Leges Longobardorum, Cantu, Troya, Karl Hegel, etc.
The Western Roman empire was fatally permeated1 throughout with chattel2 slavery. Domestic usage had made its German invaders3 also familiar with the art and practice of enslaving: their conquest of Rome accordingly but added strength and extension to the slave-edifice. For a longer or shorter period, various German tribes ravaged4 Italy. The domination of the Ostrogoths lasted for about sixty years, and the rule of Theodoric the Great is recorded as among the best and wisest in that period of devastation5 and oppression. Finally, the Longobards founded in Italy a permanent establishment. At the first onset6, the Longobards reduced all, in city and country, to bondage7: the magnate, the rich, the slaveholder, as well as the workman, the poor, the serf and the chattel, constituted their booty, and as such were divided among the victors.
Some historians maintain that all free Romans,[18] rich and poor—a few favored aristocratic families excepted—were deprived of the rights of personal[Pg 200] liberty and property by the Longobards; others, however, assert that the free population was only made tributary8, but otherwise preserved their property, rights and laws. The conquerors9 (as hospites, or quartered soldiers) generally took about a half of the houses, lands and chattels10 of the conquered, and furthermore compelled the primitive11 owner to pay them a tribute from what was left. In Italy, the Longobards made the free Romans, rich and poor, tributary to the extent of one-third of all which was left them from actual confiscation12; and Paul Diaconus—himself a Longobard—says: "Romani tributarii efficiuntur." The artisans and traders, and indeed all inhabitants of cities, likewise paid tribute. They could not move from one place to another without the written permission of their Longobard master; and in this way originated the system of passports for bondmen, which is still maintained in our Slave States. Thus the Romans, once proud and free, became but half free—a something between the positive freeman, such as the Longobard alone was, and the still more reduced tributaries13, the aldii or aldions, and the serfs. In brief, the freemen, rich or poor, were made inferior in rights and in personal liberty to the soldiers; the non-free, the ancient colons14, etc., were pressed a degree lower in servitude; and the condition of the domestic chattels alone remained unchanged.
The Longobards, like all the other German warriors15, disliked the cities, and the chiefs and nobles erected[Pg 201] their fastnesses outside of them. The common soldiers receiving lands in different quantities, formed the freeholders, yeomen, or ahrimans, and were bound to perform military duty. Such was the origin of the feudal16 system, which sprang up on the ruins of the Roman empire. The numerous cities of Italy had no longer any political rights or signification, though they still preserved some remains17 of former culture and civilization, and even faint shadows of the former municipal regime. The imperial city itself was not overrun by the Longobards, and from thence, as also from the other cities of that part of Italy which belonged to the Eastern emperors, some faint glimmerings reached the Longobard region and tended to preserve ancient municipal traditions.
The influence of the Italian polity and culture at length began to humanize the Longobards. Some of their laws concerning chattels and slaves are more humane18 than were those under the emperors—more humane than those now existing in our Slave States. For example, a master committing adultery with the wife of his chattel lost the ownership of both her and her husband, and had no further power over them. Various regulations also protected the serf and chattel against a cruel master, and punishment was not arbitrary, but was in many cases regulated by law. Emancipations were encouraged and protected: King Astolf's edict even proclaimed that it was meritorious20 to change a chattel into a freeman. However, during the first period of their dominion21, the Longobards,[Pg 202] like all the other German conquerors, in Spain, Gaul, etc., and, above all, the feudal dukes and nobles, considered the blood of the conquered as impure22, and therefore far inferior to their own.
Industry and commerce gradually began to acquire vitality23, and the chattels began slowly to disappear from the cities, either by emancipation19, by purchasing their liberty, or by being established as aldii or serfs on their masters' lands.
The slave-trade was now confined principally to non-baptized prisoners—whom the Christians24 of that epoch25 regarded as the progeny26 of the evil one. Mahomedans, heathen, Germans, as the Anglo-Saxons and others, from various nations and tribes, were more numerous in the slave marts than were those born on the soil of Italy.
Under the Longobards, Italy again began to be more commonly cultivated by numerous colons with very limited rights, but still in better condition than those of the preceding epoch; copyholders and freeholders also began to increase, as has been already mentioned. So that when the heavy clouds of the medi?val times began to break, the condition of Italy was slightly improving; and when Karl, or Charlemagne, put an end to the dominion of the Longobards, more land was under culture, and the free though tributary population was greater, both in the cities and the country, than on their first invasion.
The rule of the Franks, which succeeded that of the Longobards, did not impair27 the condition of the[Pg 203] Italians. Peace was beneficial to labor28, labor stimulated29 emancipation. Thus the number of chattels was more and more reduced, while the serfs, adscripti gleb?, increased. But the disorders30 which succeeded the dismembering of the empire of Charlemagne again ruined many free yeomen, ahrimans, and others owning small homesteads, and obliged them to submit to the oppression of the mighty31 nobles. Many of the dispossessed and impoverished32, however, sought refuge in the cities, where industry flourished in proportion with the freedom of the workmen and operatives. Finally, about the eleventh century, the cities began to strike for their independence. This was the time of the revival33 of the communal34 franchises35 in other parts of Europe also; but the first spark was struck in Italy. Around the standard raised by the cities crowded the serfs, rural and domestic chattels, and all other kinds of bondmen and oppressed. This was, in fact, the insurrection of these against the landed barons36, nobles, and oligarchs. All runaways37 found refuge and protection in the cities; and hence arose the energy, the strength, and the democratic rancor38 of the cities against the nobility and their strongholds.
In the second part of the medi?val epoch, throughout Italy and Western Europe, prisoners of war were no more sold as slaves, but were ransomed39 or exchanged. The Moors40 and Arabs (Mahomedans) were the sole marketable chattels.
All the Italian cities extended their dominion, acquired lands, incorporated baronies, and regulated the[Pg 204] relations between the owners of the soil and the tenants41. Domestic slavery was altogether extinct; the cities were animated42 by free labor in their arts, industries and handicrafts, and on the estates, the peasants, serfs and bondmen, adscripti gleb?, became vassals43 obliged to follow the barons or the cities into war; they became free tenants—first paying rent for their land in kind, and then paying in money; and the number of freeholders, and others holding homesteads, continually increased. Hunting for absconded44 serfs now had an end. The cities and boroughs45 emancipated46 all the villagers and serfs around them. In the course of the twelfth century, personally degrading servitude of every kind almost wholly disappeared; and the relations between the proprietor47 of land and the farmer were established on the basis which, with more or less modification48, prevails to the present day.
In the ancient classical world, in Greece and Rome, domestic slavery had its seat in the cities, and therefrom expanded over the land, destroying the whole social structure. But now, the first shout for liberty came from the Italian cities; the cities first emancipated the laborers49 within their own walls, and then emancipated the rural serf. Cities again became the centres of civilization; they nursed its infancy50, tended its first footsteps and gave it the free air of heaven: they trained it not amid clanking chains and groaning51 chattels.
Thus does history annihilate52 the ignorant fallacy about Saxons and Germans being the godfathers of social or political freedom.
Many evils and disorders undoubtedly53 remained and even yet remain; but the sum of all evils—property in man and in his toil—was utterly54 destroyed. Then came the brilliant epoch of the Italian Lombard cities—the culminating glory of Italian civilization—whose coruscating55 warmth set free the whole of Western Europe.
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1 permeated | |
弥漫( permeate的过去式和过去分词 ); 遍布; 渗入; 渗透 | |
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2 chattel | |
n.动产;奴隶 | |
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3 invaders | |
入侵者,侵略者,侵入物( invader的名词复数 ) | |
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4 ravaged | |
毁坏( ravage的过去式和过去分词 ); 蹂躏; 劫掠; 抢劫 | |
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5 devastation | |
n.毁坏;荒废;极度震惊或悲伤 | |
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6 onset | |
n.进攻,袭击,开始,突然开始 | |
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7 bondage | |
n.奴役,束缚 | |
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8 tributary | |
n.支流;纳贡国;adj.附庸的;辅助的;支流的 | |
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9 conquerors | |
征服者,占领者( conqueror的名词复数 ) | |
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10 chattels | |
n.动产,奴隶( chattel的名词复数 ) | |
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11 primitive | |
adj.原始的;简单的;n.原(始)人,原始事物 | |
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12 confiscation | |
n. 没收, 充公, 征收 | |
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13 tributaries | |
n. 支流 | |
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14 colons | |
n.冒号( colon的名词复数 );结肠 | |
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15 warriors | |
武士,勇士,战士( warrior的名词复数 ) | |
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16 feudal | |
adj.封建的,封地的,领地的 | |
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17 remains | |
n.剩余物,残留物;遗体,遗迹 | |
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18 humane | |
adj.人道的,富有同情心的 | |
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19 emancipation | |
n.(从束缚、支配下)解放 | |
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20 meritorious | |
adj.值得赞赏的 | |
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21 dominion | |
n.统治,管辖,支配权;领土,版图 | |
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22 impure | |
adj.不纯净的,不洁的;不道德的,下流的 | |
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23 vitality | |
n.活力,生命力,效力 | |
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24 Christians | |
n.基督教徒( Christian的名词复数 ) | |
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25 epoch | |
n.(新)时代;历元 | |
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26 progeny | |
n.后代,子孙;结果 | |
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27 impair | |
v.损害,损伤;削弱,减少 | |
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28 labor | |
n.劳动,努力,工作,劳工;分娩;vi.劳动,努力,苦干;vt.详细分析;麻烦 | |
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29 stimulated | |
a.刺激的 | |
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30 disorders | |
n.混乱( disorder的名词复数 );凌乱;骚乱;(身心、机能)失调 | |
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31 mighty | |
adj.强有力的;巨大的 | |
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32 impoverished | |
adj.穷困的,无力的,用尽了的v.使(某人)贫穷( impoverish的过去式和过去分词 );使(某物)贫瘠或恶化 | |
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33 revival | |
n.复兴,复苏,(精力、活力等的)重振 | |
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34 communal | |
adj.公有的,公共的,公社的,公社制的 | |
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35 franchises | |
n.(尤指选举议员的)选举权( franchise的名词复数 );参政权;获特许权的商业机构(或服务);(公司授予的)特许经销权v.给…以特许权,出售特许权( franchise的第三人称单数 ) | |
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36 barons | |
男爵( baron的名词复数 ); 巨头; 大王; 大亨 | |
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37 runaways | |
(轻而易举的)胜利( runaway的名词复数 ) | |
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38 rancor | |
n.深仇,积怨 | |
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39 ransomed | |
付赎金救人,赎金( ransom的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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40 moors | |
v.停泊,系泊(船只)( moor的第三人称单数 ) | |
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41 tenants | |
n.房客( tenant的名词复数 );佃户;占用者;占有者 | |
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42 animated | |
adj.生气勃勃的,活跃的,愉快的 | |
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43 vassals | |
n.奴仆( vassal的名词复数 );(封建时代)诸侯;从属者;下属 | |
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44 absconded | |
v.(尤指逃避逮捕)潜逃,逃跑( abscond的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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45 boroughs | |
(尤指大伦敦的)行政区( borough的名词复数 ); 议会中有代表的市镇 | |
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46 emancipated | |
adj.被解放的,不受约束的v.解放某人(尤指摆脱政治、法律或社会的束缚)( emancipate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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47 proprietor | |
n.所有人;业主;经营者 | |
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48 modification | |
n.修改,改进,缓和,减轻 | |
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49 laborers | |
n.体力劳动者,工人( laborer的名词复数 );(熟练工人的)辅助工 | |
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50 infancy | |
n.婴儿期;幼年期;初期 | |
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51 groaning | |
adj. 呜咽的, 呻吟的 动词groan的现在分词形式 | |
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52 annihilate | |
v.使无效;毁灭;取消 | |
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53 undoubtedly | |
adv.确实地,无疑地 | |
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54 utterly | |
adv.完全地,绝对地 | |
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55 coruscating | |
v.闪光,闪烁( coruscate的现在分词 ) | |
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