C?sar, Dieffenbach, Picot, Amadee Thierry, etc.
The Gauls (Gadhels, Gaels or Gals), a branch of the Aryas, were the first historic race which peopled Central and Western Europe. It is supposed that the Gauls (afterward wrongly called Kelts) emigrated from Asia to Europe before the Greeks, Latins, or Slavonians, as undoubtedly1 they did long previous to the Teutons or Germans. Already, in prehistoric2 times, from the regions of the Danube to the Atlantic, on the Alps and the Pyrenees as well as on the British and Irish islands, these first wanderers left their marks in the names of rivers and mountains. Gallia (Gaul) finally became their home, and from thence they repeatedly issued forth3 and shook the ancient world, ravaged4 Greece and extended their empire to Asia Minor5 on the east, and Italy on the south. They burnt republican Rome in its very infancy6, and for centuries the Roman republic struggled for life and death with them, until they were finally subdued7 by C?sar.
The whole of Gaul was occupied by tribes more or less consanguineous, and their internal social organization was in many respects similar. C?sar, in his[Pg 174] bird's-eye view, says that the two dominant8 classes were the druids and nobles, while under them were the "plebs, p?ne servorem habetur loco, qu? per nihil audet et nullo adhibitur consiglio." This only explains the absence or perhaps dormancy9 of political rights. "Plerique (not all, it will be noticed, but many, and these mainly such as had suffered reverses of fortune) sesse in servitutem DICANT nobilibus—in hos eadem omnia sunt jura qu? dominis in servis." This latter phrase only means that certain relations between the chief and his dependents were similar to those of master and chattel—being the only form of servitude known to C?sar, who did not understand the tribal10 organization on which the authority of the chief was based.
Parke Godwin, in his highly elaborate and valuable History of France, says very justly that "the Gallic society was a mere12 conglomeration13 of chieftains and followers14." After giving a picture of Gallic family life and exhibiting the nature of the chieftain's power and functions, that eminent15 writer thus continues: "The other members of the clan16 consisted of a number of dependents in various degrees of subordination, and of adherents17 whose ties were more or less voluntary." Among the dependents were "bondmen (attached to the soil), debtor-bondmen, obaerati, strangers found in the country without a protector or lord, and slaves, captives of war or purchased in the open market." Thus far Parke Godwin.
Slaves, if indeed such existed among the Gauls at[Pg 175] the time of C?sar, were certainly exceedingly limited in number, and chattelhood was not an inherent condition of any part of the people. In his history of his long wars with the Gauls, C?sar makes no allusion18 to a slave-element in the population—an omission19 which shows how insignificant20 it must have been.
The commercial relations of the Gauls with the Ph?nicians and with the Greek colony of Massilia, or Marseilles, probably tended to encourage slavery among them. But although our knowledge of their internal relations and domestic economy is very scanty21, there are a few facts which prove that domestic slavery was hardly even in an embryonic22 stage at the epoch23 when the Gauls, by their contact with Rome and C?sar, entered the general current of history. The Massaliotes (or colonists24 established at Marseilles), trafficked in slaves. They also had them in their houses, but did not employ them on lands situated25 beyond the precincts of the city. For field laborers26 they hired the Ligurians, who, at given seasons, descended27 with their wives from the mountains and worked for wages. Lands belonging to Gallic clans28 or districts were no more worked by slave labor11 than were the fields of the Massaliotes. Even in the households of the chieftains or nobles, domestic slavery, if it existed, must have been hidden from sight. Possidonius, tutor of Pompey, Cicero, and other eminent Romans, gives a description of the mode of life and domestic customs of the Gauls, in whose country he travelled. He observed, that at their luxurious29 feasts[Pg 176] the guests were served by the children of the family, instead of domestic slaves; which fact authorizes30 the conclusion that the number of chattels31 was very small, and that they had no place in family life.
Gallic slaves consisted of criminals, vagabonds, foreigners imported from Massilia, and prisoners of war principally made from nations beyond the Alps and the Rhine. Even after the invasion of the Kimbri and Belg?, Gaul was inhabited by tribes more or less akin32 to each other. It was therefore the theatre of almost uninterrupted domestic war between tribes and federations33. But when one tribe was conquered by another, the subject people and those who escaped the fury of battle were not reduced to slavery, but simply became tributary34, and received their laws from the conqueror35. Exceptions to this rule must have been exceedingly rare. If an invading tribe was subdued, it received lands and was obliged to settle among the conquerors36. The founders37 of Rome, as we saw (see "Romans: Republicans"), acted in a similar manner. Prisoners of war were absorbed into the clan, and were held, perhaps exclusively by the chieftain, in the condition of serfs bound to the soil, but not as chattels or marketable objects; and they were neither deprived of personality nor the rights of family.
The arable38 lands, forests, and pasturages were owned by the clan collectively—the chiefs, of course, receiving the lion's share when distributed for cultivation39; and each clan lived on its own lands. These[Pg 177] agricultural clansmen it was who constituted the terrible armies which, under various Brenni (chiefs, leaders, kings), so often terrified and scourged40 almost the whole known world.
With the increase of the wealth and power of the chieftains, their relations with the poorer clansmen became more aggressive, and the lands were held by the latter under conditions more and more onerous41. But when C?sar invaded Gaul, no large estates (latifundia) existed, and the soil was in the hands of a numerous peasantry inspired with patriotism42 and love of independence. This peasantry flocked to the standard of Vercingetorix, and, to the last, sustained him in his deadly struggle against C?sar.
The living acoustic43 telegraph used by the Gauls during the wars with C?sar is another proof that great estates did not exist in Gaul, and that the soil was tilled by freemen possessed44 of homesteads: for each peasant, from the limit of his homestead, shouted the news to his next neighbor, he to the next, and so on; and thus intelligence was swiftly carried hundreds of miles even during the shortest day of the year. An important event occurring in any one tribe was thus spread in a twinkling all over Gaul. Now, if the country had been divided into large estates worked by slaves, such a mode of communication would of course have been impossible.
As the clans and their land were governed by chieftains and nobles, so also were the cities under oligarchic45 rule. The free population in the cities had[Pg 178] no independent rights, and was obliged to have patrons. The poor, the defenceless, and even the artisans, willingly enrolled46 themselves for life under the clientship of the powerful nobility, depending on them as the rural clansmen depended upon the chieftains or rural nobles. But the condition of a client in the city was not hereditary47 or transmissible, as was clanship in the country. The family of the client held no relations of dependency upon the patron; and a son was not bound by obligations contracted by his father. When the patron died, the bonds of his clients were severed48, and they were free to select another patron.
Such were the relations between the chieftains and clansmen, between the nobility and the people, between the soil and its tiller, between client and patron, when the Romans commenced the conquest of Gaul. Impoverishment49, debts contracted to their chiefs, and exactions of one kind and another, may have transformed many independent clansmen into partial bondmen; but they always preserved their family and village rights.
After the numerous evidences already pointed50 out in the history of the Greeks and Romans, it is unnecessary here to show how similar morbid51 causes produced correspondingly destructive effects in the crude civilization and social condition of the Gauls. The development of these germs brought the Gauls almost to serfdom, if not yet to chattelhood, at the same time degrading the character of the oligarchs—future slaveholders—to the extent described by C?sar.[Pg 179] This perversion52 of the internal economy of the Gauls prepared them for domestic slavery. Thus often an insignificant derangement53 in the human economy, or a trifling54 lesion in its organism, may find its ultimate result only in permanent disorganization or in death.
The Roman conquest and the subsequent oppressive administration, contributed to establish the same relations between the population in Gaul as existed in Italy and Spain, and which have been already described. The city (municipium) became all and every thing; the clan, the district, the country nothing. The former chiefs of the clans became the senators of their respective centres. The imperial Roman administration favored the concentration of landed estates into a few hands, and consequently the impoverishment of small landholders and free laborers and operatives of every kind; and thereby55 greatly increased the growth of slavery. The collective ownership of the land by the clan and its chiefs became wholly transformed into the individual property of the chief, who was now also a municipal senator or magnate. A striking analogy to this is found in the Highlands of Scotland, which, in the same way have become the property of a few powerful families. The Gallic clansmen before being transformed into chattels, first became tenants56 (coloni)—similar to those in imperial Italy—of their chiefs (or tierns), who, on becoming senators, lived in the cities, and were surrounded, not by clients and clansmen, but by slaves. The estates now began to be worked by bondmen and[Pg 180] chattels, and thus a servile population succeeded to the free and sturdy yeomanry of ancient times.
Not without a struggle, however, was this accomplished57. The oppressive taxation58, the tyranny of the domestic oligarchs, and the devastations committed by barbarians—the vanguards of the future destroyers of the Roman empire—generated in the third century the repeated insurrections of the Bagaudes (the Gallic name for insurgent), that is, of the peasantry against the cities. All the oppressed small land-owners, tenants, serfs and slaves united in these insurrections.
The slave traffic was now very brisk. The Roman prefects, tribunes, etc., sold the prisoners of war made in the German invasions; while the Germans, in their turn, when successful, carried away or sold their booty to the human traffickers from various regions. Thus Aurelian, who was a military tribune previous to becoming emperor, sold several hundred Franks, Suevians, etc., probably in the city of Maguncia (Mayence). Soon the forays became more and more destructive, and for several centuries invasion succeeded invasion until the impoverishment and ruin of the people were accomplished. The issue of a long train of interacting social circumstances was the same in Gaul as in Italy: senators and oligarchs owned the lands and the cities, and proudly domineered, while the rest of the population sank into tenants, serfs, and bondmen, and most of them into chattels. These last had, of course, nothing to defend against the invaders59, who even at times in many ways alleviated60 their condition: there[Pg 181]fore the invaders were often received with open arms by the enslaved populations. When the destroyers of the Roman rule over Gaul finally settled therein, many of the nobles and rich magnates understood how to ingratiate themselves with their new masters, and thus shared in their spoils of lands and slaves. By far the greater number, however, were themselves ruined and enslaved.
In Gaul, as over the whole ancient and Roman world, not the slaveholders but their slaves survived the general destruction, nay61, finally stepped into the places once occupied by their enslavers and masters.
点击
收听单词发音
收听单词发音 |
1
undoubtedly
|
|
| adv.确实地，无疑地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
2
prehistoric
|
|
| adj.（有记载的）历史以前的，史前的，古老的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
3
forth
|
|
| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
4
ravaged
|
|
| 毁坏( ravage的过去式和过去分词 )； 蹂躏； 劫掠； 抢劫 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
5
minor
|
|
| adj.较小(少)的，较次要的；n.辅修学科；vi.辅修 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
6
infancy
|
|
| n.婴儿期；幼年期；初期 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
7
subdued
|
|
| adj. 屈服的，柔和的，减弱的 动词subdue的过去式和过去分词 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
8
dominant
|
|
| adj.支配的，统治的；占优势的；显性的；n.主因，要素，主要的人(或物)；显性基因 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
9
dormancy
|
|
| n.睡眠，冬眠，隐匿 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
10
tribal
|
|
| adj.部族的，种族的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
11
labor
|
|
| n.劳动，努力，工作，劳工；分娩；vi.劳动，努力，苦干；vt.详细分析；麻烦 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
12
mere
|
|
| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
13
conglomeration
|
|
| n.团块，聚集，混合物 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
14
followers
|
|
| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
15
eminent
|
|
| adj.显赫的，杰出的，有名的，优良的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
16
clan
|
|
| n.氏族，部落，宗族，家族，宗派 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
17
adherents
|
|
| n.支持者，拥护者( adherent的名词复数 )；党羽；徒子徒孙 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
18
allusion
|
|
| n.暗示，间接提示 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
19
omission
|
|
| n.省略，删节；遗漏或省略的事物，冗长 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
20
insignificant
|
|
| adj.无关紧要的，可忽略的，无意义的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
21
scanty
|
|
| adj.缺乏的，仅有的，节省的，狭小的，不够的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
22
embryonic
|
|
| adj.胚胎的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
23
epoch
|
|
| n.(新)时代；历元 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
24
colonists
|
|
| n.殖民地开拓者，移民，殖民地居民( colonist的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
25
situated
|
|
| adj.坐落在...的，处于某种境地的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
26
laborers
|
|
| n.体力劳动者，工人( laborer的名词复数 )；（熟练工人的）辅助工 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
27
descended
|
|
| a.为...后裔的，出身于...的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
28
clans
|
|
| 宗族( clan的名词复数 )； 氏族； 庞大的家族； 宗派 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
29
luxurious
|
|
| adj.精美而昂贵的；豪华的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
30
authorizes
|
|
| 授权，批准，委托( authorize的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
31
chattels
|
|
| n.动产，奴隶( chattel的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
32
akin
|
|
| adj.同族的，类似的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
33
federations
|
|
| n.联邦( federation的名词复数 )；同盟；联盟；联合会 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
34
tributary
|
|
| n.支流；纳贡国；adj.附庸的；辅助的；支流的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
35
conqueror
|
|
| n.征服者，胜利者 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
36
conquerors
|
|
| 征服者，占领者( conqueror的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
37
founders
|
|
| n.创始人( founder的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
38
arable
|
|
| adj.可耕的，适合种植的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
39
cultivation
|
|
| n.耕作，培养，栽培（法），养成 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
40
scourged
|
|
| 鞭打( scourge的过去式和过去分词 )； 惩罚，压迫 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
41
onerous
|
|
| adj.繁重的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
42
patriotism
|
|
| n.爱国精神，爱国心，爱国主义 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
43
acoustic
|
|
| adj.听觉的，声音的；(乐器)原声的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
44
possessed
|
|
| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
45
oligarchic
|
|
| adj.寡头政治的，主张寡头政治的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
46
enrolled
|
|
| adj.入学登记了的v.[亦作enrol]( enroll的过去式和过去分词 )；登记，招收，使入伍（或入会、入学等），参加，成为成员；记入名册；卷起，包起 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
47
hereditary
|
|
| adj.遗传的，遗传性的，可继承的，世袭的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
48
severed
|
|
| v.切断，断绝( sever的过去式和过去分词 )；断，裂 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
49
impoverishment
|
|
| n.贫穷，穷困；贫化 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
50
pointed
|
|
| adj.尖的，直截了当的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
51
morbid
|
|
| adj.病的；致病的；病态的；可怕的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
52
perversion
|
|
| n.曲解；堕落；反常 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
53
derangement
|
|
| n.精神错乱 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
54
trifling
|
|
| adj.微不足道的；没什么价值的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
55
thereby
|
|
| adv.因此，从而 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
56
tenants
|
|
| n.房客( tenant的名词复数 )；佃户；占用者；占有者 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
57
accomplished
|
|
| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
58
taxation
|
|
| n.征税，税收，税金 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
59
invaders
|
|
| 入侵者，侵略者，侵入物( invader的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
60
alleviated
|
|
| 减轻，缓解，缓和( alleviate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
61
nay
|
|
| adv.不；n.反对票，投反对票者 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
| 欢迎访问英文小说网 |