Tacitus, Codex Legum Antiquorum Barbarorum, Jacob Grimm, Mentzel, Wirth, Puetter, Zimmerman, etc.
The Germans, in all probability, were the last of the Aryan stock who immigrated1 into Europe. History first discovers them finally settled in central Europe; and for how long a time they had previously2 roamed in the primitive3 forests of these regions it is impossible to conjecture4. With the exception of the left bank of the Rhine, Switzerland, and the northern slopes of the Tyrolean Alps—which regions, in the course of centuries were conquered from various Keltic tribes—the Germany proper of to-day is about the same as when C?sar met the barbarians5 on the Rhine. Then the Germans were rude savages7, with but little agriculture; living on milk, cheese, and flesh; and their condition was in many respects similar, perhaps even inferior, to that of the Tartars, Kalmucks, and Bashkirs, who still rove over northern and central Asia.
Neither clanship nor patriarchate existed among the Germans, but the rule of individual will strengthened by the family ties. Divided into numerous tribes, the Germans seem to have spent many centuries in hunting the wild beasts of their primitive forests, and in[Pg 184] making war upon each other. Most probably these almost uninterrupted domestic wars created and developed aristocracy and slavery, both of which were firmly established among the Germans when they first appear on the record of history. Among the European descendants of the Aryas, the primitive Germans reflect most strikingly the Euphratic story of Nimrod, "the strong," "the hunter," subduing9 the feeble and preying10 on his person and labor11. A bitter hatred12 between the tribes prevailed from time immemorial; and consequently feuds13 and wars were perpetual. The conquered was compelled to labor for the conqueror14; and thus originated, very probably, bondage15 and domestic slavery, as well as the aristocratic contempt which the fighting part of the population had for the subdued16 and enslaved laborers17 of a tribe. When one German tribe subdued another, the victors either seized on the lands of the conquered and settled thereon, transforming the former occupants into bondmen; or, if they did not settle among the subdued, they made them tributaries18, carrying away a certain portion of the population as slaves. Thus the Germans, in their wild forests, were mainly divided into two great social elements—the freemen, or nobles, possessed19 of all rights, and the bondmen possessed of none. But all, free and slave, were of kindred race and lineage.
All the German dialects have a specific denomination20 for the chattel21. Schalch, scalch, schalk, is the word for slave, and seneschalk for the overseer. Af[Pg 185]terward, in medi?val times, seneschalk was an office, dignity, or title.
Besides wars and conquests, there were other sources which fed and sustained slavery: thus certain crimes were punished with slavery, and even freemen gambled away their liberty—a custom found among no other race or nation; a freeman, likewise, could at any time sell himself into slavery. Any one condemned22 to compound in money for murder or any other offence, if he had no money, gave himself as a slave into the hands of the family or individual whom he had offended, or to the man who loaned him money to pay the composition. The schalks were more absolutely in the power of their master than were the Roman slaves under the empire, or even, if possible, than the chattels23 of the American slave states. Although Tacitus says that masters killed their slaves only when intoxicated24 or otherwise maddened with passion, the barbarian6 codes and other historic evidence show that the schalks were treated with the utmost cruelty, and even subject to be maimed in various ways. Some historians who hold up the Germans as models of social and civic25 virtue26, attribute this cruelty to their contact with the Romans, whose example they followed. But the influence of Roman polity on Germany began only toward the end of the fourth century; and many of the northern tribes, as the Saxons, Frisians, etc., did not come under the influence of Roman, Christian27, or any foreign civilization till about the eighth century. Some of these barbarian codes[Pg 186] were written when the barbarians had settled on the Roman ruins; then, undoubtedly28, they incorporated some Roman ideas, and contained laws bearing on existing relations; but still they were principally the embodiment of their own immemorial usages. The Visigothic code, for instance, was written very soon after they settled in Gaul and Spain, long before the destruction of the Western empire, and consequently could not have been seriously influenced by the legal conceptions or customs of Rome.
Tacitus says that little difference existed between the mode of life of masters and slaves: Inter8 eadem pecora in eadem humo degunt. At the time of Diodorus Siculus, youthful male and female schalks served at the tables of masters, who were always willing to sell them for a jug29 of wine.
In this primitive epoch30 of German historical existence, the pride of blood and descent seems to have been deeply ingrained in the German mind; and there was a strong aversion against corrupting31 the lineage by intermarriage with a schalk man or woman, even although they were of the same race and family. Among the Saxons immemorial custom even punished a mesalliance with death. Thus the very ancestors of many American slaveholders, now so proud of their Saxon blood, were considered unworthy of marriage with their masters. But concubinage with slave women was then common (as it now is in the South), whatever Tacitus may say concerning German conjugal32 fidelity33. The bastards34 of parents one free the[Pg 187] other slave, became serfs to the soil. If a freeman married a slave woman, their children were schalks, and sometimes the father even was reduced to slavery. A free woman marrying a slave, might be killed by her parents or became a slave of the king—when the Germans had kings in their new, post-Roman monarchies35. Most of these cruel legal customs, and many others found in the codes, belong to the heathen epoch, to the period of pure Germanic existence unadulterated by contact with the corruptions36 of civilized37 life. They prove how deep was the Germanic contempt for the ignoble38 or unfortunate among their own brethren; they show also the very ancient appearance of slavery among them, and its violent and criminal origin, like that of slavery always and everywhere.
Ancient usages and laws regulating inheritance perpetuate39 themselves remarkably40 among peoples and nations. From their forests the Germans transplanted the right of primogeniture over Europe. The land was given to the males, while the daughters received the movables, mancipia, and the schalks—a conclusive41 evidence that not alone bondage to the soil, but positive chattelhood, prevailed in the primitive forests of Germany.
Cities and organized industry had then no existence. Freemen, i.e., masters, had but a few crude wants, and these were supplied by the work of the schalks in the dwelling42 or in the hof (court) of the master. In primitive prehistoric43 times, as in the time of Tacitus and afterward44, all the male and[Pg 188] female household menials, peasants and workmen, were schalks.
Manumissions were common, but depended wholly on the will of the master. They could be obtained in various ways—might be bought with labor, produce, money, etc. The manumitted did not, however, enter at once into full enjoyment45 of the rights of freeman or master; indeed, only his descendants of the third generation became fully46 purified and capable of entering into the noble class. They then constituted, probably, the inferior nobility or freemen, who were followers47 and companions of the first class; and perhaps from them sprang the free yeomanry, who originally possessed but small property and a small number of schalks and serfs.
The fighting-men, or warriors48, who subdued and enslaved other tribes, or transformed into schalks the weaker members of their own tribe, frequently located some of them on lands or homesteads which they permitted them to cultivate for their own use, on condition of paying a rent, generally in kind, and performing various other acts of servitude. Such was the origin of the German liti, who afterward constituted the common people.
The free, that is originally the strong, the subduer, was at the summit of the whole German social structure. He was free because he was absolute master over the weak, who had no power or strength in himself or family, and therefore was rightless. The genuine meaning of the word frow (from which is[Pg 189] derived49 fri, free, freedom,) is "the right to own" land, liti and schalks. From frow comes the frowen "freemen," "rulers," "masters,"—the caste for which all others existed. Land and schalks constituted the wealth of frowen or nobleman, and to acquire them the German tribes exerted all their warlike energies. All the remote Teutonic invasions, as well as those of the medi?val times, were made principally for the acquisition of land and slaves. The lands, conquered by the swords of the frowen, were worked by the schalks.
The slave traffic existed and was highly developed among the primitive Germans. It was carried on at the time of Tacitus, and some investigators50 maintain that for long centuries it was the only traffic known among the barbarous Germans; and slavery in its worst form was in full blast in Germany when her tribes dashed themselves against the Western empire. The slaves constituted more than half of the whole Germanic population. Wirth, the most conscientious52 investigator51 of the primitive social condition of the Germanic race, estimates the proportion of freemen to slaves as one to twenty-four. All of them—frowen, adelings, nobles of all degrees, followers, vassals53, liti and schalks, lived the same simple, agrestic life. Rude in mind and of vigorous bodies, in comparatively small numbers they shattered in pieces the rotting Roman empire.
First the incursions, then the definite invasions and conquests—Attila's forays from one end of Europe to[Pg 190] the other—gave a vigorous impulse to slavery, both abroad and at home. Abroad, the invaders54 enslaved all that they reached—destroying, burning, devastating55, impoverishing56 the population, and increasing the number of those forced to seek in chattelhood a remedy against starvation. At home, immense tracts57 of land were depopulated and abandoned, and old and new frowen, masters, seized upon them. Of course schalks were in demand, and were supplied by traffic and kidnapping.
The wars among the Germanic tribes, which were continued more or less vigorously, and the wars with neighboring populations, increased the number of slaves thrown upon the market.
The transition of a great part of Europe from the Roman to what may be called the German world, was so terrible that for several centuries the most unparalleled destruction, desolation, and slavery constituted the principal characteristics of the first medi?val epoch.
But Europe, the Christian world, and humanity were not to be submerged in the foul58 mire59 of chattelism. The awful crisis lasted through many generations, and bloodshed and superhuman suffering were their lot. But finally, the turning-point of the disease was reached: the disorder60 began to yield. Often after such a crisis the malignant61 symptoms do not abate62 at once, nay63, they sometimes reappear with renewed force, and a long period is needed for a complete recovery. So in the evolution of Europe, overflowed64 by[Pg 191] the German tribes, the most malignant symptoms of chattelhood continued and reappeared for a long time in their worst characteristics, before the social body entered the stage of convalescence65.
The bloody66 throes of the German world redounded67 to the benefit of the nobles abroad and at home. Liti and schalks increased, and land rapidly accumulated in the hands of the few during the first centuries of the German Christian era. Thus Saxony belonged to twenty, some say to twelve nobles, who kept thereon half-free vassals, liti, and schalks.
As the oligarchs of Greece and Rome and Gaul, so the German frowen, the powerful, the rich, in all possible ways, per fas et nefas, seized upon the homesteads of the poor; and the impoverished68 freemen or ahrimen, smaller nobles, and vassals, became liti and schalks. Analogous69 conditions produce analogous results in usages as in institutions and laws; and often that which appears to have been borrowed by one nation or people from another, is only a domestic outgrowth germinating70 from similar circumstances.
When the German lay and clerical founders71 of the feudal72 system possessed more land than they could cultivate, and when the iron hand of Charlemagne prevented domestic feuds and the supply of slaves from that source, then they kidnapped right and left, heathen and Christian, poor freeman or schalk. Some of the feudal barons73 of the time of Charlemagne owned as many as twenty thousand liti and schalks.
Karl, Karle (the correct name), or Charlemagne[Pg 192] (the more common one), in one of his numerous edicts or capitularies, prescribes as follows to those who received lands, baronies, abbeys, etc., as fiefs or grants: "Et qui nostrum75 habet beneficium diligentissime prevideat quantum potest Deo donante, ut nullus ex mancipiis (chattels) ad illum pertinentes beneficium fame moriatur, quod superest ultra illius famili? necessitatem, hoc libere rendat jure prescripto."
Manumissions were promoted, in various ways, by the civil and clerical authorities. Many free yeomen were created from manumitted slaves, as well as from poor vassals or followers. But such were soon impoverished by wars and devastations, and were, from various causes, reduced to the condition of liti and chattels.
Serfdom and slavery were generally more severe in the northern portion of Germany, as Saxony, etc., than in the southern; but in both, the peasantry were crushed, oppressed, and, when it was feasible, enslaved. When Lothair I., grandson of Charlemagne, revolted against his father, Louis the Pious76, he appealed for help to the oppressed peasantry, tenants77, and chattels.
The centuries of the faustrecht—"right of the fist," that is of the sword, of brute78 force—soon succeeding all over Germany to Charlemagne's orderly rule, the strongholds of dynasts, barons, nobles and robbers, shot out everywhere like mushrooms; and from them radiated oppressions and exactions of every kind. The ancient practice of ruining the poor freemen and tenants, then transforming them into serfs,[Pg 193] and then the serfs into chattels, went on as of old. In proportion as the forests were cleared, however, the baron74 found he could not profitably work the extensive estates with schalks alone, and that it would be more economical to transform these chattels into serfs, tenants, etc., and establish them on small parcels of his property. This was the first feeble sign of amelioration. Villages formed in this way by dynasts, or princes, and by barons, then received some rudiments79 of communal80, rural organization.
A more powerful engine of emancipation81, however, were the cities. In the course of the tenth century, dynasts, princes and emperors began everywhere to found cities, endowing them with various franchises82 and privileges. The legitimate83 flow of events, the necessities created by a settled organic existence which could only be supplied by the regular movements of industry and commerce, together with the influence of Gaul, and above all, of Italy, stimulated84 the German rulers. To the emperor Henry I., of the house of Saxony, belongs the glory of having given the first impulse to commerce, and thus the first blow to chattelhood and serfdom.
The population of the newly-founded cities consisted of inferior people of all kinds—laborers, operatives, small traders, poor freemen, and persons manumitted on condition of residing in the cities—the founders of the cities originally peopling them with their own retainers and with vagabonds of all kinds. Of course no nobles even of the lowest kind became[Pg 194] burghers, and thus the first municipal patricians85 were of very inferior birth. Thus antagonism86 to barons and feudal nobles generally formed the very cornerstone of the cities.
Among the privileges granted to the first cities was that a serf, schalk, or, in a word, any bondman, seeking refuge in the precincts of a city, became free if not claimed within a year. This respite87 to the fugitive88 soon became a common law all over Germany, even between nobles in relation to their fugitive serfs; and the hunter of a fugitive lost caste even among the free masters—freiherrn. When a legal prosecution89 was attempted, every difficulty, legal and illegal, was thrown in the way of the claimant—the cities willingly resorting to arms for the defence of their right of refuge.
The first Crusades emancipated90 large numbers of persons, as the taking of the cross was the sign of liberty for serf and for slave. But in Germany as in France, the great and permanent influence of the Crusades on emancipation consisted in their strengthening the cities and impoverishing the nobles, and thus producing a salutary change in internal economic relations.
The wars of the Germans with their neighbors, and above all with the Slavonians, Maghyars, etc., in the tenth and eleventh centuries, again gave vitality91 to the slave traffic; and war prisoners and captives, not now of their own kindred, but of foreign birth, were brought to the markets for sale.
Nevertheless, chattelhood was slowly dying out,[Pg 195] and about the twelfth century but few traces of it remained: prisoners of war began to be ransomed92 or exchanged, and villeinage, with various services attached, altogether superseded93 domestic slavery.
The villein possessed the rights of family, of village, and partially94 of communal organization. But many of the galling95 characteristics of chattelhood were transfused96 into serfdom and villeinage. The nobles became, if possible, more insolent97, exacting98 and oppressive. But the villeins and peasants began to feel their power, and to combine and act in common in the villages, and afterward in the communes.
Partial insurrections followed each other in various parts of Germany; here against one baron or master, there against another. Every insurrection, even if suppressed, nevertheless gave an impulse, though sometimes imperceptible, to amelioration and emancipation. Insurrections of the down-trodden and oppressed classes are like feverish99 efforts of diseased physiology100 to resist the disorder, to throw out the virus, and restore the normal condition in the economy of life. The whole world admires the glorious insurrection of the Swiss-German peasantry against their insolent masters. Then the bondmen, villeins, etc., individually or in small bodies, by the axe101, by fire, and in every possible manner, protested their imprescriptible right to liberty. So also did the celebrated102 Münzer when the reformation dawned over Germany and Europe. He firmly believed that religious reform, to be beneficial to the poor, must go hand in hand[Pg 196] with social ameliorations. The most notable insurrection, however, was the great uprising of the German peasantry in the sixteenth century. From the Vosgese mountains, from the Alps to the Baltic, numerous isolated103 forces rose in arms, each inspired by the same great idea. They had no centres, no possibility of a combination of effort, but all of them recognized the same covenant104: 1. The gospel to be preached in truth, but not in the interest of their masters—nobles and clergy105. 2. Not to pay any kind of tithes106. 3. The interest or rent from landed property to be reduced to five per cent. 4. Forests to be communal property. 5. All waters free. 6. Game free. 7. Serfdom to be abolished. 8. Election of communal authorities by the respective communes. 9. Lands robbed from the peasantry to be restored to the original owners.
This great war of the peasants was terrible, pitiless, bloody. More than one thousand strongholds, burghs, and monasteries107 were destroyed; but the peasants were finally overpowered, the nobility being aided by the forces of the empire. Luther, too, thundered against the poor peasants.[17] But not in vain did they shed their blood. The oppression by the old frowen, strengthened by feudality, was finally broken at the roots. The imperial German diet declared to the nobles, that if they did not cease their cruelties, at the next revolt they should be abandoned to their fate.
[Pg 197]
Serfdom was not yet abolished, but was moderated in various ways. The direct and indirect influence of the Reformation on the condition of the peasantry has been already mentioned. Mild reforms were introduced in the dominions108 of various German sovereigns. Certain liberties were granted to rural communes, and the number of free tenants slowly but uninterruptedly increased. The conditions of villeinage on private estates began to be regulated by the respective governments; and absolute serfdom was slowly dying out. The prosperity of Germany increased proportionally with the emancipation, though but partial, of rural labor, and the freedom of the soil. On an average, those regions were most prosperous which contained the greatest number of emancipated rural communities, or where the villeinage was reduced, systematized, and made more and more free from the arbitrary exactions of the master.
The peculiar109 political organization of Germany prevented any unity110 of action in the extinction111 of rural servitude. Many of its features—some relating to the person, but principally to the soil—survived even to the present century in certain parts of the smaller German states; and in Austria, Bohemia and Hungary, there is still room for infinite improvement in the condition of the peasantry. But the mortal disorder exists no more: the fundamental rights of man are recognized. Governmental maladministration, injustice112, oppressive taxation113, exactions by officials and landlords, are unhappily common; but all these[Pg 198] are in flagrant violation114 of established laws. And, bad though they are, they cannot for a moment compare with the blighting115 influences of chattel slavery.
For long centuries, and with persistent116 pertinacity117, have slavery and the oppression of man and his labor gnawed118 at the German vitals; and centuries must elapse before the recovery of a normal condition. But the Germans of the present day—moralists, statesmen, savants and professional men, as well as artisans, mechanics and agriculturists—are unanimous in condemning119 human bondage, whatever may be the race enslaved. Few, indeed, are there of the great German race whose minds are inaccessible120 to the nobler promptings of freedom and humanity.
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1
immigrated
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| v.移入( immigrate的过去式和过去分词 )；移民 | |
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previously
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| adv.以前，先前（地） | |
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primitive
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| adj.原始的；简单的；n.原(始)人，原始事物 | |
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conjecture
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| n./v.推测，猜测 | |
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barbarians
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| n.野蛮人( barbarian的名词复数 )；外国人；粗野的人；无教养的人 | |
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barbarian
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| n.野蛮人；adj.野蛮(人)的；未开化的 | |
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savages
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| 未开化的人，野蛮人( savage的名词复数 ) | |
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inter
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| v.埋葬 | |
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subduing
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| 征服( subdue的现在分词 )； 克制； 制服； 色变暗 | |
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preying
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| v.掠食( prey的现在分词 )；掠食；折磨；（人）靠欺诈为生 | |
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labor
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| n.劳动，努力，工作，劳工；分娩；vi.劳动，努力，苦干；vt.详细分析；麻烦 | |
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hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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feuds
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| n.长期不和，世仇( feud的名词复数 ) | |
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conqueror
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| n.征服者，胜利者 | |
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bondage
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| n.奴役，束缚 | |
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subdued
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| adj. 屈服的，柔和的，减弱的 动词subdue的过去式和过去分词 | |
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laborers
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| n.体力劳动者，工人( laborer的名词复数 )；（熟练工人的）辅助工 | |
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tributaries
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| n. 支流 | |
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possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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denomination
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| n.命名，取名，(度量衡、货币等的)单位 | |
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chattel
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| n.动产；奴隶 | |
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condemned
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| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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chattels
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| n.动产，奴隶( chattel的名词复数 ) | |
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intoxicated
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| 喝醉的，极其兴奋的 | |
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civic
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| adj.城市的，都市的，市民的，公民的 | |
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virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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undoubtedly
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| adv.确实地，无疑地 | |
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jug
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| n.(有柄，小口，可盛水等的)大壶，罐，盂 | |
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epoch
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| n.(新)时代；历元 | |
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corrupting
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| （使）败坏( corrupt的现在分词 )； （使）腐化； 引起（计算机文件等的）错误； 破坏 | |
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conjugal
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| adj.婚姻的，婚姻性的 | |
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fidelity
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| n.忠诚，忠实；精确 | |
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bastards
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| 私生子( bastard的名词复数 )； 坏蛋； 讨厌的事物； 麻烦事 （认为别人走运或不幸时说）家伙 | |
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monarchies
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| n. 君主政体, 君主国, 君主政治 | |
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corruptions
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| n.堕落( corruption的名词复数 )；腐化；腐败；贿赂 | |
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civilized
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| a.有教养的，文雅的 | |
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ignoble
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| adj.不光彩的，卑鄙的；可耻的 | |
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perpetuate
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| v.使永存，使永记不忘 | |
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remarkably
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| ad.不同寻常地，相当地 | |
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conclusive
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| adj.最后的，结论的；确凿的，消除怀疑的 | |
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dwelling
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| n.住宅，住所，寓所 | |
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prehistoric
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| adj.（有记载的）历史以前的，史前的，古老的 | |
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afterward
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| adv.后来；以后 | |
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enjoyment
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| n.乐趣；享有；享用 | |
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fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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warriors
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| 武士，勇士，战士( warrior的名词复数 ) | |
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49
derived
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| vi.起源；由来；衍生；导出v.得到( derive的过去式和过去分词 )；（从…中）得到获得；源于；（从…中）提取 | |
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investigators
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| n.调查者，审查者( investigator的名词复数 ) | |
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investigator
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| n.研究者，调查者，审查者 | |
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conscientious
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| adj.审慎正直的，认真的，本着良心的 | |
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vassals
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| n.奴仆( vassal的名词复数 )；（封建时代）诸侯；从属者；下属 | |
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invaders
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| 入侵者，侵略者，侵入物( invader的名词复数 ) | |
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devastating
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| adj.毁灭性的，令人震惊的，强有力的 | |
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impoverishing
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| v.使（某人）贫穷( impoverish的现在分词 )；使（某物）贫瘠或恶化 | |
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tracts
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| 大片土地( tract的名词复数 )； 地带； （体内的）道； （尤指宣扬宗教、伦理或政治的）短文 | |
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foul
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| adj.污秽的；邪恶的；v.弄脏；妨害；犯规；n.犯规 | |
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mire
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| n.泥沼，泥泞；v.使...陷于泥泞，使...陷入困境 | |
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disorder
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| n.紊乱，混乱；骚动，骚乱；疾病，失调 | |
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malignant
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| adj.恶性的，致命的；恶意的，恶毒的 | |
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abate
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| vi.(风势，疼痛等)减弱，减轻，减退 | |
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nay
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| adv.不；n.反对票，投反对票者 | |
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overflowed
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| 溢出的 | |
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convalescence
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| n.病后康复期 | |
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bloody
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| adj.非常的的；流血的；残忍的；adv.很；vt.血染 | |
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redounded
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| v.有助益( redound的过去式和过去分词 )；及于；报偿；报应 | |
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impoverished
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| adj.穷困的，无力的，用尽了的v.使（某人）贫穷( impoverish的过去式和过去分词 )；使（某物）贫瘠或恶化 | |
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analogous
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| adj.相似的；类似的 | |
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germinating
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| n.& adj.发芽（的）v.（使）发芽( germinate的现在分词 ) | |
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founders
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| n.创始人( founder的名词复数 ) | |
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feudal
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| adj.封建的，封地的，领地的 | |
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barons
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| 男爵( baron的名词复数 )； 巨头； 大王； 大亨 | |
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baron
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| n.男爵；(商业界等)巨头，大王 | |
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nostrum
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| n.秘方；妙策 | |
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pious
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| adj.虔诚的；道貌岸然的 | |
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tenants
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| n.房客( tenant的名词复数 )；佃户；占用者；占有者 | |
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brute
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| n.野兽，兽性 | |
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rudiments
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| n.基础知识，入门 | |
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communal
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| adj.公有的，公共的，公社的，公社制的 | |
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emancipation
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| n.（从束缚、支配下）解放 | |
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franchises
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| n.（尤指选举议员的）选举权( franchise的名词复数 )；参政权；获特许权的商业机构（或服务）；（公司授予的）特许经销权v.给…以特许权，出售特许权( franchise的第三人称单数 ) | |
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legitimate
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| adj.合法的，合理的，合乎逻辑的；v.使合法 | |
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stimulated
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| a.刺激的 | |
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patricians
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| n.（古罗马的）统治阶层成员( patrician的名词复数 )；贵族，显贵 | |
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antagonism
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| n.对抗，敌对，对立 | |
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respite
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| n.休息，中止，暂缓 | |
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fugitive
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| adj.逃亡的，易逝的；n.逃犯，逃亡者 | |
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prosecution
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| n.起诉，告发，检举，执行，经营 | |
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emancipated
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| adj.被解放的，不受约束的v.解放某人（尤指摆脱政治、法律或社会的束缚）( emancipate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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vitality
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| n.活力，生命力，效力 | |
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ransomed
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| 付赎金救人，赎金( ransom的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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superseded
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| [医]被代替的，废弃的 | |
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partially
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| adv.部分地，从某些方面讲 | |
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galling
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| adj.难堪的,使烦恼的,使焦躁的 | |
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transfused
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| v.输（血或别的液体）( transfuse的过去式和过去分词 )；渗透；使…被灌输或传达 | |
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insolent
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| adj.傲慢的，无理的 | |
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exacting
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| adj.苛求的，要求严格的 | |
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feverish
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| adj.发烧的，狂热的，兴奋的 | |
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100
physiology
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| n.生理学，生理机能 | |
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101
axe
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| n.斧子；v.用斧头砍，削减 | |
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102
celebrated
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| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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103
isolated
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| adj.与世隔绝的 | |
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104
covenant
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| n.盟约，契约；v.订盟约 | |
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105
clergy
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| n.[总称]牧师，神职人员 | |
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106
tithes
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| n.（宗教捐税）什一税，什一的教区税，小部分( tithe的名词复数 ) | |
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monasteries
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| 修道院( monastery的名词复数 ) | |
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108
dominions
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| 统治权( dominion的名词复数 )； 领土； 疆土； 版图 | |
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peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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unity
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| n.团结，联合，统一；和睦，协调 | |
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111
extinction
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| n.熄灭，消亡，消灭，灭绝，绝种 | |
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injustice
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| n.非正义，不公正，不公平，侵犯（别人的）权利 | |
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113
taxation
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| n.征税，税收，税金 | |
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114
violation
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| n.违反(行为)，违背(行为)，侵犯 | |
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115
blighting
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| 使凋萎( blight的现在分词 )； 使颓丧； 损害； 妨害 | |
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116
persistent
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| adj.坚持不懈的，执意的；持续的 | |
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117
pertinacity
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| n.执拗，顽固 | |
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118
gnawed
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| 咬( gnaw的过去式和过去分词 )； （长时间） 折磨某人； （使）苦恼； （长时间）危害某事物 | |
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119
condemning
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| v.（通常因道义上的原因而）谴责( condemn的现在分词 )；宣判；宣布…不能使用；迫使…陷于不幸的境地 | |
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inaccessible
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| adj.达不到的，难接近的 | |
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