During the reign7 of the six C?sars, rural as well as urban slavery rapidly began to be reduced to method and to legal forms. Augustus tried to modify somewhat the cruel treatment of the slaves: he abolished, for instance, the custom of branding their cheeks with a hot iron, and ordered instead that they should wear metallic8 collars. It came into vogue9, also, that a woman who had given birth to three children was free from hard labor10 the rest of her life; if she had four she became wholly free.
[Pg 150]
The slave traffic was very active over all the imperial Roman world during the whole period of its existence, and was the most lucrative11 branch of commerce. It was also strictly12 adjusted by police regulations.
Augustus likewise made efforts to morally re-invigorate, so to speak, the decaying oligarchy; but this attempt was even more unsuccessful than the former. Every person who is even slightly acquainted with history must be familiar with the absolute degradation13 of the oligarchs, capitalists, and rich slaveholders of imperial Rome. Tiberius despised them and tyrannized over them with a cold-blooded and contemptuous cruelty only equalled by the manner in which they crushed their chattels15, or the populace of Rome, whom they had impoverished16 and degraded. For then, as for centuries before, the oligarchy looked with as much contempt on the working-classes as the modern slave-drivers do on "greasy17 mechanics." But, in the eye of history and humanity, it is the "greasy mechanics" and "small-fisted farmers" of the free states who are the glorious lights which redeem18 the dark side of American polity as embodied19 in the slave-driving chivalry20.
In fact, the Roman oligarchs were far more degraded than their chattels. "Turpis adulatio Senatus," said Tacitus; and the names of Druses, Germanicus, Britannicus, Ch?rea, Trasea, and a few others, can never redeem the infamy21 of a whole community.
The numbers of slaves owned by the wealthy, was,[Pg 151] as it were, proportionate to their degradation. Athen?us says that some rich men had from ten to twenty thousand slaves, and the statement is confirmed by Seneca. C?cilius Isidorus, a rich particulier living under Augustus, lost a great part of his fortune in the civil wars, and yet left by will 4116 chattels; Elius Proculus, on his estates in Liguria, had two thousand slaves able to bear arms; Scaurus, a wealthy senator, owned 4116 chattels, exclusive of shepherds and tillers; Eumolpus, a simple citizen—not one of the oligarchs or F.F.V.'s of that time, but rather a parvenu—had so large a number of slaves on his estates in Numidia, that with an army of them he could have stormed and taken the city of Carthage, which, although reduced from its former grandeur22, was still among the first cities of Africa. Under Nero, half of Africa was owned by six slaveholders: Nero slaughtered23 them and inherited their estates.
Such was the rapidly developed internal condition of the Roman state when Pliny dolefully exclaimed: "Latifundi perdidere Italiam moxque provincias:" "Large extended estates (cultivated by slaves), ruined Italy, and soon after the provinces," as even Spain and Gaul were quickly devoured25 by the large slaveholders.
The condition and treatment of the slaves inspired pity even in a Claudius. He prohibited the custom of starving to death the old and disabled slaves, who had generally been exposed on an island in the Tiber, upon which was a temple of Esculapius. By the[Pg 152] Claudian edict, such exposition was equivalent to emancipation26. Even Nero had some pity for the slaves, though he had none for their masters. The emperors were terrified at the increased ravages27 of slavery, which spread in continually wider and wider circles over Gaul and Spain as well as in Africa and in the east. Edicts were issued by several emperors—as Adrian and the Antonines—designed to stay the spread of slavery and alleviate28 the condition of the chattels. These edicts encouraged manumissions either absolute and immediate29, or gradual, and conferred the same municipal rights as were enjoyed by the enfranchised30. The latifundia, or large estates, nevertheless, still increased their size; and the condition and relations of landed property required new laws and new legal definitions, which were gradually introduced into the jus civile. First in order were the common usages of the people, and then the legalization of their customs. Thus it is not till toward the end of the second Christian31 century that there are found in the Roman law definitions of slaves as persons attached perpetually to the soil. But their classification was so complicated, that it becomes difficult, if not impossible, to define distinctly the various grades, or to exhibit clearly the features in which one differs from another. The necessities of the imperial treasury32 were probably the cause of such divisions as those of adscriptitii, censiti, perpetui, conditionales, coloni, inquilini—both of old republican origin—simplices, originarii, homologi, tributari, addicti gleb?,[Pg 153] agricol?, aratores, rustici actores, etc. In course of time, also, all these names were merged34 under the general denomination35 of serfs, which again assumed various degrees of oppression and servitude.
Augustus is proverbially said to have pacified36 the world; and indeed, with few exceptions, the Roman empire enjoyed internal peace during the first two Christian centuries. But under Claudius, during the war with Tiridates of Pontus, the entire population of some of the captured cities was sold into slavery, as were also one hundred thousand Jews, when Jerusalem fell under Vespasian. There were now, however, no more rich cities or cultivated countries to be conquered, no peoples to be enslaved by millions, as there had been under the republic; wars now were waged only on the outskirts37 of the empire, and generally with barbarous nations. Prisoners of war, captives and subdued38 barbarians39, were no longer sold into slavery, but the emperors colonized40 the waste lands with them. They thus attempted to repeople Italy and the provinces, and to revive the ancient mode of rural economy, as also to increase the revenue of the imperial treasury. Such colonizations were frequent after the time of Marcus Aurelius. But all this could not stop the growth of the social cancer. Chattelhood, encouraged, as will be shown by political slavery and taxations, was wildly rampant42, and overleaped every barrier to its progress which the emperors attempted to raise.
During the whole epoch43 of the growth and maturi[Pg 154]ty of domestic slavery in Rome, no one of her moralists, philosophers, poets, priests or satirists ever preached or sang of the idyllic44 beauties of slavery; none of her statesmen considered it as the foundation, corner-stone or cement of society or of the empire, or even as "ennobling"[15] to the slaveholder, and orations45 and discourses46 in exaltation of human bondage47 were unknown. Pliny, Seneca and Plutarch only spoke48 of it in extenuating49 language.
The Roman jurisconsult of the better times of the empire crystallized into legal form the sense of justice and equity50 inherent in the Roman, nay51, in human society. He expounded52 the law for the de facto existing society, and therefore generally in favor of the owner, slaveholder, etc., and against the thing, the res, which was the chattel5. The object of the Roman law was only to regulate existing relations, and such was domestic slavery. But with all its unbending severity, the Roman law, through the conscientious53 voice of the Roman jurisconsult, declared slavery a condition, "qua quis dominio alieno contra naturam subiicitur," and rarely missed an occasion to favor the slave, to alleviate his status, and to facilitate his emancipation. No clause or decision of the law re-enslaved, in any case, the chattel once emancipated54. Even if a will provided for the emancipation of a slave in terms like these: "I will and command that my slave A becomes free; but upon condition that he live with my son, and if he re[Pg 155]fuses or neglects to do this he returns to slavery," the law decided55, that "A, being emancipated by the first paragraph of the will, cannot be re-enslaved by the subsequent conditional33 paragraph; therefore A is free, and he may or may not fulfil the condition."
The child also followed the condition of the mother when born from illicit56 intercourse57, nisi lex specialis alius inducit. If the father was a slave and the mother a free woman, the child was free, quia non debet calamitas matris ei noceri qui in utero est—"the misfortune of the mother shall not bear on the product of the womb." A change of the status of the mother from liberty to slavery during pregnancy58 was always construed59 favorably to the child, who thus might be born free if the mother was free for even the shortest time during the period of pregnancy.
Under the emperors, freemen began to sell themselves into slavery—a thing unknown during the existence of the republic. But a freeman who sold himself into slavery, if afterward60 manumitted, could not become again a full citizen. And whoever was once emancipated could on no pretence61 be re-enslaved, under penalty of death.
Modern pro-slavery legislators and jurisconsults boldly overthrow62 all these Roman ideas of justice and equity.
The law established various just causes for emancipation. Among these were, natural relationships, as children, brothers, sisters, mothers, cousins, grandparents, etc., when slaves; and whoever ad impudi[Pg 156]citiam turpemque violationem servos compellat, lost his potestas, or power, over the slave.
These facilities for emancipation operated principally in favor of the urban chattels, or those of the household proper, and also rural overseers, but were rarely applied63 to the rural slaves; consequently, during the most brilliant period of the existence of the empire, the cities were filled with enfranchised slaves of various kinds and various nations. The country, too, was altogether abandoned by the slaveholders, who lived and rioted in the imperial city. Most of these emancipated slaves, as also, indeed, many of the free-born citizens, finally lost their liberty by the operation of those causes which, notwithstanding emancipations and state colonizations, continually increased the latifundia or large estates, and transformed into bondmen the freeholders as well as those who rented land from the state or from private individuals.
The civil administration of the Roman empire, heathen and Christian, down to its last agonies in Constantinople, may be very briefly64 summed up: it was fiscality. Every administrative66 measure aimed at replenishing the imperial exchequer67. The imperial treasury was bottomless, and its owners cold, rapacious68, cruel and insatiable. All the colonizations of free laborers69 had for their single aim but to increase the income of the state; and tributes and taxations of every conceivable kind were imposed, first upon the provinces, and in course of time, on Italy itself. These, of course, were principally supplied by the la[Pg 157]boring classes in the cities and on the lands. The rapacity71 of the state was heightened also by the individual greed of the magistrates72, from the prefects down to the meanest military or political official or tax-gatherer; indeed, locusts73 more destructive than the Roman officials never devoured the fruits of toil74 or the accumulations of industry. These fiscal65 measures and lawless extortions, fostered chattelhood almost as much as wars and conquests had formerly75 done.
The inquilini and coloni of the last century of the republic were free, rent-paying farmers (who paid the rent in money), or free laborers. When, after the time of Sylla, the republican oligarchs partially76 enslaved these farmers, the rent had to be paid in kind, in sign of dependence77, if not of absolute bondage. The colonists78 settled by the emperors also had to pay tribute and submit to various other servitudes; and thus the once free colonists were, by a slow but uninterrupted process, transformed into bondmen, serfs and slaves. As in the last days of the republic, so under Augustus and his successors, the free yeoman or colonist79, in order to avoid being violently expelled from his homestead and shut up in the ergastulum with the chattels, frequently sold himself and his little property, on certain conditions, to the rich and powerful slaveholder, and thus secured patronage80 and protection. In proportion as exaction81, oppression and lawlessness increased under the emperors, so also did the forced or voluntary submission82 of colonists to influential83 slaveholders. As the imperial tax-gatherer was wont[Pg 158] to sell the children of the poor for tax or tribute, the peasant often preferred to become a slave in order to obtain protection from his master, who became responsible to the treasury for the taxes of the bondman and his lands. Frequently whole villages of colonists thus gave up their rights for the sake of patronage and protection.
The exchequer had a roll inscribed84 with the names of all the colonists on the domains85 belonging to the state, the cities, or to private individuals. From this census86 for taxation41 was derived87 the legal designation, and afterward the condition of adscriptus. And the imperial government, whose sole object was to gather taxes and have responsible tax-payers, had little if any objection to this transformation88 of colonists and their homesteads into the bondmen of the rich. The change was not made at once by any special law,[16] but was brought about by the slow progress of social decomposition89. When the serfdom of the colonists first became an object of jurisprudence—a little before and under Theodosius—it had already existed as a fact; and ex facto nascitur jus was an old axiom of the civil law. By and by slaves proper—that is, movable chattels, not persons attached to the soil—both in the city and on the lands, were taxed on the plantation90 roll; and Constantine prohibited the sale of chattels from one province to another, most probably[Pg 159] with the view of facilitating their control by the tax-gatherer.
Rapacious taxation, the first outgrowth of imperial despotism which was originated by the slaveholders, forced into the grip of the oligarch all that remained of free soil and independent labor, or what was intended to be such by the colonizing91 emperors. The same cause also disorganized the ancient municipal regime in the cities of Italy and throughout the Roman world.
The curia of Italian cities, and afterward of all other cities privileged with Italian law, constituted the body politic1 of each municipality. The most influential and wealthy citizens, therefore, were curiales; next to them were municipes, common burghers, small traders, etc.; then clients, free plebeian92 proletarians, the enfranchised, etc. The decurions or city senate, and other dignitaries called patrons, protectors, etc., administered the affairs of the city; these and all other offices were light and honorable while the cities were flourishing, as in the first two centuries of the empire; but even then, various legal immunities93 released curiales from performing public municipal service. During the peace enjoyed by the Roman world in the early times of the empire, the taxes, tolls94, excises95, venalicium, etc., imposed on Italianized cities, were moderate. These cities were then rich; they accumulated and loaned capital; they owned slaves and extensive domains. By means of their slaves they erected96 those public edifices97 and monuments whose splendor[Pg 160] rivalled those of Rome and whose ruins are still in many places preserved; and the administration of the revenues and the honors of the city were in the control of rich oligarchs and slaveholders. The same accumulation of wealth in the hands of a few, existed in the cities as in the country, as the same oligarchs generally lived in the city, and indeed necessarily belonged to some municipium; for in the Roman world the whole political and civic98 status was exclusively embodied in and bestowed99 on the city; and the country, as such, had no political or civil significance.
Thus, even during the most brilliant periods, the numerous free persons in the cities became more and more impoverished, and lived by panem et circenses, as in Rome. Under this deceitful glitter, the disease slowly undermined the prosperity of the cities, and the first shock revealed the terrible reality. Soon fiscal rapacity seized hold of every thing both in the Italian and Italianized cities. Not only the poorer classes but even the wealthy began to feel it. One after another the cities lost their domains and their treasure, and thus lost the means to sustain their internal administration. With the growing imperial rapacity increased also the danger and the difficulties of public office, as the decurions and other officials were responsible to the imperial treasury for all the taxes and imposts levied100 upon the city. The rich men, patrons, etc., now used extensively their right of exemption101 from office, and excused themselves from public service in proportion as the fiscal pressure[Pg 161] increased, and as they found it more lucrative to profit from general calamities102 than to attempt to avert103 them. Besides, taxes for the central exchequer were to be imposed and levied as well as taxes for the local administration of the cities. All this finally almost entirely104 crushed the impoverished burghers, and in the second century large numbers of burghers were inscribed in the curia. First the poorer shopkeepers, artisans, and small property holders14, and then almost all the viles, with the exception of the infames—that is, those who at any time had undergone any infamous105 condemnation—became curiales. Taxes on lands, houses, and slaves, and also on persons (per capita), increased almost daily, and were imposed under various guises106 and new names. All handicraftsmen, tradesmen, and merchants, had to pay special taxes, and the poorest plebeian had to pay a capitatio or illatio. When the cities had thus been reduced to poverty, and were obliged to tax themselves heavily to sustain their existence, the severest of all labor was to be a city official, and every one tried to avoid public honors, as even to be a curialis was considered a heavy calamity107. The surplus of the poor free population, no longer supported by the magistrates or decuriones, abandoned the cities and became colonists on the imperial domains, on the remaining city domains, or on private lands; and there sank deeper and deeper into the mire108 of slavery. Soon the curiales began to follow the plebeians109, in order to escape from their privileges and dignities. With this, however, an imperial edict interfered110, and[Pg 162] small proprietors111, curiales, etc., were prohibited from selling their property. The eventual112 acquirer of such property was made ipso facto curial, and responsible for both past and current taxes, and the other exactions and servitudes imposed. The law put various other impediments on the personal liberty of poor but taxable curiales: they became bondmen of the state or of their own municipality; they could not change their residence, and suffered innumerable annoyances113. The curiales, thus goaded114, often preferred even the hateful military service on the utmost frontiers of the empire: they voluntarily entered the legions, in order to be exempted115 from taxation and the grip of the imperial and municipal tax-gatherer. More of them, however, chose rather to seek patrons, and became bondmen to the rich, the slaveholders, and exempted persons, giving both themselves and their property to their protectors. Thus frequently the impoverished descendants of former honoratiores became first bondmen and then slaves. During that long epoch of grinding oppression and taxation, the division and subdivision of the community into classes and grades originated. This classification was based on pursuits and occupations, and also according to the imposts levied on each class, from the magnate—as the rich social successors of the oligarchs were now called—down to the lowest laborer70 and chattel. Finally, the whole property in the Roman world—the country, the city, the lands, houses, and slaves—was centred in the hands of a few magnates, who[Pg 163] owned incalculable numbers of colonists, bondmen, serfs, and chattels.
The famous Roman legions were recruited from yeomen, plebeians, workmen and colonists; in one word, from the free population. When freemen diminished, foreigners and barbarians were hired and enrolled116. Sylla's military murderers were in great part Spanish Celts; and after Sylla and Marius, foreigners entered more and more into the composition of the Roman armies. Caligula had a kind of body-guard composed of Germans; and soon all the nations conquered by Rome were represented, not only in the armies, but even under the imperial canopy117. Then arose the intestine118 wars for imperial power carried on by pretenders, each proclaimed by some province or legion. These wars resulted in slaughter24, devastation119, ruin and universal misery120; and thus enlarged the number of slaves, and powerfully revived the slave traffic, which survived the downfall of heathenism and the Roman world.
Domestic slavery, acting121 through long centuries, brought about a thoroughly122 diseased and depraved condition of society, which, in turn, reacted upon its producing cause, exacerbating123 and intensifying124 it. The result was, that domestic slavery quite overmastered the ancient Roman world. At the melancholy125 period of Rome's disruption, the high-souled, patriotic126 citizen—that compact and columnar type of character—had become quite extinct, and in his place were large slave-owners, slave-drivers, and slave-traders. The masters and protectors of Rome were foreigners[Pg 164] and barbarians. The slaveholders could not defend the empire, and beneath them was a degraded population of so-called freemen, and millions of serfs and slaves, all of them without a spark of love for their country, and destitute127 even of material incitements to urge them to defend their homes or uphold the existing condition of society. None of them had any interest to sustain their slaveholding masters or the fiscality of the empire; and at times the lower classes, the slaves especially, even joined the invaders128. Thus, when Alaric appeared before Rome, over forty thousand slaves joined his camp.
Such was the condition of the Roman world and its western provinces, Spain and Gaul, when the avalanche129 from the north burst upon it with its torrent130 of invaders. The oligarchic131 slaveholders, having destroyed the republic, transmitted to the C?sars a society which had through their means become utterly132 degenerate133 and depraved. The emperors, in their turn, transmitted to the new era a world putrescent with domestic slavery. Often does a virus eat its way so deeply into a healthy organism, as to change its very character and the conditions of its existence. Then the morbid134 disorganization becomes an apparently135 normal condition, until finally life is altogether extinct. Such was the effect of chattelhood on the Roman world, and especially on Italy, which was the soul and centre of the system. Nor does it require any great apprehension136 to see how the tragic137 analogy holds in the case of the Southern States of the North American confederacy.
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politic
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| adj.有智虑的；精明的；v.从政 | |
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oligarchy
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| n.寡头政治 | |
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vitality
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| n.活力，生命力，效力 | |
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legitimate
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| adj.合法的，合理的，合乎逻辑的；v.使合法 | |
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chattel
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| n.动产；奴隶 | |
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supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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metallic
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| adj.金属的；金属制的；含金属的；产金属的；像金属的 | |
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Vogue
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| n.时髦，时尚；adj.流行的 | |
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labor
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| n.劳动，努力，工作，劳工；分娩；vi.劳动，努力，苦干；vt.详细分析；麻烦 | |
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lucrative
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| adj.赚钱的，可获利的 | |
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strictly
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| adv.严厉地，严格地；严密地 | |
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degradation
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| n.降级；低落；退化；陵削；降解；衰变 | |
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holders
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| 支持物( holder的名词复数 )； 持有者； （支票等）持有人； 支托（或握持）…之物 | |
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chattels
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| n.动产，奴隶( chattel的名词复数 ) | |
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impoverished
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| adj.穷困的，无力的，用尽了的v.使（某人）贫穷( impoverish的过去式和过去分词 )；使（某物）贫瘠或恶化 | |
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greasy
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| adj. 多脂的，油脂的 | |
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redeem
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| v.买回，赎回，挽回，恢复，履行（诺言等） | |
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embodied
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| v.表现( embody的过去式和过去分词 )；象征；包括；包含 | |
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chivalry
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| n.骑士气概，侠义；（男人）对女人彬彬有礼，献殷勤 | |
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infamy
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| n.声名狼藉，出丑，恶行 | |
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grandeur
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| n.伟大，崇高，宏伟，庄严，豪华 | |
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slaughtered
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| v.屠杀，杀戮，屠宰( slaughter的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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slaughter
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| n.屠杀，屠宰；vt.屠杀，宰杀 | |
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devoured
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| 吞没( devour的过去式和过去分词 )； 耗尽； 津津有味地看； 狼吞虎咽地吃光 | |
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emancipation
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| n.（从束缚、支配下）解放 | |
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ravages
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| 劫掠后的残迹，破坏的结果，毁坏后的残迹 | |
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alleviate
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| v.减轻，缓和，缓解(痛苦等) | |
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immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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enfranchised
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| v.给予选举权( enfranchise的过去式和过去分词 )；（从奴隶制中）解放 | |
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Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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treasury
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| n.宝库；国库，金库；文库 | |
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conditional
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| adj.条件的，带有条件的 | |
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merged
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| （使）混合( merge的过去式和过去分词 )； 相融； 融入； 渐渐消失在某物中 | |
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denomination
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| n.命名，取名，(度量衡、货币等的)单位 | |
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pacified
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| 使（某人）安静( pacify的过去式和过去分词 )； 息怒； 抚慰； 在（有战争的地区、国家等）实现和平 | |
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outskirts
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| n.郊外，郊区 | |
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subdued
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| adj. 屈服的，柔和的，减弱的 动词subdue的过去式和过去分词 | |
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barbarians
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| n.野蛮人( barbarian的名词复数 )；外国人；粗野的人；无教养的人 | |
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colonized
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| 开拓殖民地，移民于殖民地( colonize的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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taxation
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| n.征税，税收，税金 | |
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rampant
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| adj.(植物)蔓生的；狂暴的，无约束的 | |
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epoch
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| n.(新)时代；历元 | |
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idyllic
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| adj.质朴宜人的，田园风光的 | |
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orations
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| n.（正式仪式中的）演说，演讲( oration的名词复数 ) | |
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46
discourses
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| 论文( discourse的名词复数 )； 演说； 讲道； 话语 | |
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47
bondage
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| n.奴役，束缚 | |
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48
spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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49
extenuating
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| adj.使减轻的，情有可原的v.（用偏袒的辩解或借口）减轻( extenuate的现在分词 )；低估，藐视 | |
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50
equity
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| n.公正，公平，（无固定利息的）股票 | |
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51
nay
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| adv.不；n.反对票，投反对票者 | |
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52
expounded
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| 论述，详细讲解( expound的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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53
conscientious
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| adj.审慎正直的，认真的，本着良心的 | |
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54
emancipated
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| adj.被解放的，不受约束的v.解放某人（尤指摆脱政治、法律或社会的束缚）( emancipate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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55
decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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56
illicit
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| adj.非法的，禁止的，不正当的 | |
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57
intercourse
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| n.性交；交流，交往，交际 | |
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58
pregnancy
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| n.怀孕，怀孕期 | |
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59
construed
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| v.解释（陈述、行为等）( construe的过去式和过去分词 )；翻译，作句法分析 | |
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60
afterward
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| adv.后来；以后 | |
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61
pretence
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| n.假装，作假；借口，口实；虚伪；虚饰 | |
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62
overthrow
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| v.推翻，打倒，颠覆；n.推翻，瓦解，颠覆 | |
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63
applied
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| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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64
briefly
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| adv.简单地，简短地 | |
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65
fiscal
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| adj.财政的，会计的，国库的，国库岁入的 | |
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66
administrative
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| adj.行政的，管理的 | |
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67
exchequer
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| n.财政部；国库 | |
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68
rapacious
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| adj.贪婪的，强夺的 | |
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69
laborers
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| n.体力劳动者，工人( laborer的名词复数 )；（熟练工人的）辅助工 | |
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70
laborer
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| n.劳动者，劳工 | |
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71
rapacity
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| n.贪婪，贪心，劫掠的欲望 | |
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72
magistrates
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| 地方法官，治安官( magistrate的名词复数 ) | |
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73
locusts
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| n.蝗虫( locust的名词复数 )；贪吃的人；破坏者；槐树 | |
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74
toil
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| vi.辛劳工作，艰难地行动；n.苦工，难事 | |
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75
formerly
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| adv.从前，以前 | |
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76
partially
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| adv.部分地，从某些方面讲 | |
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77
dependence
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| n.依靠，依赖；信任，信赖；隶属 | |
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78
colonists
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| n.殖民地开拓者，移民，殖民地居民( colonist的名词复数 ) | |
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79
colonist
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| n.殖民者，移民 | |
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80
patronage
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| n.赞助，支援，援助；光顾，捧场 | |
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81
exaction
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| n.强求，强征；杂税 | |
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82
submission
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| n.服从，投降；温顺，谦虚；提出 | |
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83
influential
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| adj.有影响的，有权势的 | |
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84
inscribed
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| v.写，刻( inscribe的过去式和过去分词 )；内接 | |
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85
domains
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| n.范围( domain的名词复数 )；领域；版图；地产 | |
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86
census
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| n.(官方的)人口调查，人口普查 | |
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87
derived
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| vi.起源；由来；衍生；导出v.得到( derive的过去式和过去分词 )；（从…中）得到获得；源于；（从…中）提取 | |
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88
transformation
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| n.变化；改造；转变 | |
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89
decomposition
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| n. 分解, 腐烂, 崩溃 | |
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90
plantation
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| n.种植园，大农场 | |
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91
colonizing
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| v.开拓殖民地，移民于殖民地( colonize的现在分词 ) | |
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92
plebeian
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| adj.粗俗的；平民的；n.平民；庶民 | |
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93
immunities
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| 免除，豁免( immunity的名词复数 )； 免疫力 | |
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tolls
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| （缓慢而有规律的）钟声( toll的名词复数 )； 通行费； 损耗； （战争、灾难等造成的）毁坏 | |
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excises
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| n.国内货物税，消费税( excise的名词复数 )v.切除，删去( excise的第三人称单数 ) | |
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96
ERECTED
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| adj. 直立的，竖立的，笔直的 vt. 使 ... 直立，建立 | |
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97
edifices
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| n.大建筑物( edifice的名词复数 ) | |
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98
civic
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| adj.城市的，都市的，市民的，公民的 | |
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99
bestowed
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| 赠给，授予( bestow的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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100
levied
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| 征（兵）( levy的过去式和过去分词 )； 索取； 发动（战争）； 征税 | |
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101
exemption
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| n.豁免，免税额，免除 | |
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102
calamities
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| n.灾祸，灾难( calamity的名词复数 )；不幸之事 | |
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103
avert
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| v.防止，避免；转移(目光、注意力等) | |
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104
entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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105
infamous
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| adj.声名狼藉的，臭名昭著的，邪恶的 | |
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106
guises
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| n.外观，伪装( guise的名词复数 )v.外观，伪装( guise的第三人称单数 ) | |
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107
calamity
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| n.灾害，祸患，不幸事件 | |
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108
mire
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| n.泥沼，泥泞；v.使...陷于泥泞，使...陷入困境 | |
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109
plebeians
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| n.平民( plebeian的名词复数 )；庶民；平民百姓；平庸粗俗的人 | |
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110
interfered
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| v.干预( interfere的过去式和过去分词 )；调停；妨碍；干涉 | |
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111
proprietors
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| n.所有人，业主( proprietor的名词复数 ) | |
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112
eventual
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| adj.最后的，结局的，最终的 | |
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113
annoyances
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| n.恼怒( annoyance的名词复数 )；烦恼；打扰；使人烦恼的事 | |
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114
goaded
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| v.刺激( goad的过去式和过去分词 )；激励；（用尖棒）驱赶；驱使（或怂恿、刺激）某人 | |
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115
exempted
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| 使免除[豁免]( exempt的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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116
enrolled
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| adj.入学登记了的v.[亦作enrol]( enroll的过去式和过去分词 )；登记，招收，使入伍（或入会、入学等），参加，成为成员；记入名册；卷起，包起 | |
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117
canopy
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| n.天篷，遮篷 | |
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118
intestine
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| adj.内部的；国内的；n.肠 | |
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119
devastation
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| n.毁坏；荒废；极度震惊或悲伤 | |
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120
misery
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| n.痛苦，苦恼，苦难；悲惨的境遇，贫苦 | |
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121
acting
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| n.演戏，行为，假装；adj.代理的，临时的，演出用的 | |
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122
thoroughly
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| adv.完全地，彻底地，十足地 | |
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123
exacerbating
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| v.使恶化，使加重( exacerbate的现在分词 ) | |
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124
intensifying
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| v.（使）增强， （使）加剧( intensify的现在分词 )；增辉 | |
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125
melancholy
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| n.忧郁，愁思；adj.令人感伤（沮丧）的，忧郁的 | |
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126
patriotic
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| adj.爱国的，有爱国心的 | |
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127
destitute
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| adj.缺乏的；穷困的 | |
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128
invaders
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| 入侵者，侵略者，侵入物( invader的名词复数 ) | |
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129
avalanche
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| n.雪崩，大量涌来 | |
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130
torrent
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| n.激流，洪流；爆发，(话语等的)连发 | |
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131
oligarchic
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| adj.寡头政治的，主张寡头政治的 | |
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132
utterly
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| adv.完全地，绝对地 | |
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133
degenerate
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| v.退步，堕落；adj.退步的，堕落的；n.堕落者 | |
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134
morbid
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| adj.病的；致病的；病态的；可怕的 | |
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135
apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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136
apprehension
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| n.理解，领悟；逮捕，拘捕；忧虑 | |
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137
tragic
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| adj.悲剧的，悲剧性的，悲惨的 | |
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