AUTHORITIES:
Augustin Thierry, Henry Martin, Bonnemère, etc.
Domestic slavery, aggravated1 by the oppression of the poor, the devastations of war, the insatiable necessities of the imperial treasury2, the confiscations of property during the reigns3 of bad emperors, and other causes, ate into the very vitals of Roman Gaul. It has been already shown how the ancient relations of clansman and client merged4 successively into tributary5 colons6, into adscripti gleb?, and into chattels7. At the period of the final assault of the northern races on the Roman empire, in Gaul, as everywhere else, there was no people behind the imperial legions except rich slaveholders and poor degraded freemen, serfs and chattels; and the legions, too, were mostly recruited from among vagabonds and barbarians8. Long before this time, Stilicon, in order to raise soldiers for his army, proclaimed freedom to the chattels who should join his standard; and by this means collected over thirty thousand men!
During the integrity of the empire, branches of the tribe of Franks dwelt in parts of northern Gaul, either as colonists9, or as allies who recognized in the Roman emperor their lord paramount10. From here[Pg 208] they dealt their conquering blows; they subdued11 to their rule the other German races already established in Gaul, and laid the foundation of the future Carlovingian empire, and finally of France.
The Franks permitted the conquered peoples to retain their own law, which was the Roman, for all civil suits between Roman and Roman. This benefited only the freemen—of whom there were but few—and the rich, so that they could oppress the poor and treat them as they did under the empire; for the Franks did not interfere12 in any of their internal relations, legal or illegal. The rich and cunning Roman magnates ingratiated themselves with their conquerors13: they became antrustiones or commensals of the kings, thus acquiring a high social and political status and influence; and there were many of them among the powerful and influential14 aristocracy which sprang up under the Merovingians. All the conquered paid oppressive tribute; and the rich, as of old, used every means to increase their estates, serfs and chattels from the booty and exactions made by the Franks.
But although the rights of the free Romans were thus recognized in principle, their persons and property were by no means regarded as sacred. The Franks divided the conquered lands among them in lots, and often seized, along with the estate, the whole of the personal property of a rich Roman magnate.
The Merovingians were almost continually at war among themselves, and these wars were most ruinous to the cities and the rich free Romans. When a peace[Pg 209] was concluded, these Romans constituted the hostages for both belligerent15 parties; and when a peace was broken, the hostages on both sides were treated as prisoners of war; they became chattels, and their property was confiscated16.
The Roman cities became the property of the kings and chiefs, the lands the property of the Frankish soldiery. The Franks also were perpetually at war either among themselves or with their neighbors. Military duty was a condition of the possession of land, so that Roman and other slaves and bondmen cultivated the soil and worked for their conquerors. During the imperial epoch17, the opulent Gallic magnates and senators lived in magnificent villas19, like the Roman nabobs and oligarchs in Italy, Spain, Africa, etc. During the early period of the invasions, an owner would often fortify20 his villa18 and defend it with his armed household and chattels. Such villas, changing masters, afterward21, in many instances, became feudal22 strongholds, around each of which grew a village, which in the course of time became a borough23, then a town, and finally a city. In this way the Gallo-Roman villas gave rise to the French name village and ville.
In general, with the new Frankish conquest, oppression became increasedly grievous, while the slave traffic, especially in prisoners of war, received a new impulse. In the first storm the Roman fiscality for a moment disappeared; but it was soon restored, and with it almost the whole of the Roman administra[Pg 210]tion. The Franks revolted against taxation24 when one of the kings tried to apply it to them, but the Roman populations bore its whole brunt. Tribute, taxes and other exactions finally became so oppressive that the poor and impoverished25 sold their children and sometimes even themselves into slavery. The Jews were the common mediators and factors in this traffic, as well as the most extensive slave-traders all over Europe, both then and in subsequent times; and a considerable part of the hereditary26 hatred27 of the European masses toward the Jews is to be ascribed to this historic fact.
The Frankish kings and their Frankish subjects had large estates, métairies, worked by serfs and chattels. The conquerors hated the cities, preferring the favorite old German life in the country, where they spent their time surrounded by their followers28. The lordly mansions29, the sala of the kings and the powerful, were erected31 amidst great forests in the style of encampments; and to this day the German word hoflager, "court-camp," is the name for the residence or court of a sovereign. Political power and prestige were no longer derived32 from municipal citizenship33, but from the possession of land; and thus originated the feudal importance of the country and the barons35, in contradistinction to the now powerless municipium. In the Greek and Roman world, the country was wholly sacrificed, politically and socially, to the city, which, in turn, acquired more and more political power and importance in proportion as do[Pg 211]mestic slavery destroyed the primitive36 yeomanry. In the early stages of feudalism scarcely any attention was paid to the cities; they are principally mentioned as sources whence taxes and tributes may be largely squeezed.
In the Free States of the American union, also, in the townships and villages, the significance of the country has reached its highest and noblest development. Here the free townships and villages are the fountains of healthy political life, and the genuine source of all civilizing37 agencies.
Under the Merovingians and Carlovingians, the frequent wars and oppressions proved destructive not only to the natives but also to the conquerors themselves. The Franks and other German landholders, by their violent and disorderly mode of life, were soon impoverished and became the prey39 of powerful neighbors of their own kindred. The savage40 rigor41 of the law regulating composition for crimes quickly drained and utterly42 destroyed the patrimonies43 of the reckless soldiery, and thus rapidly increased the number of landless vagabonds, who were neither tenants44 nor serfs, but became chattels to men of their own race, once their companions and perhaps even their followers. At the end of the second Salic dynasty very few free laborers47 existed, and kidnapping, especially on the sea-coasts, became common.
Charlemagne, as previously48 mentioned, tried to regulate and alleviate49 the condition of the bondmen and chattels. His capitularies forbade the selling[Pg 212] of chattels beyond the kingdom; and whoever violated this law became a slave himself. Slaves were to be sold in the presence of the count or the bishop50, or their lieutenants51, or notables, but not surreptitiously, or from one person to another, without being controlled by the authorities; and heavy fines also followed all violations52 of this law. Notwithstanding all this, however, Norman and Saracen wars and invasions, together with Frankish taxations and exactions, kept the country in the same state of desolation as during the centuries of the agonizing53 empire. Scarcely any towns existed, and the few large cities were scattered54 at enormous distances one from the other. Fastnesses, castles, burghs and fortified55 monasteries56 dotted the land; even they, however, being separated from each other by great forests and marshes57. The poor and oppressed serfs and chattels were hunted and kidnapped, and no place of refuge existed for them.
Under Charlemagne, public order and protection to the free tenants, serfs and chattels, existed to as high a degree as was possible at that epoch; but with his death all this disappeared. The crisis which then occurred and which ended in consolidating58 the feudal social structure, was even more terrible than the epoch of invasions. The poor classes and the serfs and chattels, as we might suppose, suffered most. The tenth century marks the triumph of the feudal régime, and with this triumph chattelhood (mancipium) disappears from the laws and the usage of the oppressive masters. The chattels now became hered[Pg 213]itary bondmen or serfs, and were no longer objects of sale or of traffic. They could not be separated from their families, but were established in villages; and the slave traffic was carried on solely59 in Saracens and other heathen.
In all other respects serfdom preserved almost all the most revolting features of ancient domestic slavery. The feudal lord employed the serfs as tillers of his soil, and the harvests they raised were the chief sources of his income; while they likewise formed his followers in his feuds60 with feudal neighbors or with his lords paramount—the counts, dukes, and kings. The feudal lord did not sell his serfs—as the churches, synods, and councils all united in condemning61 the traffic in Christians62.
The present serf, tiller, and laborer45, all over Western Europe, was the younger, outlawed63 member of the human family, and so now are our Southern chattels.
For a long time the difference between serfdom and ancient chattelhood was discernible only with great difficulty. The collar worn by chattels since the time of Augustus remained on the necks of the serfs (and these, too, not adscripti gleb?), with the expression—"I belong," or with the name of the master cut thereon. This was the custom in England with the Anglo-Saxon serfs of the Athelstanes and the Cedrics, so that the ancestry64 of the haughty65 Anglo-Saxon slaveholding American barons of the present day wore collars!
The feudal order was firmly established. Below the social hierarchy66, composed of free fiefs, and estates[Pg 214] belonging to nobles, churches, and monasteries (all of them free from taxation and public servitude), descend67 another social grade, whose only badges were humiliations, sufferings, toils68, and martyrdom. Servitude and serfdom had similar gradations among the peasantry and workmen bound to the soil of their feudal master as existed among the barons, nobles, abbots, etc., in their various relations and duties of vassalage69.
A few towns and boroughs70 began to spring up from the same social soil whence arose those of Germany. But the immense majority of the nobles and owners of cities considered their inhabitants, at the best, as but half free, as tributaries71 or censitaires, and continually attempted to plunge72 them deeper into servitude and villeinage. The remnants of the independent yeomanry, free tenantry, copyholders, etc., rapidly disappeared. These descendants of the conquerors—of kindred race, too, with the barons—accepted servitude in order to find patronage73 and alleviation74 from further oppression, or else sought refuge in the cities and towns, abandoning their homesteads, which were seized by the feudal baron34 and annexed75 to his estate.
All along the twelve or fifteen centuries which extend from the decline of the Greek and Roman republics and the first days of the empire down to the consolidation76 of feudalism, it is evident that similar causes were ever in operation, depriving the poor of their property, their labor46, and finally of their liberty—a result, too, brought about in every case in an identical manner. In this, as in many other things,[Pg 215] the history of the human race and its disorders77 and woes78 is a record of almost continuous analogies.
The smaller feudal masters, afterward called hoberaux, were generally the most cruel and inhuman79 then, as well as afterward, during the long protracted80 centuries of serfdom of the French peasantry. Tyranny always becomes fiercer and more maddened in proportion as the circle of its power and action is diminished. Is it not so also on American slave plantations81?
It has been already mentioned, that the kings and the more powerful feudal vassals82 began to erect30 towns, and that these towns served as refuges for the homeless, and also for the serfs. The lesser83 nobles and the feudalized clergy84 often upbraided85 the kings for thus depopulating their estates; while the barons who owned the cities soon exasperated86 their inhabitants by their exactions and cruelties.
Such were the prominent domestic and economic features of the times of feudalism and chivalry87 in France, as over the whole of Europe. It is for other reasons that, in the minds of some, a halo still surrounds their memory and their name. But, penetrating88 behind that halo, what a horrid89 spectacle of tyranny, oppression, and cruelty meets the eye! The sham90 chivalry of our Slave States has not even the shadow of such an aureola to hide its hideousness91. The cruel and reckless barons sprang from a reckless race, in an age of darkness: they had no other traditions from the past, no other example before them. But the American chivalry and knight-errants of slavery spit[Pg 216] on all the noble traditions transmitted by their sires. They have before their eyes the spectacle of freedom generating prosperity in all ages. And yet with all this do they deliberately92 turn their backs upon the light, and rush heedlessly toward dark barbarity.
The feudal rights of the barons in the products and earnings94 of the tradesmen and workmen, as well as in the person and labor of the serfs, together with their right of civil and criminal jurisdiction95, were all the result of successive usurpations.
Toward the end of the eleventh, and especially in the twelfth century, the cities and towns rose against their feudal oppressors. This great movement was not preconcerted, nor was it instigated96 by outside conspirators97. The cities, goaded98 by exactions and oppressions, rose separately, and each one on its own account. The impulse came from man's natural aspirations99 for freedom and justice, and his hatred of tyranny. The true conspirators were the nobles who oppressed the cities. Louis VI., of immortal100 memory, aided the cities in their efforts to form themselves into communes, gave them charters, and relieved them from the power of the barons; in short, he did every thing possible to undermine the power of the nobles, and prevent them from pillaging101, torturing, and murdering the people. But the emancipation102 of the cities was finally achieved only by blood; and the kings, moved by humanity as well as policy, supported the citizens in their efforts, and thus reduced the tyrannic and unruly barons and nobles. The nobles, small and great,[Pg 217] in France as in other parts of Europe, resisted with arms the communal103 emancipation. They proclaimed and treated as rebels and subverters of order and society, all who tried to reconquer their liberty, as well as all those who advocated the cause of the oppressed. Does not the same phenomenon reappear in our own time and country?
With the emancipation of the cities and the formation of communes, civilization began to illumine the horizon of France. But this great social event had not such a direct influence on the condition of the rural populations in France as it had in Italy. Still the serfs found a safe refuge in the now independent cities.
The crusades acted in the same way on the condition of the peasantry in France, as they did in Germany, Flanders, etc.
Successively, kings began to regulate and alleviate the condition of the serfs on their domains104, gradually interposing to limit the power of the nobles over their serfs. A chronicler of that time (twelfth century), says: "Cetera censuum exactiones qu? servis infligi solent (nobles) omnimodis vacent." The French legists of the thirteenth century, inspired by Ulpian and Roman law, the study of which was again revived by a decree of Louis IX., declared that every man on the soil of France is or ought to be free, by right as well as by the law of nature. Subsequently this axiom was considered applicable even to Saracens, Mahomedans, Africans, and all races, creeds105, and nationalities. Louis IX. was the friend of the oppressed and the re[Pg 218]dresser of the wrongs of the peasantry. He abolished the more oppressive servitudes in the domains, and tried to humanize the nobles.
The great principle of liberty asserted by the legists of the thirteenth century, was in the fourteenth embodied106 in a law or edict of Louis X., which decreed that the serfs might pay off their personal and rural obligation to the nobles and become free tenants. This law was very generally carried out in the royal domains, but did not find much favor among the nobles or in the feudalized church. At that time, moreover, many serfs and peasants, from poverty, mental degradation107, and shiftlessness, and others from distrust of the law and the nobles, refused the freedom offered to them. In several provinces, disorders even resulted from their resistance, especially in those places where the conditions dictated108 by the seneschals (royal overseers), nobles, and priests, were so oppressive as to make free tenantry no better than bondage109; and for this reason, also, serfs who had obtained their liberty often returned to servitude. In defence of American chattelhood, it is asserted that many chattels spurn110 the idea of emancipation; that many of them, when emancipated111, return, of their own choice, into slavery, and that they are too degraded to appreciate freedom, and too shiftless to achieve its rewards. These very reasons, based on facts similar to those now set forth112, were urged by the French feudal masters against the efforts of the government to liberate93 the oppressed whites.
[Pg 219]
The consequences of a bodily as of a social disorder38 are frequently of protracted duration. The oppression of centuries so destroys the mind and manhood of the oppressed that they consider slavery their normal condition, even as physical monstrosities have sometimes been regarded by their possessors as the symbols of beauty and health. Such incurables113 may even be found among the now free descendants of social, political, national, and legal bondmen—among the descendants of those who in former times were covered with contempt, and who suffered unutterable social degradation. Such are the Irish, en masse, and some others who escape oppression in Europe only to support slavery in America.
Personal serfdom and vassalage began to be gradually modified; but on the estates of the clergy and nobility it lasted till near the eighteenth century, still preserving several of its worst features. Nowhere in Europe was the peasant so long and so grievously oppressed as in France; nowhere did he take such terrible but just revenge. Insurrections of the peasantry in various parts of France form an almost uninterrupted historic series, of which the great revolution was the fitting climax114.
The repeated bagaudies of the Gallic peasantry have been already mentioned: the next revolt was in the tenth century, when the serfs and peasants of Neustr? (Normandy) rose against the Northmen, who had just established themselves, and who tried to transform them into chattels; and another rising[Pg 220] took place about the same time in Brittany. Beside many partial uprisings against particular strongholds or districts, the most general and most celebrated115 were those of the pastouraux, in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries—one of which was directed principally against the feudalized clergy—and the repeated jacqueries. Indeed, during the fourteenth century, the whole of Europe might be said to be divided into two great hostile camps: the nobles with their exactions and oppressions forming one, and the laborers, peasants and serfs, resisting their oppressors with battle-axe and fire, forming the other. And thus the oppressed everywhere hewed116 out their path to freedom and civilization.
The fifteenth, sixteenth and seventeenth centuries had their various revolts, sometimes evoked117 by governmental measures and maladministration, but far oftener stirred up by the reckless and cruel treatment of the laborer by the nobles—against whom both the law and royal authority were too often inefficient118 and powerless.
Then came the epoch of atonement and of justice—1789-1793. Then germinated119 the seeds which had been sown for centuries in the social soil by the oppressors, and then, too, was gathered the bloody120 harvest.
The present rural population or peasantry of France, the descendants of serfs and chattels, now possess the same civil and political rights as any other class in the nation—rights more ample than are enjoyed by[Pg 221] any other peasantry in Europe. They have, of course, still to suffer various evils arising from the common imperfection of all social structures; but no special degradation is attached to their birth or their condition.
The first glimpses of mental culture, in the earliest medi?val night, came from the monasteries—from monks121 who generally belonged to the conquered race, or sprang from chattels and serfs. Indeed, almost all the modern European civilization was elaborated in the cities by the so-called middle classes, and by peasants. Luther and Kepler were the sons of poor peasants; and the sires of the immense majority of the European middle classes, at one time or another, were chattels, serfs, or bondmen, who were for ages considered and treated as brutes122 by the nobles and barons. All over Europe many of the genealogies123 of aristocratic families ascend124 to slaves, serfs and villeins.
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1
aggravated
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| 使恶化( aggravate的过去式和过去分词 )； 使更严重； 激怒； 使恼火 | |
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treasury
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| n.宝库；国库，金库；文库 | |
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reigns
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| n.君主的统治( reign的名词复数 )；君主统治时期；任期；当政期 | |
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merged
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| （使）混合( merge的过去式和过去分词 )； 相融； 融入； 渐渐消失在某物中 | |
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tributary
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| n.支流；纳贡国；adj.附庸的；辅助的；支流的 | |
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colons
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| n.冒号( colon的名词复数 )；结肠 | |
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chattels
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| n.动产，奴隶( chattel的名词复数 ) | |
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barbarians
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| n.野蛮人( barbarian的名词复数 )；外国人；粗野的人；无教养的人 | |
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colonists
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| n.殖民地开拓者，移民，殖民地居民( colonist的名词复数 ) | |
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paramount
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| a.最重要的，最高权力的 | |
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subdued
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| adj. 屈服的，柔和的，减弱的 动词subdue的过去式和过去分词 | |
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interfere
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| v.(in)干涉，干预；(with)妨碍，打扰 | |
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conquerors
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| 征服者，占领者( conqueror的名词复数 ) | |
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influential
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| adj.有影响的，有权势的 | |
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belligerent
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| adj.好战的，挑起战争的；n.交战国，交战者 | |
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confiscated
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| 没收，充公( confiscate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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epoch
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| n.(新)时代；历元 | |
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villa
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| n.别墅，城郊小屋 | |
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villas
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| 别墅，公馆( villa的名词复数 )； （城郊）住宅 | |
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fortify
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| v.强化防御，为…设防；加强，强化 | |
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afterward
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| adv.后来；以后 | |
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feudal
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| adj.封建的，封地的，领地的 | |
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borough
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| n.享有自治权的市镇；(英)自治市镇 | |
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taxation
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| n.征税，税收，税金 | |
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impoverished
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| adj.穷困的，无力的，用尽了的v.使（某人）贫穷( impoverish的过去式和过去分词 )；使（某物）贫瘠或恶化 | |
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hereditary
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| adj.遗传的，遗传性的，可继承的，世袭的 | |
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hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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mansions
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| n.宅第，公馆，大厦( mansion的名词复数 ) | |
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erect
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| n./v.树立，建立，使竖立；adj.直立的，垂直的 | |
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31
ERECTED
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| adj. 直立的，竖立的，笔直的 vt. 使 ... 直立，建立 | |
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32
derived
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| vi.起源；由来；衍生；导出v.得到( derive的过去式和过去分词 )；（从…中）得到获得；源于；（从…中）提取 | |
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citizenship
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| n.市民权，公民权，国民的义务(身份) | |
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baron
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| n.男爵；(商业界等)巨头，大王 | |
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barons
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| 男爵( baron的名词复数 )； 巨头； 大王； 大亨 | |
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primitive
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| adj.原始的；简单的；n.原(始)人，原始事物 | |
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civilizing
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| v.使文明，使开化( civilize的现在分词 ) | |
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disorder
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| n.紊乱，混乱；骚动，骚乱；疾病，失调 | |
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prey
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| n.被掠食者，牺牲者，掠食；v.捕食，掠夺，折磨 | |
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savage
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| adj.野蛮的；凶恶的，残暴的；n.未开化的人 | |
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rigor
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| n.严酷，严格，严厉 | |
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utterly
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| adv.完全地，绝对地 | |
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patrimonies
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| n.祖传的财物，继承物，遗产( patrimony的名词复数 ) | |
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tenants
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| n.房客( tenant的名词复数 )；佃户；占用者；占有者 | |
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laborer
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| n.劳动者，劳工 | |
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labor
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| n.劳动，努力，工作，劳工；分娩；vi.劳动，努力，苦干；vt.详细分析；麻烦 | |
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47
laborers
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| n.体力劳动者，工人( laborer的名词复数 )；（熟练工人的）辅助工 | |
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48
previously
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| adv.以前，先前（地） | |
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49
alleviate
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| v.减轻，缓和，缓解(痛苦等) | |
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50
bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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51
lieutenants
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| n.陆军中尉( lieutenant的名词复数 )；副职官员；空军；仅低于…官阶的官员 | |
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52
violations
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| 违反( violation的名词复数 )； 冒犯； 违反（行为、事例）； 强奸 | |
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53
agonizing
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| adj.痛苦难忍的；使人苦恼的v.使极度痛苦；折磨(agonize的ing形式) | |
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54
scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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55
fortified
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| adj. 加强的 | |
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56
monasteries
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| 修道院( monastery的名词复数 ) | |
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57
marshes
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| n.沼泽，湿地( marsh的名词复数 ) | |
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58
consolidating
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| v.（使）巩固， （使）加强( consolidate的现在分词 )；（使）合并 | |
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59
solely
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| adv.仅仅，唯一地 | |
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60
feuds
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| n.长期不和，世仇( feud的名词复数 ) | |
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61
condemning
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| v.（通常因道义上的原因而）谴责( condemn的现在分词 )；宣判；宣布…不能使用；迫使…陷于不幸的境地 | |
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62
Christians
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| n.基督教徒( Christian的名词复数 ) | |
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63
outlawed
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| 宣布…为不合法（outlaw的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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64
ancestry
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| n.祖先，家世 | |
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65
haughty
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| adj.傲慢的，高傲的 | |
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66
hierarchy
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| n.等级制度；统治集团，领导层 | |
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67
descend
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| vt./vi.传下来，下来，下降 | |
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68
toils
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| 网 | |
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69
vassalage
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| n.家臣身份，隶属 | |
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70
boroughs
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| （尤指大伦敦的）行政区( borough的名词复数 )； 议会中有代表的市镇 | |
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71
tributaries
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| n. 支流 | |
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72
plunge
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| v.跳入，(使)投入，(使)陷入；猛冲 | |
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73
patronage
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| n.赞助，支援，援助；光顾，捧场 | |
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74
alleviation
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| n. 减轻，缓和，解痛物 | |
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75
annexed
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| [法] 附加的，附属的 | |
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76
consolidation
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| n.合并,巩固 | |
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77
disorders
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| n.混乱( disorder的名词复数 )；凌乱；骚乱；（身心、机能）失调 | |
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78
woes
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| 困境( woe的名词复数 )； 悲伤； 我好苦哇； 某人就要倒霉 | |
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79
inhuman
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| adj.残忍的，不人道的，无人性的 | |
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80
protracted
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| adj.拖延的；延长的v.拖延“protract”的过去式和过去分词 | |
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81
plantations
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| n.种植园，大农场( plantation的名词复数 ) | |
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82
vassals
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| n.奴仆( vassal的名词复数 )；（封建时代）诸侯；从属者；下属 | |
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83
lesser
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| adj.次要的，较小的；adv.较小地，较少地 | |
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84
clergy
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| n.[总称]牧师，神职人员 | |
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85
upbraided
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| v.责备，申斥，谴责( upbraid的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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exasperated
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| adj.恼怒的 | |
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87
chivalry
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| n.骑士气概，侠义；（男人）对女人彬彬有礼，献殷勤 | |
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penetrating
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| adj.（声音）响亮的，尖锐的adj.（气味）刺激的adj.（思想）敏锐的，有洞察力的 | |
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horrid
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| adj.可怕的；令人惊恐的；恐怖的；极讨厌的 | |
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sham
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| n./adj.假冒(的)，虚伪(的) | |
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91
hideousness
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92
deliberately
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| adv.审慎地；蓄意地；故意地 | |
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liberate
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| v.解放，使获得自由，释出，放出；vt.解放，使获自由 | |
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94
earnings
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| n.工资收人；利润，利益，所得 | |
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95
jurisdiction
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| n.司法权，审判权，管辖权，控制权 | |
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96
instigated
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| v.使（某事物）开始或发生，鼓动( instigate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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conspirators
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| n.共谋者，阴谋家( conspirator的名词复数 ) | |
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98
goaded
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| v.刺激( goad的过去式和过去分词 )；激励；（用尖棒）驱赶；驱使（或怂恿、刺激）某人 | |
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99
aspirations
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| 强烈的愿望( aspiration的名词复数 )； 志向； 发送气音； 发 h 音 | |
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immortal
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| adj.不朽的；永生的，不死的；神的 | |
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101
pillaging
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| v.抢劫，掠夺( pillage的现在分词 ) | |
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102
emancipation
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| n.（从束缚、支配下）解放 | |
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103
communal
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| adj.公有的，公共的，公社的，公社制的 | |
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104
domains
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| n.范围( domain的名词复数 )；领域；版图；地产 | |
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105
creeds
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| （尤指宗教）信条，教条( creed的名词复数 ) | |
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106
embodied
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| v.表现( embody的过去式和过去分词 )；象征；包括；包含 | |
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107
degradation
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| n.降级；低落；退化；陵削；降解；衰变 | |
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108
dictated
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| v.大声讲或读( dictate的过去式和过去分词 )；口授；支配；摆布 | |
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109
bondage
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| n.奴役，束缚 | |
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110
spurn
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| v.拒绝，摈弃；n.轻视的拒绝；踢开 | |
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111
emancipated
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| adj.被解放的，不受约束的v.解放某人（尤指摆脱政治、法律或社会的束缚）( emancipate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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112
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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113
incurables
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| 无法治愈，不可救药( incurable的名词复数 ) | |
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114
climax
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| n.顶点；高潮；v.(使)达到顶点 | |
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115
celebrated
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| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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116
hewed
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| v.（用斧、刀等）砍、劈( hew的过去式和过去分词 )；砍成；劈出；开辟 | |
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117
evoked
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| [医]诱发的 | |
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118
inefficient
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| adj.效率低的，无效的 | |
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119
germinated
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| v.（使）发芽( germinate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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120
bloody
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| adj.非常的的；流血的；残忍的；adv.很；vt.血染 | |
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121
monks
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| n.修道士，僧侣( monk的名词复数 ) | |
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122
brutes
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| 兽( brute的名词复数 )； 畜生； 残酷无情的人； 兽性 | |
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123
genealogies
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| n.系谱，家系，宗谱( genealogy的名词复数 ) | |
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124
ascend
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| vi.渐渐上升，升高；vt.攀登，登上 | |
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