epirus, and Greece by the Roman conquerors120, has been already mentioned. Cato brought large numbers of slaves from Cyprus; Lucullus must have made innumerable thousands in Bithynia and Cappadocia, judging from the low price of about two-thirds of a dollar per head, for which his human booty was sold. Marius made slaves of more than one hundred and fifty thousand Gauls, Kymri and Teutons, and among them undoubtedly121 many Angles and Saxons.
The exactions, taxes and tributes which the Roman oligarchy122 compelled the conquered kingdoms to pay, increased the general poverty, ruin and slavery. The men and children of the Sicilians and other nations were sold into slavery by the Roman tax-gatherers: and when Marius demanded from Nicomede of Bithynia, as an ally, his contingent123 of troops, the king made answer that all his able-bodied men were sold into slavery by the Roman tax and tribute gatherers. And even to the present day, in the slave states, they sell into slavery free men and women for the costs of prison and judgment124.
All these slaves, either in person or cash, centred toward Rome, and thus increased the power and resources of the oligarch slaveholders, while at the same time they incontinently devoured125 the domestic economy of the state; and the impoverished126 and homeless freemen took their revenge on the oligarchs under Marius, father and son, and under Cinna; while Sylla,[Pg 140] in turn, was the avenging127 sword of the oligarchs and slaveholders. In his time slaveholders were composed principally of wealthy ancient patricians and new rich men or cavaliers, who together constituted the oligarchy of capital: just as now, the "old families," as they are called, of the slave states combine with the new plantation-buyers, overseers, traders, etc., and jointly128 form the slave-driving oligarchy.
Sylla shed in torrents129 the blood of those who dared to hope for a reform from Marius and the reduction of the power of the slaveholders. He was their soul and their representative, and was guilty of every cruelty to uphold the interest, not of Rome, but of the egotistical oligarchy; just, again, as in the slave states, the diminutive130 would-be Syllas are ready to sacrifice every thing to maintain slavery, even to the destruction of society and the republic; while the public spirit of a free state makes every freeman seek his own welfare in the general good.
In the time of Sylla, Italy contained about thirteen millions of slaves; and slave insurrections, both there and in Sicily, succeeded each other almost uninterruptedly. History has recorded some of them, and immortalized the name of the heroic Spartacus. The insurrection in Sicily also, under Ennus, lasted more than four years, and cost the lives of nearly a million of victims.
Slave-breeding was not yet conducted on a large scale. The advice of Cato the Grumbler131, was against its permission; and he obliged his slaves to pay him[Pg 141] a tax from their peculium whenever they cohabited with the other sex.
The large amount of grain imported from conquered countries cultivated by slaves, brought about a competition which soon destroyed the homesteads of the yeomanry, and transformed the fertile Campagna and almost the whole of Italy into a vast cattle pasturage.
It has been already mentioned (see "Greeks") that during the post-Alexandrian dissolution of Greece and of the east, Cilician piracy132 was rampant133 in the eastern part of the Mediterranean. Until Pompey destroyed this piracy, it had its centres and markets in Crete, in Rhodes, and even in Alexandria; but the principal mart was in Delos, where sometimes ten thousand slaves changed masters in a single day. The Roman merchants were the best patrons of the Cilician pirates; and recent developments show that our slave-planters are again beginning to be willing customers to the Americo-African pirates and slave-traders. In general, wherever the capitalist-slaveholder is permitted to develop his supremacy134 in a state, both man and society are materially and morally ruined. Thus it was with Rome and Italy at that epoch: and so also, the American slave states move on rapidly in the orbit from which Rome whirled into the abyss.
In the Mithridatic and Asiatic wars, Pompey enslaved more than two millions of Asiatics; and according to the census made under him, Italy contained[Pg 142] at that time only 450,000 able-bodied citizens capable of military duty, or a total free population of about 2,200,000. It is also asserted that C?sar enslaved at least one million of Gauls. In the age of Cicero only about two thousand citizens of Rome possessed landed property, but with it they owned legions of chattels; and Cicero—a parvenu135 without manhood, first the accessory and then the betrayer of Cataline—maintained that only slaveholders could be considered respectable.
After the patricians were restored to power by Sylla, they found that war and hereditary136 slavery did not supply the necessary quantity of slaves; and they consequently began to kidnap and enslave poor freemen—even their Roman fellow-citizens. To rob and take violent possession of the remaining freeholds became now a matter of course. In the time of Cicero nearly all handicrafts in the city, which had once been in the hands of freemen and clients, were carried on by slaves, either directly for their masters, or indirectly137 by being hired out to others. It became more and more common to hire out skilful138 slaves and to train them up with the view of receiving the revenues of their proficiency139. It was then just as it is now; for then Italy, as now the slave states, was owned by slave-drivers, worked by slaves, and guarded by heartless overseers and bloodhounds.
In the beginning of his career, C?sar tried to create a free yeomanry by distributing the public domain140 among the poor free citizens and the disabled soldiers.[Pg 143] After the victory over the oligarchs and Pompey, he colonized eighty thousand of the proletarians of Rome. But it was forever too late; and besides, the oligarchs and slaveholders opposed his attempts. Scarcely any free laborers existed; the domain of the slave-driver was universal; indeed it was such an epoch as is now again so ardently141 desired by small senators, would-be statesmen, and the whole vanguard of the knight-errant army of chattelhood. Freeholds disappeared from Italy, and almost from the world, with the exception perhaps of the valleys in the Apennines and the Abruzzi. The region from the modern Civita Vecchia across Tusculum to Boi? and Naples, where once a dense142 population of Latin and Italian free yeomanry ploughed the soil and reaped the harvest, was now covered with splendid villas for the masters and with ergastula for their chattels. But the proud inhabitants of the villas, the rich patricians and slaveholders, were themselves soon to become political slaves. Central Italy and the lands around Rome which nursed the armies, and from which were recruited the conquerors of the Carthaginians, Numidians and the phalanxes of Macedonia, was now a waste, depopulated solitude143, owned by a few wealthy planters.
Domestic slavery now brought Rome into the condition to which it had reduced Greece and the oriental world centuries before. The Italy of Varro and of Cicero resembled the Greece of Polybius, Carthage on the eve of its fall, or Asia as found by Alexander. What will be the full and ripe crop of this[Pg 144] dragon-teeth-seed in America? Whenever domestic slavery is planted and takes enduring root in a country, even the beauty of nature is ravaged144 and destroyed. Do the chattel-cabins enliven the landscape of Virginia or beautify the coast of Carolina? The living rill or river gloriously reflects a thousandfold the rays and colors of light, but stagnant145 sewers146 are everywhere alike fetid and abominable147.
During the epoch when slavery flourished and the Roman republic fell into decay, those terrible cruelties toward slaves which history records, and which even now strike the mind with horror, came into vogue148. Slaves, chained in gangs, worked in the fields; at night they were crowded together in prisons; a Greek letter was branded with a hot iron into their cheeks, and other unmentionable cruelties were practised. Still, even then, they were comparatively well fed, as indeed are all useful and submissive beasts. The Roman fabulist Ph?drus, in his tale of "The Dog and the Wolf," tells how this good feeding was regarded by the nobler minds of that demoralized epoch.
After the time of Cato the breeding of slaves became more general, and one woman would frequently nurse several babies, while their mothers were otherwise employed. This became even more common, however, in a subsequent epoch.
Slaves were used for all purposes in the household of the rich Roman oligarch. They performed the highest as well as the basest labors; they were even[Pg 145] doctors, architects, literati, readers and amanuenses; they exercised in some degree the function of printing in our day, as by their labor manuscripts were copied and libraries formed.
How domestic slavery degraded the Roman slaveholder is evidenced by the direct statements of history, as well as by the descriptions of manners in the comedies, etc., which have reached us from that epoch. In proportion as the old Roman spirit and courage declined, did violence and rowdyism increase. Among the various deleterious influences of slavery on slaveholders, also, two which are very noticeable at that remote time, may again, after the lapse149 of ages, be observed under our own eyes: slavery either emasculates the slaveholder physically150 and mentally, and thus renders him cruel from effeminacy; or else makes him rude and reckless, and full of a coarse and savage ferocity.
The Roman oligarchs had all the polish reflected from general culture covering the most depraved minds; and this told upon their politics as well as upon their domestic economy. As early as the time of Jugurtha, nearly all the senators were venal151; and subsequently, those who preserved individually some of the better Roman characteristics, became even more rare. Such an one, toward the end of the republic, was Sextus Roscius, whom history mentions for his good treatment of his bondmen. Whenever a special class of society becomes anywhere predominant, a special type of character is formed as the stand[Pg 146]ard of honor, which, however, is generally quite different from the true standard of an honest man or an upright citizen. But, false criterions aside, the Slave States may, and undoubtedly do, possess many honorable planters and citizens, as Carroll of Carrollton or Aiken and Preston of South Carolina: but none of these men give tone or character to the manners or the laws; their influence is not permitted in Congress or the state legislatures, nor are their opinions reflected in the press or in the sham152 literature and science of their section. But the customs and manners which now prevail, the laws enacted153, the utterances154 of statesmen, the condition of science and literature, and the statements of the current press, constitute the evidence from which the social condition of the nation is to be judged now, and the historic evidence from which it will be judged by future generations.
The slaveholding oligarchy triumphed over Marius and Sertorius as it triumphed over the Gracchi. And the Roman republic expired composed of slaveholders, capitalists, and beggars. The fury of the indignant and impoverished people carried C?sar to power over the carcasses and the ruins of the oligarchy, which long before had reduced the liberty and the name of the Roman people to a sham and a mockery. Domestic slavery for several centuries undermined the Roman republic, and its corrosive155 action increased with the most brilliant periods of conquest, just as the human body, though gnawed156 internally by a chronic157 disease,[Pg 147] may exhibit, for a longer or shorter period, all the appearances of health and vigor118. Oligarchs, slaveholders, and capitalists destroyed a republic founded by intelligent and industrious158 agriculturists, yeomen, and freeholders.
More than one point of analogy exists between the Roman and American republics. Independent and intelligent small farmers, with artisans, mechanics, etc., were the founders of American independence. And the free states have not only preserved but elevated to a higher social and political significance the original characteristics of her existence; and the reproaches hurled159 by the militant pro-slavery oligarchs against the free farmers and operatives in the fields and workshops of the north are sacrilegious to liberty and light. Even so the prince of darkness curses the god of day!
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primitive
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| adj.原始的；简单的；n.原(始)人，原始事物 | |
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Mediterranean
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| adj.地中海的；地中海沿岸的 | |
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devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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relics
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| [pl.］n.遗物，遗迹，遗产；遗体，尸骸 | |
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prehistoric
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| adj.（有记载的）历史以前的，史前的，古老的 | |
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twilight
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| n.暮光，黄昏；暮年，晚期，衰落时期 | |
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certify
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| vt.证明，证实；发证书(或执照)给 | |
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8
legendary
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| adj.传奇（中）的，闻名遐迩的；n.传奇（文学） | |
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9
reapers
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| n.收割者，收获者( reaper的名词复数 )；收割机 | |
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10
laborer
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| n.劳动者，劳工 | |
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11
laborers
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| n.体力劳动者，工人( laborer的名词复数 )；（熟练工人的）辅助工 | |
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12
labor
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| n.劳动，努力，工作，劳工；分娩；vi.劳动，努力，苦干；vt.详细分析；麻烦 | |
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13
creeds
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| （尤指宗教）信条，教条( creed的名词复数 ) | |
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14
rite
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| n.典礼，惯例，习俗 | |
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15
fixed
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| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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16
abode
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| n.住处，住所 | |
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17
clan
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| n.氏族，部落，宗族，家族，宗派 | |
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18
descending
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| n. 下行 adj. 下降的 | |
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19
labors
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| v.努力争取(for)( labor的第三人称单数 )；苦干；详细分析；（指引擎）缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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20
epoch
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| n.(新)时代；历元 | |
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21
chattel
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| n.动产；奴隶 | |
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22
colonists
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| n.殖民地开拓者，移民，殖民地居民( colonist的名词复数 ) | |
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23
colonist
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| n.殖民者，移民 | |
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24
hearth
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| n.壁炉炉床，壁炉地面 | |
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25
clans
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| 宗族( clan的名词复数 )； 氏族； 庞大的家族； 宗派 | |
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26
afterward
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| adv.后来；以后 | |
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27
generators
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| n.发电机，发生器( generator的名词复数 )；电力公司 | |
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28
rustic
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| adj.乡村的，有乡村特色的；n.乡下人，乡巴佬 | |
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29
founders
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| n.创始人( founder的名词复数 ) | |
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30
groves
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| 树丛，小树林( grove的名词复数 ) | |
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31
depredation
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| n.掠夺，蹂躏 | |
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32
positively
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| adv.明确地，断然，坚决地；实在，确实 | |
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33
persevered
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| v.坚忍，坚持( persevere的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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34
dominions
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| 统治权( dominion的名词复数 )； 领土； 疆土； 版图 | |
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35
subduing
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| 征服( subdue的现在分词 )； 克制； 制服； 色变暗 | |
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36
plebeian
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| adj.粗俗的；平民的；n.平民；庶民 | |
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37
plebeians
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| n.平民( plebeian的名词复数 )；庶民；平民百姓；平庸粗俗的人 | |
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38
subdued
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| adj. 屈服的，柔和的，减弱的 动词subdue的过去式和过去分词 | |
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39
tributaries
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| n. 支流 | |
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40
massacre
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| n.残杀，大屠杀；v.残杀，集体屠杀 | |
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41
transformation
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| n.变化；改造；转变 | |
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42
civic
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| adj.城市的，都市的，市民的，公民的 | |
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43
patrimony
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| n.世袭财产，继承物 | |
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44
auction
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| n.拍卖；拍卖会；vt.拍卖 | |
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45
corona
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| n.日冕 | |
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46
vended
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| v.出售（尤指土地等财产）( vend的过去式和过去分词 )；（尤指在公共场所）贩卖；发表（意见，言论）；声明 | |
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47
prolific
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| adj.丰富的，大量的；多产的，富有创造力的 | |
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48
debtor
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| n.借方，债务人 | |
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49
catching
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| adj.易传染的，有魅力的，迷人的，接住 | |
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50
touching
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| adj.动人的，使人感伤的 | |
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51
patrician
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| adj.贵族的，显贵的；n.贵族；有教养的人；罗马帝国的地方官 | |
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52
emancipated
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|
| adj.被解放的，不受约束的v.解放某人（尤指摆脱政治、法律或社会的束缚）( emancipate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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53
enactments
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| n.演出( enactment的名词复数 )；展现；规定；通过 | |
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54
magistrates
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| 地方法官，治安官( magistrate的名词复数 ) | |
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55
patricians
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| n.（古罗马的）统治阶层成员( patrician的名词复数 )；贵族，显贵 | |
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56
possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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57
desecrated
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| 毁坏或亵渎( desecrate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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58
alleviate
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| v.减轻，缓和，缓解(痛苦等) | |
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59
census
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| n.(官方的)人口调查，人口普查 | |
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60
tenants
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| n.房客( tenant的名词复数 )；佃户；占用者；占有者 | |
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61
rustics
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| n.有农村或村民特色的( rustic的名词复数 )；粗野的；不雅的；用粗糙的木材或树枝制作的 | |
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62
creditors
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| n.债权人，债主( creditor的名词复数 ) | |
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63
vaulted
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| adj.拱状的 | |
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64
debtors
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| n.债务人，借方( debtor的名词复数 ) | |
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65
impoverishment
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| n.贫穷，穷困；贫化 | |
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66
citizenship
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| n.市民权，公民权，国民的义务(身份) | |
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67
kindly
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| adj.和蔼的，温和的，爽快的；adv.温和地，亲切地 | |
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68
chattels
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| n.动产，奴隶( chattel的名词复数 ) | |
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69
earnings
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| n.工资收人；利润，利益，所得 | |
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70
specified
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| adj.特定的 | |
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71
entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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72
consul
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| n.领事；执政官 | |
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73
vaults
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| n.拱顶( vault的名词复数 )；地下室；撑物跳高；墓穴 | |
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74
consular
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| a.领事的 | |
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75
nay
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|
| adv.不；n.反对票，投反对票者 | |
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76
disparage
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| v.贬抑，轻蔑 | |
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77
militants
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| 激进分子，好斗分子( militant的名词复数 ) | |
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78
militant
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|
| adj.激进的，好斗的；n.激进分子，斗士 | |
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79
infancy
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| n.婴儿期；幼年期；初期 | |
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80
celebrated
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|
| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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81
agrarian
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| adj.土地的，农村的，农业的 | |
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82
stimulus
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| n.刺激，刺激物，促进因素，引起兴奋的事物 | |
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83
urbane
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|
| adj.温文尔雅的，懂礼的 | |
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84
villas
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| 别墅，公馆( villa的名词复数 )； （城郊）住宅 | |
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85
maritime
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|
| adj.海的，海事的，航海的，近海的，沿海的 | |
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86
inscribed
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| v.写，刻( inscribe的过去式和过去分词 )；内接 | |
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87
victorious
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|
| adj.胜利的，得胜的 | |
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88
cater
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| vi.(for/to)满足，迎合；(for)提供饮食及服务 | |
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89
annexation
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|
| n.吞并，合并 | |
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90
vender
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| n.小贩 | |
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91
scroll
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|
| n.卷轴，纸卷；(石刻上的)漩涡 | |
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92
countless
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| adj.无数的，多得不计其数的 | |
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93
eminently
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| adv.突出地；显著地；不寻常地 | |
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94
arable
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| adj.可耕的，适合种植的 | |
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95
denomination
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| n.命名，取名，(度量衡、货币等的)单位 | |
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96
antagonism
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| n.对抗，敌对，对立 | |
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97
holders
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| 支持物( holder的名词复数 )； 持有者； （支票等）持有人； 支托（或握持）…之物 | |
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98
corrupt
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| v.贿赂，收买；adj.腐败的，贪污的 | |
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99
dealing
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| n.经商方法，待人态度 | |
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100
pretexts
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| n.借口，托辞( pretext的名词复数 ) | |
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101
utterly
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| adv.完全地，绝对地 | |
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102
formerly
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| adv.从前，以前 | |
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103
applied
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| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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104
plantation
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| n.种植园，大农场 | |
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105
precisely
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| adv.恰好，正好，精确地，细致地 | |
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106
ardent
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| adj.热情的，热烈的，强烈的，烈性的 | |
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107
desolated
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| adj.荒凉的，荒废的 | |
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108
desolates
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| 毁坏( desolate的第三人称单数 )； 极大地破坏； 使沮丧； 使痛苦 | |
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109
sublime
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| adj.崇高的，伟大的；极度的，不顾后果的 | |
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110
rabble
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| n.乌合之众，暴民；下等人 | |
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111
fomented
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| v.激起，煽动（麻烦等）( foment的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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112
incited
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| 刺激，激励，煽动( incite的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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113
brooks
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| n.小溪( brook的名词复数 ) | |
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114
bloody
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| adj.非常的的；流血的；残忍的；adv.很；vt.血染 | |
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115
savage
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| adj.野蛮的；凶恶的，残暴的；n.未开化的人 | |
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116
virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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117
colonized
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| 开拓殖民地，移民于殖民地( colonize的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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118
vigor
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| n.活力，精力，元气 | |
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119
patriotic
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| adj.爱国的，有爱国心的 | |
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120
conquerors
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| 征服者，占领者( conqueror的名词复数 ) | |
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121
undoubtedly
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| adv.确实地，无疑地 | |
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122
oligarchy
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| n.寡头政治 | |
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123
contingent
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| adj.视条件而定的；n.一组，代表团，分遣队 | |
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124
judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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125
devoured
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| 吞没( devour的过去式和过去分词 )； 耗尽； 津津有味地看； 狼吞虎咽地吃光 | |
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126
impoverished
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|
| adj.穷困的，无力的，用尽了的v.使（某人）贫穷( impoverish的过去式和过去分词 )；使（某物）贫瘠或恶化 | |
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127
avenging
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| adj.报仇的，复仇的v.为…复仇，报…之仇( avenge的现在分词 )；为…报复 | |
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128
jointly
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| ad.联合地，共同地 | |
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129
torrents
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| n.倾注；奔流( torrent的名词复数 )；急流；爆发；连续不断 | |
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130
diminutive
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| adj.小巧可爱的，小的 | |
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131
grumbler
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| 爱抱怨的人，发牢骚的人 | |
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132
piracy
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| n.海盗行为，剽窃，著作权侵害 | |
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133
rampant
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| adj.(植物)蔓生的；狂暴的，无约束的 | |
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134
supremacy
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| n.至上；至高权力 | |
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135
parvenu
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| n.暴发户，新贵 | |
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136
hereditary
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| adj.遗传的，遗传性的，可继承的，世袭的 | |
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indirectly
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| adv.间接地，不直接了当地 | |
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138
skilful
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| (=skillful)adj.灵巧的，熟练的 | |
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proficiency
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| n.精通，熟练，精练 | |
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140
domain
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| n.(活动等)领域，范围；领地，势力范围 | |
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141
ardently
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| adv.热心地，热烈地 | |
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142
dense
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| a.密集的，稠密的，浓密的；密度大的 | |
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143
solitude
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| n. 孤独; 独居,荒僻之地,幽静的地方 | |
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144
ravaged
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| 毁坏( ravage的过去式和过去分词 )； 蹂躏； 劫掠； 抢劫 | |
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145
stagnant
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| adj.不流动的，停滞的，不景气的 | |
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146
sewers
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| n.阴沟，污水管，下水道( sewer的名词复数 ) | |
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147
abominable
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| adj.可厌的，令人憎恶的 | |
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148
Vogue
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| n.时髦，时尚；adj.流行的 | |
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149
lapse
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| n.过失，流逝，失效，抛弃信仰，间隔；vi.堕落，停止，失效，流逝；vt.使失效 | |
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150
physically
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| adj.物质上，体格上，身体上，按自然规律 | |
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151
venal
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| adj.唯利是图的，贪脏枉法的 | |
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152
sham
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| n./adj.假冒(的)，虚伪(的) | |
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153
enacted
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| 制定（法律），通过（法案）( enact的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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154
utterances
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| n.发声( utterance的名词复数 )；说话方式；语调；言论 | |
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155
corrosive
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| adj.腐蚀性的；有害的；恶毒的 | |
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156
gnawed
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| 咬( gnaw的过去式和过去分词 )； （长时间） 折磨某人； （使）苦恼； （长时间）危害某事物 | |
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157
chronic
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| adj.(疾病)长期未愈的，慢性的；极坏的 | |
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158
industrious
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| adj.勤劳的，刻苦的，奋发的 | |
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159
hurled
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| v.猛投，用力掷( hurl的过去式和过去分词 )；大声叫骂 | |
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